GO TO MASTER HISTORY OF QUAKERISM

19TH-CENTURY PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND (CONTINUED)

“So long as the past and present are outside one another, knowledge of the past is not of much use in the problems of the present. But suppose the past lives on in the present: suppose, though encapsulated in it, and at first sight hidden beneath the present’s contradictory and more prominent features, it is still alive and active; then the historian may very well be related to the non-historian as the trained woodsman is to the ignorant traveller.”

— R.G. Collingwood, AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939, page 100

“I go the way that Providence dictates with all the assurance of a sleepwalker.”

—Adolf Hitler, 1936, München

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1834

THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANACK FOR 1834. By Isaac Bickerstaff. Providence, Rhode Island: Hugh H. Brown.

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At the institution of higher education which would become Brown University, the original College Edifice of 1770, which is on the right in the postcard image below, had been supplemented in 1822 by the Hope College structure on the left. In this year Manning Hall was being added, between these two edifices.)

A Providence lawyer named Thomas Dorr was elected to the Rhode Island legislature.

READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT At this point the Providence, Rhode Island Baptists renovated their meetinghouse, removing the 126 square pews on the main floor. They tore out the old pulpit and sounding board and installed a pulpit having long slips.

Zachariah Allen invented an automatic steam-engine cutoff.

A facetious monody on Sam Patch of Pawtucket, Rhode Island was issued by Robert C. Sands in his

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WRITINGS, in volume 2, on page 347.

ROBERT C. SANDS

January 31, Friday: Duelists from Boston fought on the Moses Brown farm (it seems likely that the duel occurred near the Cold Spring on the Providence, Rhode Island side of the Red Bridge). The duelists were Robert C. Hooper, Esq., a merchant, and Joseph Jones, Esq. (familiarly known as “Shocko” Jones because his hometown was Shocko, North Carolina). The North Carolinian was a student at the Harvard Law School and the quarrel was over an alleged slur on the honor of a Miss Marian Marshall. The duel was fought with pistols at eight paces. After exchanging shots the parties returned to Boston, arriving at Tremont House at 11:30 P.M.

Daniel Webster delivered an address on “The Removal of the Deposts” in the US Senate in which he derogated the presumption that the poor, because they are poor, inherently harbor animosity toward the rich, because they are rich. What a silly supposition, the exact opposite of the truth!1 Sir, there is one other subject on which I wish to raise my voice. There is a topic which I perceive is to become the general war-cry of party, on which I take the liberty to warn the country against delusion. Sir, the cry is to be raised that this is a question between the poor and the rich. I know, Sir, it has been proclaimed, that one thing was certain, that there was always a hatred on the part of the poor toward the rich; and that this hatred would support the late measures, and the putting down of the bank. Sir, I will not be silent at the threat of such a detestable fraud on public opinion. If but ten men, or one man, in the nation will hear my voice, I will still warn them against this attempted imposition. Mr. President, this is an eventful moment. On the great questions which occupy us, we all look for some decisive movement of public opinion. As I wish that movement to be free, intelligent, and unbiassed, the true manifestation of the public will, I desire to prepare the country for another appeal, which 1. Edwin P. Whipple’s THE GREAT SPEECHES AND ORATIONS OF DANIEL WEBSTER WITH AN ESSAY ON DANIEL WEBSTER AS A MASTER OF ENGLISH STYLE (Boston: Little, Brown, 1879).

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I perceive is about to be made to popular prejudice, another attempt to obscure all distinct views of the public good, to overwhelm all patriotism and all enlightened self-interest, by loud cries against false danger, and by exciting the passions of one class against another. I am not mistaken in the omen; I see the magazine whence the weapons of this warfare are to be drawn. I hear already the din of the hammering of arms preparatory to the combat. They may be such arms, perhaps, as reason, and justice, and honest patriotism cannot resist. Every effort at resistance, it is possible, may be feeble and powerless; but, for one, I shall make an effort, — an effort to be begun now, and to be carried on and continued, with untiring zeal, till the end of the contest. Sir, I see, in those vehicles which carry to the people sentiments from high places, plain declarations that the present controversy is but a strife between one part of the community and another. I hear it boasted as the unfailing security, the solid ground, never to be shaken, on which recent measures rest, that the poor naturally hate the rich. I know that, under the cover of the roofs of the Capitol, within the last twenty-four hours, among men sent here to devise means for the public safety and the public good, it has been vaunted forth, as matter of boast and triumph, that one cause existed powerful enough to support every thing and to defend every thing; and that was, the natural hatred of the poor to the rich. Sir, I pronounce the author of such sentiments to be guilty of attempting a detestable fraud on the community; a double fraud; a fraud which is to cheat men out of their property, and out of the earnings of their labor, by first cheating them out of their understandings. “The natural hatred of the poor to the rich!” Sir, it shall not be till the last moment of my existence, —it shall be only when I am drawn to the verge of oblivion, when I shall cease to have respect or affection for any thing on earth, —that I will believe the people of the United States capable of being effectually deluded, cajoled, and driven about in herds, by such abominable frauds as this. If they shall sink to that point, if they so far cease to be men, thinking men, intelligent men, as to yield to such pretences and such clamor, they will be slaves already; slaves to their own passions, slaves to the fraud and knavery of pretended friends. They will deserve to be blotted out of all the records of freedom; they ought not to dishonor the cause of self-government, by attempting any longer to exercise it; they ought to keep their unworthy hands entirely off from the cause of republican liberty, if they are capable of being the victims of artifices so shallow, of tricks so stale, so threadbare, so often practised, so much worn out, on serfs and slaves. “The natural hatred of the poor against the rich!” “The danger of a moneyed aristocracy!” “A power as great and dangerous as that resisted by the Revolution!” “A call to a new declaration of independence!” Sir, I admonish the people against the object of outcries like these. I admonish every industrious laborer in

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the country to be on his guard against such delusion. I tell him the attempt is to play off his passions against his interests, and to prevail on him, in the name of liberty, to destroy all the fruits of liberty; in the name of patriotism, to injure and afflict his country; and in the name of his own independence, to destroy that very independence, and make him a beggar and a slave. Has he a dollar? He is advised to do that which will destroy half its value. Has he hands to labor? Let him rather fold them, and sit still, than be pushed on, by fraud and artifice, to support measures which will render his labor useless and hopeless. Sir, the very man, of all others, who has the deepest interest in a sound currency, and who suffers most by mischievous legislation in money matters, is the man who earns his daily bread by his daily toil. A depreciated currency, sudden changes of prices, paper money, falling between morning and noon, and falling still lower between noon and night, — these things constitute the very harvest-time of speculators, and of the whole race of those who are at once idle and crafty; and of that other race, too, the Catilines of all times, marked, so as to be known for ever by one stroke of the historian’s pen, those greedy of other men’s property and prodigal of their own. Capitalists, too, may outlive such times. They may either prey on the earnings of labor, by their cent. per cent., or they may hoard. But the laboring man, what can he hoard? Preying on nobody, he becomes the prey of all. His property is in his hands. His reliance, his fund, his productive freehold, his all, is his labor. Whether he work on his own small capital, or another’s, his living is still earned by his industry; and when the money of the country becomes depreciated and debased, whether it be adulterated coin or paper without credit, that industry is robbed of its reward. He then labors for a country whose laws cheat him out of his bread. I would say to every owner of every quarter-section of land in the West, I would say to every man in the East who follows his own plough, and to every mechanic, artisan, and laborer in every city in the country, — I would say to every man, everywhere, who wishes by honest means to gain an honest living, “Beware of wolves in sheep’s clothing. Whoever attempts, under whatever popular cry, to shake the stability of the public currency, bring on distress in money matters, and drive the country into the use of paper money, stabs your interest and your happiness to the heart.” The herd of hungry wolves who live on other men’s earnings will rejoice in such a state of things. A system which absorbs into their pockets the fruits of other men’s industry is the very system for them. A government that produces or countenances uncertainty, fluctuations, violent risings and fallings in prices, and, finally, paper money, is a government exactly after their own heart. Hence these men are always for change. They will never let well enough alone. A condition of public affairs in which property is safe, industry certain of its reward, and every man secure in his own hard-earned gains, is no paradise

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for them. Give them just the reverse of this state of things; bring on change, and change after change; let it not be known to-day what will be the value of property to-morrow; let no man be able to say whether the money in his pockets at night will be money or worthless rags in the morning; and depress labor till double work shall earn but half a living, — give them this state of things, and you give them the consummation of their earthly bliss. Sir, the great interest of this great country, the producing cause of all its prosperity, is labor! labor! labor! We are a laboring community. A vast majority of us all live by industry and actual employment in some of their forms. The Constitution was made to protect this industry, to give it both encouragement and security; but, above all, security. To that very end, with that precise object in view, power was given to Congress over the currency, and over the money system of the country. In forty years’ experience, we have found nothing at all adequate to the beneficial execution of this trust but a well-conducted national bank. That has been tried, returned to, tried again, and always found successful. If it be not the proper thing for us, let it be soberly argued against; let something better be proposed; let the country examine the matter coolly, and decide for itself. But whoever shall attempt to carry a question of this kind by clamor, and violence, and prejudice; whoever would rouse the people by appeals, false and fraudulent appeals, to their love of independence, to resist the establishment of a useful institution, because it is a bank, and deals in money, and who artfully urges these appeals wherever he thinks there is more of honest feeling than of enlightened judgment, — means nothing but deception. And whoever has the wickedness to conceive, and the hardihood to avow, a purpose to break down what has been found, in forty years’ experience, essential to the protection of all interests, by arraying one class against another, and by acting on such a principle as that the poor always hate the rich, shows himself the reckless enemy of all. An enemy to his whole country, to all classes, and to every man in it, he deserves to be marked especially as the poor man’s curse!

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February 19, Wednesday: The main problem of the era, or at least the main perceived problem, in Rhode Island, was that the Charter of 1663 was being used to deny voting rights to thousands of men in the growing urban industrial areas of the state, thus retaining power for the old Yankee farmers.

Faced with continuing taxation without representation, the workingmen of Providence met to choose delegates to a proposed convention. Various middle-class reformers, including Thomas Dorr, took part in this popular

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movement.

READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT There were of course, as always in politics, strange bedfellows. Representative James De Wolf of Bristol, he of the filthy-rich slavetrading family, would introduce a petition in the Rhode Island House of Representatives, to do away with the “freehold” qualification for voting under which an adult white male citizen could vote only if he was the holder of real estate worthing at least $134.00. Representative De Wolf’s petition would point at the fact that our Declaration of Independence had alleged that “all men are created equal,” and that therefore there ought to be “universal” suffrage, almost as if this De Wolf family believed in equality of all before the law. (By “universal” Representative De Wolf did not of course intend to include children, or women, or the descendants of the black slaves who had been brought over from the coast of Africa on slave ships by his family. That would have been preposterous.)

Thomas Dorr was himself personally in favor of black suffrage but, at the People’s Convention, he would be able to persuade only 17 persons to vote with him on this, while 46 would vote against black suffrage. The outcome of this vote would be that the Dorrites would lose the support both of the Rhode Island blacks, and of the white abolitionists.

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February 22, Saturday: A convention of Rhode Island workingmen met in Providence, drafted a set of 19 resolutions for reform, and organized a political party to support candidates for the General Assembly pledged to the reform list, to be known as the Constitutional Party.

READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT

Cesar Franck won the First Prize in piano at the Royal Conservatory of Liege.

Senator Daniel Webster spoke before the Senate of the United States of America on the topic of “A Redeemable Paper Currency”:2 Mr. President,—The honorable member from Georgia stated yesterday, more distinctly than I have before learned it, what that experiment is which the government is now trying on the revenues and the currency, and, I may add, on the commerce, manufactures, and agriculture of this country. If I rightly apprehend him, this experiment is an attempt to return to an exclusive specie currency, first, by employing the State banks as a substitute for the Bank of the United States; and then by dispensing with the use of the State banks themselves. This, Sir, is the experiment. I thank the gentleman for thus stating its character. He has done his duty, and dealt fairly with the people, by this exhibition of what the views of the executive government are, at this interesting moment. It is certainly most proper that the people should see distinctly to what end or for what object it is that so much suffering is already upon them, and so much more already in visible and near prospect.

2. Edwin P. Whipple’s THE GREAT SPEECHES AND ORATIONS OF DANIEL WEBSTER WITH AN ESSAY ON DANIEL WEBSTER AS A MASTER OF ENGLISH STYLE (Boston: Little, Brown, 1879).

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And now, Sir, is it possible,—is it possible that twelve millions of intelligent people can be expected voluntarily to subject themselves to severe distress, of unknown duration, for the purpose of making trial of an experiment like this? Will a nation that is intelligent, well informed of its own interest, enlightened, and capable of self-government, submit to suffer embarrassment in all its pursuits, loss of capital, loss of employment, and a sudden and dead stop in its onward movement in the path of prosperity and wealth, until it shall be ascertained whether this new-hatched theory shall answer the hopes of those who have devised it? Is the country to be persuaded to bear every thing, and bear patiently, until the operation of such an experiment, adopted for such an avowed object, and adopted, too, without the co-operation or consent of Congress, and by the executive power alone, shall exhibit its results? In the name of the hundreds of thousands of our suffering fellow- citizens, I ask, for what reasonable end is this experiment to be tried? What great and good object, worth so much cost, is it to accomplish? What enormous evil is to be remedied by all this inconvenience and all this suffering? What great calamity is to be averted? Have the people thronged our doors, and loaded our tables with petitions for relief against the pressure of some political mischief, some notorious misrule, which this experiment is to redress? Has it been resorted to in an hour of misfortune, calamity, or peril, to save the state? Is it a measure of remedy, yielded to the importunate cries of an agitated and distressed nation? Far, Sir, very far from all this. There was no calamity, there was no suffering, there was no peril, when these measures began. At the moment when this experiment was entered upon, these twelve millions of people were prosperous and happy, not only beyond the example of all others, but even beyond their own example in times past. There was no pressure of public or private distress throughout the whole land. All business was prosperous, all industry was rewarded, and cheerfulness and content universally prevailed. Yet, in the midst of all this enjoyment, with so much to heighten and so little to mar it, this experiment comes upon us, to harass and oppress us at present, and to affright us for the future. Sir, it is incredible; the world abroad will not believe it; it is difficult even for us to credit, who see it with our own eyes, that the country, at such a moment, should put itself upon an experiment fraught with such immediate and overwhelming evils, and threatening the property and the employments of the people, and all their social and political blessings, with severe and long-enduring future inflictions. And this experiment, with all its cost, is to be tried, for what? Why, simply, Sir, to enable us to try another “experiment”; and that other experiment is, to see whether an exclusive specie currency may not be better than a currency partly specie and partly bank paper! The object which it is hoped we may effect, by patiently treading this path of endurance, is to banish all

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bank paper, of all kinds, and to have coined money, and coined money only, as the actual currency of the country! Now, Sir, I altogether deny that such an object is at all desirable, even if it could be attained. I know, indeed, that all paper ought to circulate on a specie basis; that all bank- notes, to be safe, must be convertible into gold and silver at the will of the holder; and I admit, too, that the issuing of very small notes by many of the State banks has too much reduced the amount of specie actually circulating. It may be remembered that I called the attention of Congress to this subject in 1832, and that the bill which then passed both houses for renewing the bank charter contained a provision designed to produce some restraint on the circulation of very small notes. I admit there are conveniences in making small payments in specie; and I have always, not only admitted, but contended, that, if all issues of bank-notes under five dollars were discontinued, much more specie would be retained in the country, and in the circulation; and that great security would result from this. But we are now debating about an exclusive specie currency; and I deny that an exclusive specie currency is the best currency for any highly commercial country; and I deny, especially, that such a currency would be best suited to the condition and circumstances of the United States. With the enlightened writers and practical statesmen of all commercial communities in modern times, I have supposed it to be admitted that a well regulated, properly restrained, safely limited paper currency, circulating on an adequate specie basis, was a thing to be desired, a political public advantage to be obtained, if it might be obtained; and, more especially, I have supposed that in a new country, with resources not yet half developed, with a rapidly increasing population and a constant demand for more and more capital,—that is to say, in just such a country as the United States are, I have supposed that it was admitted that there are particular and extraordinary advantages in a safe and well regulated paper currency; because in such a country well regulated bank paper not only supplies a convenient medium of payments and of exchange, but also, by the expansion of that medium in a reasonable and safe degree, the amount of circulation is kept more nearly commensurate with the constantly increasing amount of property; and an extended capital, in the shape of credit, comes to the aid of the enterprising and the industrious. It is precisely on this credit, created by reasonable expansion of the currency in a new country, that men of small capital carry on their business. It is exactly by means of this, that industry and enterprise are stimulated. If we were driven back to an exclusively metallic currency, the necessary and inevitable consequence would be, that all trade would fall into the hands of large capitalists. This is so plain, that no man of reflection can doubt it. I know not, therefore, in what words to express my astonishment, when I hear it said that the present measures of government are intended for the good of the many instead of the few, for the benefit of the poor, and against the rich; and

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when I hear it proposed, at the same moment, to do away with the whole system of credit, and place all trade and commerce, therefore, in the hands of those who have adequate capital to carry them on without the use of any credit at all. This, Sir, would be dividing society, by a precise, distinct, and well- defined line, into two classes; first, the small class, who have competent capital for trade, when credit is out of the question; and, secondly, the vastly numerous class of those whose living must become, in such a state of things, a mere manual occupation, without the use of capital or of any substitute for it. Now, Sir, it is the effect of a well-regulated system of paper credit to break in upon this line thus dividing the many from the few, and to enable more or less of the more numerous class to pass over it, and to participate in the profits of capital by means of a safe and convenient substitute for capital; and thus to diffuse far more widely the general earnings, and therefore the general prosperity and happiness, of society. Every man of observation must have witnessed, in this country, that men of heavy capital have constantly complained of bank circulation, and a consequent credit system, as injurious to the rights of capital. They undoubtedly feel its effects. All that is gained by the use of credit is just so much subtracted from the amount of their own accumulations, and so much the more has gone to the benefit of those who bestow their own labor and industry on capital in small amounts. To the great majority, this has been of incalculable benefit in the United States; and therefore, Sir, whoever attempts the entire overthrow of the system of bank credit aims a deadly blow at the interest of that great and industrious class, who, having some capital, cannot, nevertheless, transact business without some credit. He can mean nothing else, if he have any intelligible meaning at all, than to turn all such persons over to the long list of mere manual laborers. What else can they do, with not enough of absolute capital, and with no credit? This, Sir, this is the true tendency and the unavoidable result of these measures, which have been undertaken with the patriotic object of assisting the poor against the rich! I am well aware that bank credit may be abused. I know that there is another extreme, exactly the opposite of that of which I have now been speaking, and no less sedulously to be avoided. I know that the issue of bank paper may become excessive; that depreciation will then follow; and that the evils, the losses, and the frauds consequent on a disordered currency fall on the rich and the poor together, but with especial weight of ruin on the poor. I know that the system of bank credit must always rest on a specie basis, and that it constantly needs to be strictly guarded and properly restrained; and it may be so guarded and restrained. We need not give up the good which belongs to it, through fear of the evils which may follow from its abuse. We have the power to take security against these evils. It is our business, as statesmen, to adopt that security; it is our business not to prostrate, or attempt to prostrate, the system,

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but to use those means of precaution, restraint, and correction which experience has sanctioned, and which are ready at our hands. It would be to our everlasting reproach, it would be placing us below the general level of the intelligence of civilized states, to admit that we cannot contrive means to enjoy the benefits of bank circulation, and of avoiding, at the same time, its dangers. Indeed, Sir, no contrivance is necessary. It is contrivance, and the love of contrivance, that spoil all. We are destroying ourselves by a remedy which no evil called for. We are ruining perfect health by nostrums and quackery. We have lived hitherto under a well constructed, practical, and beneficial system; a system not surpassed by any in the world; and it seems to me to be presuming largely, largely indeed, on the credulity and self-denial of the people, to rush with such sudden and impetuous haste into new schemes and new theories, to overturn and annihilate all that we have so long found useful. Our system has hitherto been one in which paper has been circulating on the strength of a specie basis; that is to say, when every bank-note was convertible into specie at the will of the holder. This has been our guard against excess. While banks are bound to redeem their bills by paying gold and silver on demand, and are at all times able to do this, the currency is safe and convenient. Such a currency is not paper money, in its odious sense. It is not like the Continental paper of Revolutionary times; it is not like the worthless bills of banks which have suspended specie payments. On the contrary, it is the representative of gold and silver, and convertible into gold and silver on demand, and therefore answers the purposes of gold and silver; and so long as its credit is in this way sustained, it is the cheapest, the best, and the most convenient circulating medium. I have already endeavored to warn the country against irredeemable paper; against the paper of banks which do not pay specie for their own notes; against that miserable, abominable, and fraudulent policy, which attempts to give value to any paper, of any bank, one single moment longer than such paper is redeemable on demand in gold and silver. I wish most solemnly and earnestly to repeat that warning. I see danger of that state of things ahead. I see imminent danger that a portion of the State banks will stop specie payments. The late measure of the Secretary, and the infatuation with which it seems to be supported, tend directly and strongly to that result. Under pretence, then, of a design to return to a currency which shall be all specie, we are likely to have a currency in which there shall be no specie at all. We are in danger of being overwhelmed with irredeemable paper, mere paper, representing not gold nor silver; no, Sir, representing nothing but broken promises, bad faith, bankrupt corporations, cheated creditors, and a ruined people. This, I fear, Sir, may be the consequence, already alarmingly near, of this attempt, unwise if it be real, and grossly fraudulent if it be only pretended, of establishing an exclusively hard-money currency.

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But, Sir, if this shock could be avoided, and if we could reach the object of an exclusive metallic circulation, we should find in that very success serious and insurmountable inconveniences. We require neither irredeemable paper, nor yet exclusively hard money. We require a mixed system. We require specie, and we require, too, good bank paper, founded on specie, representing specie, and convertible into specie on demand. We require, in short, just such a currency as we have long enjoyed, and the advantages of which we seem now, with unaccountable rashness, about to throw away. I avow myself, therefore, decidedly against the object of a return to an exclusive specie currency. I find great difficulty, I confess, in believing any man serious in avowing such an object. It seems to me rather a subject for ridicule, at this age of the world, than for sober argument. But if it be true that any are serious for the return of the gold and silver age, I am seriously against it. Let us, Sir, anticipate, in imagination, the accomplishment of this grand experiment. Let us suppose that, at this moment, all bank paper were out of existence, and the country full of specie. Where, Sir, should we put it, and what should we do with it? Should we ship it, by cargoes, every day, from New York to New Orleans, and from New Orleans back to New York? Should we encumber the turnpikes, the railroads, and the steamboats with it, whenever purchases and sales were to be made in one place of articles to be transported to another? The carriage of the money would, in some cases, cost half as much as the carriage of the goods. Sir, the very first day, under such a state of things, we should set ourselves about the creation of banks. This would immediately become necessary and unavoidable. We may assure ourselves, therefore, without danger of mistake, that the idea of an exclusively metallic currency is totally incompatible, in the existing state of the world, with an active and extensive commerce. It is inconsistent, too, with the greatest good of the greatest number; and therefore I oppose it. But, Sir, how are we to get through the first experiment, so as to be able to try that which is to be final and ultimate, that is to say, how are we to get rid of the State banks? How is this to be accomplished? Of the Bank of the United States, indeed, we may free ourselves readily; but how are we to annihilate the State banks? We did not speak them into being; we cannot speak them out of being. They did not originate in any exercise of our power; nor do they owe their continuance to our indulgence. They are responsible to the States; to us they are irresponsible. We cannot act upon them; we can only act with them; and the expectation, as it would appear, is, that, by zealously co- operating with the government in carrying into operation its new theory, they may disprove the necessity of their own existence, and fairly work themselves out of the world! Sir, I ask once more, Is a great and intelligent community to endure patiently all sorts of suffering for fantasies like these? How charmingly practicable, how delightfully probable, all this looks!

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I find it impossible, Mr. President, to believe that the removal of the deposits arose in any such purpose as is now avowed. I believe all this to be an after-thought. The removal was resolved on as a strong measure against the bank; and now that it has been attended with consequences not at all apprehended from it, instead of being promptly retracted, as it should have been, it is to be justified on the ground of a grand experiment, above the reach of common sagacity, and dropped down, as it were, from the clouds, “to witch the world with noble policy.” It is not credible, not possible, Sir, that, six months ago, the administration suddenly started off to astonish mankind with its new inventions in politics, and that it then began its magnificent project by removing the deposits as its first operation. No, Sir, no such thing. The removal of the deposits was a blow at the bank, and nothing more; and if it had succeeded, we should have heard nothing of any project for the final putting down of all State banks. No, Sir, not one word. We should have heard, on the contrary, only of their usefulness, their excellence, and their exact adaptation to the uses and necessities of this government. But the experiment of making successful use of State banks having failed, completely failed, in this the very first endeavor; the State banks having already proved themselves not able to fill the place and perform the duties of a national bank, although highly useful in their appropriate sphere; and the disastrous consequences of the measures of government coming thick and fast upon us, the professed object of the whole movement is at once changed, and the cry now is, Down with all the State banks! Down with all the State banks! and let us return to our embraces of solid gold and solid silver!

April: In Rhode Island, the Constitutional Party candidates in general lost badly, but one of them, Thomas Wilson Dorr, did manage to obtain one of the four seats from Providence.

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May: In Rhode Island, Representative Thomas Wilson Dorr presented the 19 resolutions of his Constitutional Party, but the General Assembly was able to deflect them by initiating a “Freeman’s Constitutional Convention.” This convention met to repudiate the proposals and then lapsed due to lack of a quorum. He had been stymied.

READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT

12th day of 5th month, Monday: Extracts from the will of Friend Moses Brown dated 12th day of fifth month, 1834, and from the codicil to the said will dated the 25th day of sixth month, 1835, relating to the Yearly Meeting of Friends for New England as a legatee, as copied from the official clerk’s copy in the municipal records at the Providence, Rhode Island Town Hall by Friend John R. Kellam during October 2007 and February 2008: Essential Summary of Items in last Will of Moses Brown. Executed 12th of 5th Month, 1834, and subsequent Codicil Executed 25th d, 6th Month, 1835; Approved for Probate as received October 11, 1836. Docket No. A5706 Item 1st. To grand daughter Avis L. Harris, my Brick House Farm in Providence (city since 1832) and North Providence where William Earl now lives, containing about 175 acres ... Item 33rd. To the Society for Abolishing the Slave Trade, either by sea or by land, for the manumission of slaves and for the protection of the free people of colour, — acting under the Charter granted by the Legislature of this State, one share in Providence Banke. Item 34th. I give to Providence Monthly Meeting of Friends, as a legal body, two shares in Providence Banke as a fund, the dividends, or income of which to be applied to the education of Friends’ children belonging to said Meeting, in Friends School in this City. I also give to said Monthly Meeting, one hundred dollars’ worth of Friends’ Books, for their library, to be kept in this City.

[Item] 35th. I give and bequeath, to the Yearly Meeting of Friends for New England, a note of hand and mortgage, signed by Joseph Hawes, John Brewer, Henry Holden, Joshua B. Woods, and their wives, for the sum of Fifteen Thousand Dollars, — as a

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fund, the interest of which only, to be appropriated and used for the following purposes, — One third part thereof to be added to the charitable fund of Friends’ Boarding School in Providence, excepting so much of the income thereof as may be sufficient to pay the schooling herein given to divers persons, and such others as may be scholars in said School at my expense, at the time of my decease, which is to be paid out of this third part, — the interest of the said third part thereafter to be applied by the School Committee, as a charitable fund, for the schooling of such members of the Society as are actually poor, supported or not, as such, by the respective Monthly Meetings; — and females are to have equal advantage of the whole of this legacy, as males.

One other third part of the income of the said note and mortgage is to be applied towards paying the teachers in the respective departments, who dwell in the said school house, and have the care of the scholars out of, as well as in, school hours, watching over their morals in love for their good — equally to each of them.

11. The other third part, or Five Thousand Dollars, together with the interest thereof, to be reserved until there shall be offered a tract of land suitable for the institution, in its vicinity, which can be purchased for its value. — The School Committee are then, not withstanding the foregoing restriction to the use of the interest only, hereby authorized to appropriate the said sum, or any part thereof, as may appear to them necessary, — to the purchase of the same, to belong to the said Institution, in fee simple forever. — And whereas it is most likely that the interest on the last mentioned Five Thousand Dollars may accumulate, therefore, notwithstanding the foregoing limitations and directions for the disposing of the same, it is my Will, that in case a larger Meeting House should be required in this City, sufficient to hold Yearly Meetings in, the said interest to be applied to that purpose, — and the said School Committee are hereby authorized to appropriate the same accordingly. [Item] 36th. I further give to the Yearly Meeting of Friends for New England, for their Boarding School, all such books as I have marked in my catalogue for that purpose. — And I intend to leave directions, in writing, with my executors and executrixes, for the disposal of such other parts of my library of books, maps, papers and apparatus, as are not herein disposed of; — but in case I do not leave directions, the same are to be considered as embraced in the residuary Item of this

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Instrument.

[Item] 37th. I also give to the said Yearly Meeting, to remain as an appendage to the same School Institution forever, about two acres of land, with the dwelling house and shop thereon, — where Joseph Cole now lives, divided and separated from the school house lot by the road on the East of said school house lot.

[Item] 38th. I give and devise to my son in-law William Almy, my four and a quarter shares of thatch-beds lying near his salt- marsh, in the Cove above Weybosset Bridge, one of which was my father’s; the other three and a quarter rights I purchased of sundry persons as per Deeds, to him, his heirs and assigns.

[Item] 39th. I give to Charles William Jenkins son of William Jenkins and his deceased wife Hannah, two shares in Manufacturers’ Bank.

[Item] 40th. I give to William B. Tobey and Samuel B. Tobey sons of my grand daughter Sarah Lockwood Tobey deceased and Doct. Samuel B. Tobey, eight shares in Smithfield Union Bank; committing the same to the care, control and management of their said father — by selling and investing the same in some other safe Institution, or otherwise, at his discretion, until they arrive to the age of twenty-one years; when the said sons are to receive the same, together with the dividends, interest or income thereof, equally between them, which their father is to pay them, as and for their legacy.

[Item] 41st. I is my Will, that in all Legacies of notes or hands or mortgages, herein given, all the unpaid interest go with the same, to the legatees; and also the dividends on Bank and Turnpike stocks, declared after my decease, go with the stocks.

[Item] 42d. I give to my great grand children, Sarah Brown Jenkins, and Anna Almy Jenkins, children of William Jenkins and Anna Almy Jenkins, — ten shares in Central Bridge, equally between them; and commit them to the care of their said father, until they become of age.

[Item] 43d. I give to my amiable grand daughter Anna Almy Jenkins wife of William Jenkins, and daughter of my daughter Sarah deceased, wife of William Almy, — the occupancy, use and improvement of my Homestead Farm where I now live, with all the buildings and appurtenances thereto belonging, — containing two hundred and fifty acres, be the same more or less, — and to her children after her, — for and during her and their natural lives: — and in case her children or any of them survive and are living to and at the age of twenty-one years, — or marry or have a child or children, — then and in either of those cases, my Will and Testament is, that they, or either of them who live to the age

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of twenty-one years, or marry and have a child or children, shall have, and I hereby give and devise to them, the said Farm, after their mother’s life time, in fee simple forever. But in case there shall not be any such child of my said grand-daughter Anna Almy Jenkins, surviving to the age of twenty-one years, or that has or have a child or children living, — then and in that case my Will and Testament is, and I hereby give and devise the Reversionary Fee Simple of my Homestead Farm mentioned, after the decease of my said grand daughter and her said children, to the Yearly Meeting of Friends for New England, to be by them applied to and as, and for an additional appendage to the Institution of the Boarding School standing on the Lot I heretofore gave for the erection of the same thereon. And it is my will, that the same and all the estates herein given to them, do vest in and remain to, the Yearly Meeting and their successors holding the same Christian faith and doctrines, as exemplified in the writings of George Fox, George Whitehouse, William Penn, Robert Barclay, and others of our early Friends, professors of the Christian Religion of our blessed Lord and Saviour, both as to his outstanding manifestations in the body, and inward Divine Light, Spirit, Grace, and Truth, for the conversion, regeneration, preservation and sanctification of the mind and soul of man, and is truly taught in the Scriptures when opened by the same divine spirit which superintended the writers thereof, for the very great benefit, strength and comfort of all pious people who read them, — and especially for the instruction and edification of religious, seeking minds of both young and old.

[Item] 44th. I also give to my said grand daughter Anna Almy Jenkins, for and during her natural life, the following Estates, viz: — My farm in Seekonk, containing about three hundred acres more or less, whereon my tenant parol Adam Comstock now lives: — My lot of land, of thirty-six acres, now under lease to Jonathan Niles: — My lot, and my stores standing thereon, nearly opposite the Providence Bank, extending from the Main Street to the lot I gave my son Obadiah Brown deceased, on which he caused a block of brick stores to be built and which he left to his niece, the said Anna Almy Jenkins, and are now in her possession: And after her decease, my Will is, and I hereby give the said Estates, to her surviving children, equally between them, their hiers and assigns, forever. — And should any of the said estates, by the decease of my said grand-daughter, become the property of any of her said children during their minority, — my Will is, that their father, William Jenkins, have the care, use, and improvement of the same, or of such minors proportion thereof, until they shall respectively become of age.

[Item] 45th. I give and devise unto my said grand daughter, Anna Almy Jenkins, the following lots or parcels of land, to her,

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heirs and assigns, forever; viz, — my House and Lot, — my Seven Acre and Hat-Factory Lots, — with the shop lately occupied by Arnold Wilkinson, — my Watered Meadow Lot, a little farther Northward, extending from the Main Street to the river, containing, by estimation, three acres, more or less, and is bounded Southerly by a lot of her father’s, and Northerly by a road leading to Thurber’s Mills, as the fence stands, — all situated at the Northerly part of this City: — My bleach-yard lot, adjoining the Old Cotton Mill Lot, and the lot rented to the Fire Engine Company in Pawtucket, in North Providence X my house and lot in Seekonk, near Central Bridge; — my Ridge Hill Lot, South thereof; my Gravelly-Hill Lot, South of the Creek flowing between this and the last-mentioned lot; — my Long Meadow Lot, still further South; — all purchased by Deeds: — the latter belonging to my predecessor, is included in the Deed of my House Farm; — my lots bounded Easterly by the stone wall lately through the Swamp meadow, from Angell Street to Old Gaol Lane (dividing between these lots and the lots hereinbefore given to Avis L. Harris,) and extending Westward from said stone wall to old Prospect Street, on the hill, leaving ten feet to widen said Street on the East side: (these lots are bounded on the North, partly by Friends Burial Ground:) — Also the small barn standing on one of the said lots: — the lots Westward of said Prospect Street, to Mathew Watson’s and John Smith’s house- lots, which said last-mentioned lot I sold to Benjamin Smith, son of the said John Smith; — leaving to the City, the correction of the mistake of leaving two avenues from Angell Street into Prospect Street. I say mistake — for it so appeared to the Town Council and to others — on considering my memorial to them on the subject: — and it was proposed to correct the same by widening the old street Eastward, to fifty feet; — but the business is not yet finished, but I trust will be regulated: — Also twenty seventy-one parts of the house and about ten acres of land belonging to the old proprietors of Central Bridge. I also give my grand daughter Anna Almy Jenkins, five shares in the Central Bridge, — a silver tankard, marked I. A. A., — a pint silver porringer, marked the same: — a pint silver-can, marked O.B to A.B., and a silver pepper-box marked the same: — all my undisposed of shares in Providence Bank, — all my undisposed of shares in Manufacturers’ Bank. And I furthermore express my will and decree that both my grand daughters herein mentioned, do their endeavours, as far as they can, to leave the Bank Shares, or the amount therof, to their own heirs, without the control or disposal of any other person.

[Item] 46th. Finally, — I hereby give, devise and bequeath unto my said grand-daughter, Anna Almy Jenkins, all the residue and remainder of my estate and estates, real, personal and mixed, wheresoever lying and being, after all my just debts are paid out of the same; — which are few and small, — to her, her heirs and assigns.

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I hereby nominate, constitute and appoint my friends and kinsmen Bates Harris, William Jenkins and William J. Harris, my executors, and my grand children Anna Almy Jenkins and Avis L. Harris my executrixes to this my Last Will and Testament, who are to receive, out of my Estate, ample compensation for their services. In Witness whereof, I the said Moses Brown hereunto set my hand and affix my seal, this 12th day of the fifth month, in the Year of Our Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and thirty-four. 1834. s/ Moses Brown {L.S.}

Signed, sealed, published, pronounced and } declared, by the said Moses Brown, as and } for his Last Will and Testament, in the } presence of us, who, at the time, at his } request, in his presence and in the } presence of each other hereunto set } our names as witnesses to the same. } Edward M. Robinson. } Welcome Congdon. } George C. Arnold. } William L. Patten. }

————

I, Moses Brown of Providence in the County of Providence, State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Do make and ordain this Instrument as and for a codicil to my Last Will and Testament bearing date the twelfth day of the fifth month, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-four, — as follows, — Whereas, my grand daughter Anna Almy Jenkins wife of William Jenkins since the execution of my Last Will and Testament, aforesaid, has borne a son, born on or about the seventh day of the second month, this year, whose name is Moses Brown Jenkins, and whom I am desirous, if it be the Divine Will, may survive to enjoy a part of the estate his will has placed in my hands to dispose of; — and it is my Will, that in case he the said Moses Brown Jenkins should live to the twenty-one years, or marry and have a child, he should have, and I hereby give, devise, and bequeath unto him, the whole of my homestead farm where I now live, in Providence Neck, after the life time of my grand daughter his mother, to whom the same farm is given in my said Will and Testament during her natural life — any thing proposed or written in my said Will to the contrary notwithstanding. — And it is my further Will and pleasure, if he survive as aforesaid, that he have an equal share and part of my other estate given in my aforesaid Last Will to his mother and to his two sisters Sarah Brown and Anna Almy Jenkins as fully as though my Will was re-drawn and now executed including the same. And my meaning is, that the three children be otherwise equal in my estate, save this grant and devise to my namesake,

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as aforesaid. And whereas, in Item 33 of my said Will, I have given one share in Providence Bank, to the Society for Abolishing the Slave Trade, tr, “as by Charter established,” — and it not appearing probable that there may be another meeting of said Society legally convened, I do therefore make null and void that particular legacy as therein bequeathed; and do hereby give unto my trusty friends George W. Benson and Hugh H. Brown, in Trust, for the use of the Providence AntiSlavery Society, the said one share.

[Subscribing witnesses to codicil: William L. Patten, Jonathan Freeborn, James P. Hoskins, and Perry J. Chace. Both instruments, will and codicil were adjudged to be proved by Albert G. Greene, Clerk, and with a letter testimentary recorded on 18th day of October, A.D. 1836 in Will Book 14, pages 23-28.]

August 6, Wednesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 4th day Attended Select Quarterly Meeting In the Afternoon we rode into Newport Passed the Afternoon at Father Rodmans In the eveing at Aunt Nancy Carpenter but we found the Old lady very sick We felt strengthened at leaving Aunt Nancy on 5th day Morning, but she was willing we should go to Portsmouth to attend the Quarterly Meeting which we did — It was a very warm day & on that account the most suffering Meeting I recollect to have attended - we had some preaching which was good & satisfactory, but the stream did not rise high We had not much buisness in the last Meeting. — After Meeting we got a little Dinner at Jeremiah Giffords & returned to Providence intending to return to New Port if we understood Aunt Nancy was much worse. RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

September 6, Saturday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th day 6 of 7th M 1834 / We recd this Afternoon a letter from Newport informing that our Aged Aunt Anna Carpenter was taken in a fit & was very low, & our company necessary, we accordingly made ready & on First 1st day [Sunday] Morng went down in the Steam Boat & found her some revived so that she new Hannah, but I was not sensible that she knew me — On 2nd day [Monday] finding her comfortable for her situation & considerably revived I left & returned to Providence to prepare to leave for a longer time if it should be found Necessary - but by the Mail on 3rd day I recd a letter informing me She was much worse & My wife

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requested my return to Newport immediately. Accordingly at 12 OC on 4th day I set out & on my way to the Steam Boat recd a letter from Brother Isaac Mentioning that she Died that Morning about 5 OC the 10th of 9th M 1834 in the 89th Year of her Age. — I arrived there in the Afternoon, & found her whom I had seen in the Same place & loved from a child removed from time; No more to be Seen of Men -on 6th day the 12th inst her remains were interd in friends burying ground between the graves of her Husband Caleb Carpenter, & her daughter Mary after a Solid Silent Sitting at the house RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

November 14, Friday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6th day 11M 14 1834 / After a residence of Six Years lacking 8 days My wife left the Institution today in the Steam Boat President for Newport where we expect to reside for a time - I expect to follow her in a few days & join in the cares of our family Aunt Nancy Carpenter having requested in her life time that we would keep her family together & also left me one of the Executors of her Will renders it necessary we should be in Newport - we therefore resigned our Standing in the Institution at Providence at the last Meeting of the General Committee RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

Hughes Bernard Maret, duc de Bassano replaced Etienne Maurice, comte Gerard as prime minister of France.

In Parma, Nicolò Paganini played his 1st concert in Italy since he left in 1828.

The Pilgrim entered the Pacific Ocean and began to turn toward the north: Friday, Nov. 14th. We were now well to the westward of the Cape, and were changing our course to the northward as much as we dared, since the strong south-west winds, which prevailed then, carried us in towards Patagonia. At two, P.M., we saw a sail on our larboard beam, and at four we made it out to be a large ship steering our course, under single-reefed topsails. We at that time had shaken the reefs out of our topsails, as the wind was lighter, and set the main top-gallant sail. As soon as our captain saw what sail she was under, he set the fore top-gallant sail and flying jib; and the old whaler– for such, his boats and short sail showed him to be– felt a little ashamed, and shook the reefs out of his topsoils, but could do no more, for he had sent down his top-gallant masts off the Cape. He ran down for us, and answered our hail as the whale-ship, New England, of Poughkeepsie, one hundred and twenty days from New York. Our captain gave our name, and added ninety-two days from Boston. They then had a little conversation about longitude, in which they found that they could not agree. The ship fell astern, and

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continued in sight during the night. Toward morning, the wind having become light, we crossed our royal and skysail yards, and at daylight, we were seen under a cloud of sail, having royals and skysails fore and aft. The “spouter,” as the sailors call a whaleman, had sent out his main top-gallant mast and set the sail, and made signal for us to heave to. About half-past seven their whale-boat came alongside, and Captain Job Terry sprang on board, a man known in every port and by every vessel in the Pacific ocean. “Don’t you know Job Terry? I thought everybody knew Job Terry,” said a green-hand, who came in the boat, to me, when I asked him about his captain. He was indeed a singular man. He was six feet high, wore thick cowhide boots, and brown coat and trowsers, and, except a sun-burnt complexion, had not the slightest appearance of a sailor; yet he had been forty years in the whale trade, and, as he said himself, had owned ships, built ships, and sailed ships. His boat’s crew were a pretty raw set, just set out of the bush, and, as the sailor’s phrase is, “hadn’t got the hayseed out of their hair.” Captain Terry convinced our captain that our reckoning was a little out, and, having spent the day on board, put off in his boat at sunset for his ship, which was now six or eight miles astern. He began a “yarn” when he came aboard, which lasted, with but little intermission, for four hours. It was all about himself, and the Peruvian government, and the Dublin frigate, and Lord James Townshend, and President Jackson, and the ship Ann M’Kim of Baltimore. It would probably never have come to an end, had not a good breeze sprung up, which sent him off to his own vessel. One of the lads who came in his boat, a thoroughly countrified- looking fellow, seemed to care very little about the vessel, rigging, or anything else, but went round looking at the live stock, and leaned over the pig-sty, and said he wished he was back again tending his father’s pigs. At eight o’clock we altered our course to the northward, bound for Juan Fernandez. This day we saw the last of the albatrosses, which had been our companions a great part of the time off the Cape. I had been interested in the bird from descriptions which I had read of it, and was not at all disappointed. We caught one or two with a baited hook which we floated astern upon a shingle. Their long, flapping wings, long legs, and large staring eyes, give them a very peculiar appearance. They look well on the wing; but one of the finest sights that I have ever seen, was an albatross asleep upon the water, during a calm, off Cape Horn, when a heavy sea was running. There being no breeze, the surface of the water was unbroken, but a long, heavy swell was rolling, and we saw the fellow, all white, directly ahead of us, asleep upon the waves, with his head under his wing; now rising on the top of a huge billow, and then falling slowly until he was lost in the hollow between. He was undisturbed for some time, until the noise of our bows, gradually approaching, roused him, when, lifting his head, he stared upon us for a moment, and then spread his wide wings and took his flight.

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November 22, Saturday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th day 22nd of 11th M 1834 / It is just Six Years today, the same day of the Month & Week, since we Came to Providence to reside at the yearly Meeting School - I am still here, but my wife returned to Newport more than a Week ago - our things are packed up or nearly so, & I am waiting for the Packet to come up & take them on board, to convey them to our Native town & former residence. Alass what changes have taken place there since we left it, many whom we loved in life were intimately associated with, have gone to their long homes, to be Seen of men no more, yet some are left who we shall be glad to greet again as friends & neighbours on this side of the grave. — Since our residence at Providence we have enjoyed much & suffered much, & after all have much to be thankful for. RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

1835

Alonzo Lewis drew and George W. Boynton engraved a 31 inch by 22 inch map of Boston, known as the 3 “Bewick Company’s Map.” A map known as “Annin’s Small Map,” 4 inches by 2 /4 inches including only the peninsular portion of the city, appeared in the BOSTON ALMANAC.

MAPS OF BOSTON

THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANACK FOR 1835. By Isaac Bickerstaff. Providence, Rhode Island: Hugh H. Brown.

In Providence, Rhode Island, Brown University’s Manning Hall was constructed, to house a college library downstairs and a college chapel upstairs. Some $25,000 had been accumulated, with which to purchase a supply of books for this new library.

The Reverend Francis Wayland, President of Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island, in his textbook ELEMENTS OF MORAL SCIENCE (Boston: Kendall et al), adopted a stance that was clearly antislavery. This textbook would therefore be banned in the American South. A professor in Virginia would declare that “I dare not give up your minds to the dominion of Wayland’s Philosophy.” (A South Carolinian, Jasper Adams, would produce in 1837 a competing textbook, THE ELEMENTS OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY, that could be offered to students in the slaveholding Southern states.) The slaves were brought here without their own consent, they have been continued in their present state of degradation without their own consent, and they are not responsible for the consequences. If a man have done injustice to his neighbor, and

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have also placed impediments in the way of remedying that injustice, he is as much under obligation to remove the impediments in the way of justice, as he is to do justice. (page 256)

One of Massachusetts’s senators, Peleg Sprague, was in this year arguing for slavery by invoking the authority of Jesus Christ. Jesus meek and mild, who “would not interfere with the administration of the laws, or abrogate their authority,” it seemed, could have been no abolitionist — or at least, not according to Senator Peleg Sprague!

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“It is simply crazy that there should ever have come into being a world with such a sin in it, in which a man is set apart because of his color — the superficial fact about a human being. Who could want such a world? For an American fighting for his love of country, that the last hope of earth should from its beginning have swallowed slavery, is an irony so withering, a justice so intimate in its rebuke of pride, as to measure only with God.” — Stanley Cavell, MUST WE MEAN WHAT WE SAY? 1976, page 141

The Reverend William Henry Brisbane published the first Baptist periodical to be produced outside Philadelphia, The Southern Baptist and General Intelligencer printed by James S. Burges of Charleston, South Carolina, the stated mission of which was to support slavery as a biblically mandated social and economic institution. The periodical would attempt to refute the antislavery writings in THE ELEMENTS OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY of the Reverend Francis Wayland, President of Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island.

The Baptist reverend was struggling against himself: “I am no abolitionist.” Oh, no, he was a regular guy, he could not be one of those detested, deluded people! (Three years later, however, this abolitionism would overcome him — and a local historian would eventually write of him, because he had manumitted his slaves, that “He became, to the white population, the most hated man in the Beaufort District.”)

In Providence and Pawtucket, Rhode Island’s mills were rapidly developing. In this year 55% of the workers were children. (Such child abuse would not be outlawed until the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938.) The Children’s Friend Society, an orphanage for white children only, was established.

Zachariah Allen had built mills in North Providence and Smithfield, close to existing turnpikes. During the depression of 1835 he set out to reduce the insurance premium on his Rhode Island mills by making property improvements that would minimize the chance of fire loss. At that time, insurance premium increases for losses were shared among all insureds, regardless of individual loss history. Although widely accepted today, the concept of loss prevention and control was virtually unheard of at the time. To Allen, a proactive approach to preventing losses made good economic sense. After making considerable improvements to his mill, Allen

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requested a reduction in his premium, but was denied. He called upon other local textile mill owners who shared his loss prevention philosophy to create a mutual insurance company that would insure only “good risk” factories. (Today, these are known as highly protected risks, or HPR properties.) This would result in fewer losses, he reasoned, and hence, smaller premium payments. Whatever premium remained at the end of the year would be returned to policyholders in the form of dividends. Sold on the concept, the group agreed, and by year’s end, formed the Manufacturers Mutual Fire Insurance Company, the oldest predecessor of FM Global. During the company’s first 14 years, the mill owners and mutual policyholders of Manufacturers Mutual enjoyed an average 50% reduction in premium compared with what other insurance companies were charging. As Allen predicted, proper fire prevention methods, monitored by regular fire inspections for mill policyholders, resulted in fewer losses. Despite its initial success, one problem remained for the pioneer mutual insurance company: a single mutual insurance company could not withstand the financial cost of the loss of an entire plant. More capacity was needed, so in 1848, Allen formed another mutual insurance company, Rhode Island Mutual. In 1850, Boston Manufacturers Mutual Fire Insurance Company, the third- oldest FM Global predecessor, was created when Allen convinced a Boston merchant with significant cotton- mill ownership to form his own mutual insurance company with like-minded Boston mill owners. Throughout the next 20 years, other mutual insurance companies were added to the group roster. Together, these companies and the ones that later evolved soon became known as the Associated Factory Mutual Fire Insurance Companies, or the Factory Mutuals, for short. The Factory Mutuals’ loss record was enviable; losses were less frequent and less severe than those experienced by most other non-mutual insurers. Losses were examined to determine how they were caused and what could have been done to prevent them from occurring. Inspection teams even examined non-policyholder losses to help increase the Factory Mutuals’ knowledge base. This vital loss information helped identify specific industry hazards and was essential to developing loss control recommendations for policyholders with similar occupancies. Such information was shared among all the Factory Mutual (FM) insurance companies, and was particularly critical to the inspection teams, which were staffed separately by each individual company. Nearly two centuries after Zachariah Allen’s “simple” premise of making property improvements to reduce risk, FM Global has emerged as an international property insurance and loss prevention engineering leader with more than US$7 billion in assets, US$3+ billion in policyholders’ surplus, and the resources to serve clients in more than 100 countries.

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Elizabeth Buffum Chase and her sisters founded the Fall River Anti-Slavery Society, trekking door-to-door collecting signatures on petitions calling for the immediate freeing of slaves; for the following decade, until 1845, she and her husband would hide fugitive slaves in their home at the corner of Hunt Street and Broad Street in Central Falls, operating as a station on the Underground Railroad.

After much soul-searching, Chase, who lost a series of five children to illness, would leave her Quaker monthly meeting over its refusal to take a tougher stand against slavery.

(She would eventually be brought to the opinion that “the prejudice against color, throughout New England, was even stronger than the pro-slavery spirit.”)

Here are the Rhode Islanders believed to have been active in the Underground Railroad:

Newport: Jethro and Anne Mitchell (related to Maria Mitchell of Nantucket? –Jethro was born on January 27, 1784 on Nantucket Island)

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Providence: Robert Adams Friend Arnold Buffum William Buffum Samuel B. Chase and Mrs. Elizabeth Buffum Chase Daniel Mitchell of Foster and Pawtucket (related to Maria Mitchell of Nantucket? –her father’s name was William Mitchell) Captain Jonathan Walker UNDERGROUND RAILROAD

Friend Moses Brown’s nephew Nicholas Brown was one out of a very long list of vice-presidents of a newly founded Providence Anti-Abolition Society. For information about the agenda of this curious group, you may want to refer to “Anti-abolition Meeting,” an article in the Providence Daily Journal for November 4th, 1835 which is to be found on the website of the Brown University Steering Committee on Slavery and Justice at : Resolved, That we regard the efforts of the Anti-Slavery Societies as most injurious to the welfare of the slaves; that, in our opinion, all such efforts lead to exasperate their passions, to agitate their minds with fallacious hopes; to render necessary their subjection to unwonted restraints; and, more than all, to postpone to an indefinite period all such changes in their condition as their owners, under the direction of an enlightened benevolence, might aim to accomplish. Resolved, That, although the Anti-Slavery Societies disclaim all intention to excite servile insurrections, yet we believe that the tendency of their exaggerated statements and inflammatory appeals is, not only to create feverish discontent among the slaves, but to cause such an explosion of their worst passions as would spread havoc and consternation over entire regions of our country.3 SERVILE INSURRECTION

3. Page 417 in Donna McDaniel’s and Vanessa Julye’s FIT FOR FREEDOM, NOT FOR FRIENDSHIP: QUAKERS, AFRICAN AMERICANS, AND THE MYTH OF RACIAL JUSTICE (Philadelphia: Quaker Press of Friends General Conference, 2009).

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At the racially segregated Yearly Meeting School of the Religious Society of Friends in Providence, Rhode Island that had been created by Friend Moses Brown, things were not going swimmingly. Finding that the governing committees of the Yearly Meeting resisted his expenditures to develop the school, Friend John Griscom resigned from his position as headmaster of the academic department.

Two other teachers also left: Samuel Gummere was hired by a school that had been founded in 1833 in Haverford, Pennsylvania,

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and Pliny Earle decided to attend Medical College in Philadelphia.

The average annual enrollment of pupils would continue to decline.

In this year Friends Enoch Breed and Lydia Breed were replaced as superintendents by Friends Seth Davis and Mary Davis. Superintendents.

1819-1824. Purinton, Matthew and Betsy. 1824-1835. Breed, Enoch and Lydia. 1829-1835. Gould, Stephen Wanton and Gould, Han- nah, Asst. Supts. 1835-1836. Davis, Seth and Mary. 1837. Breed, Enoch and Lydia. 1838-1839. Rathbun, Rowland and Alice. 1840-1844. Wing, Allen and Olive. 1845-1846. Thompson, Olney and Lydia. 1847. Congdon, Jarvia and Lydia. 1847-1852. Cornell, Silas and Sarah M.

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January 25, Sunday: Hector Berlioz began his duties as concert critic at the Journal des Debats, a post he would hold for the following 28 years.

In Newport, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 1st day 25th of 1st M / In the Morning Meeting, Father Rodman was engaged in a short but good testimony & the Meeting was well attended — Silent in the PM. — I have been very unwell with a heavy cold attended with some fever for several Days & it is as much as ever it was prudent for me to be at Meeting this Afternoon as it Rained. — I hope my indisposition will not prevent my being at Providence Qrtly Meeting next week - but hope to be content, be it as it may. — I do not feel much stimulous about going, but should be unwilling to be absent, having several appointments to answer. RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

February 2, Monday: Waldo Emerson to his journal:

Let Christianity speak ever for the poor & the low. Though the voice of society should demand a defence of slavery from all its organs that service can never be expected from me. My opinion is of no worth, but I have not a syllable of all the language I have learned, to utter for the planter. If by opposing slavery I go to undermine institutions, I confess I do not wish to live in a nation where slavery exists. The life of this world has but a limited worth in my eyes & really is not worth such a price as the toleration of slavery. Therefore though I may be so far restrained by unwillingness to cut the planter’s throat as that I should refrain from denouncing him, yet I pray God that not even in my dream or in madness may I ever incur the disgrace of articulating one word of apology for the slave trader or slave- holder.

In Providence, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 2nd day 2 of 2 M 1835 / Set out this morng on the Stage for Providence - before we got to Durfees Tavern in Portsmouth the Stage Broke down - concluding it would be sometime before they could get repaired I walked on, but by the way got a Man to take his Waggon & carry me to the Ferry - when the Passengers arrived they inform’d me they succeeded in getting under way again in the Stage but they had not proceeded far before the Axle tree broke & the Coach turned bottom upward & tho’ several were hurt none Seriously injured - I could but rejoice that I had taken another way to get to the ferry for if my weight had been added

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to the others the consequence might have been more serious - Crossed the ferry & again took a Coach & arrived safe at Providence, tho’ we again came near being oversett - the horses taking a shear & running on a side Bank in the road, in consequence of one of the bridles giving way. — Lodged at my Kind friend Moses Browns who was very glad to see me & received me in a kind & affectionate manner. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

February 3, Tuesday: At the 3d performance of I Puritani at the Theatre-Italien of Paris, the decree and ribbon making him a chevalier of the Legion of Honor were presented to Vincenzo Bellini.

In Providence, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: Spent 3rd day at the School House & returned with M Brown to his house to lodge RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

February 4, Wednesday: In Providence, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 4th day Attended Select Meeting and Meeting for Sufferings, also a Meeting of the Trustees of O Browns Fund - Dined at S B Tobeys & returned to M Bs to Lodge. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

March 25, Wednesday: Gaetano Donizetti departed from Paris after modest success, to return to Naples.

When he would get back in Newport on the evening of the 27th from this trip to Providence, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould would write of the events of this day in his journal: 4th day 25th of 3 M 1835 / This morning rose by 4 OClock & got breakfast & went to the head of the Long Wharf to wait for the Steam Boat which arrived in season for me to get to Providence by 9 OClock after attending to a little buisness I went to the Monthly Meeting held there — which to me was a season of favour, of Memorable favour — Hannah Robinson appeared in a very satisfactory testimony to me - Then Dorcas Paine in testimony of solid weight & good savour & then H Robinson appeared in supplication & if it was not attended with life I do not understand what the life is - In the last meeting the buisness was conducted well - I had asked the preceeding Preparative Meeting for a Certificate directed to Rhode Island Moy [Monthly] Meeting which request was recognized & Enoch Breed & Arnold Congdon appointed to make the necessary inquiry & prepare one to be presented next Month Report was made by a committee that they had laboured with John Albertson & considered further labour useless - this was an Ancient plain friend & who I knew had been useful in society &

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served as an overseer - not understanding by the report what the nature of the complaint was I requested to have the minute of last Month read by which I found [that he] had petitiioned for & received the allowance which govornment had made to the old revolutionay Officers & Soldiers, he having been one — when I found the nature of the Offense a conversation which I had at last Yearly Meeting with Old Thomas Davis of Weare Moy [Monthly] Meeting who was himself a Soldier & was engaged in Service at Bunker Hill - occured to me with so much weight that it seemed as if I should be short in duty not to in Form the Meeting of it & requested the Youth present to mark the expressions Thos told me that ne never had any disposition to receive the Stypend allowed by government - for the little payment he had received seemed like a curse upon him. — After Meeting I went up to the School House & dined & spent the Afternoon then went down to Moses Browns drank tea spent a pleasant evening & lodged I found him sick with a cold & hard cough & If I had not seen him recover from a much worse state, I should conclude it was the last time I should ever see him in mutability — After breakfasting with my Aged & dearly beloved friend I went to Town - visited Mary Griscom & then walked out to see my dear friend Wm Almy who has recently had an attack of Paralysis & lost the use of his left side, but has recovered so as to walk with help, but his hand is nearly useless - his mouth considerably drawn & his speech rather thick - his mind was clear, & his conversation correct, & his feelings very tender & loving - he wept frequently in speaking of subjects, & individuals that interested him, particularly of the departure of our late dear friend Abigail Robinson. Soon after dinner I prepared to leave him when in speaking of some subject we both were much tenderd & after I had got out the door, he sent for me back to request me to send his love to our Son John at Hudson - that he should remember him at that time, in so affectionate a manner & so much brokeness of spirit was very affecting to my feelings, & quite broke me into tears, which I could not surpress till I got considerable distance from his house. When I got into Town I call & set an hour at Dr Tobey & then went out to the School House - spent the Afternoon took tea & lodged there - on 6th day Morning the 27th - I came into town, & called a while at Jon[athon] Congdons - then on my way to the boat attended to a little buisness, & called on several of my old friends - we had a slow time down the River in very thick fog & some rain - it was so thick a fog that the boat was obliged to Stand Still several times, & we did not get to Newport till 4 OClock. — While I was at Providence I thought if I never went there again, I could say my last visit was a good one. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

April 14, Tuesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3rd day 14 of 4 M / This forenoon while sitting in our room

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Elizabeth Wing apprehended to me a concern to have a religious opportunity in the family on acct of Rowland Hazard - it was immediately effected & she addressed Rowland in very encouraging language & I have no doubt felt out his state & administerd to it much to the satisfaction of all present & I have no doubt greatly to his comfort & edification. — She dined at Job Sherman, after which she & Wm Reynolds went in the Steam Boat Providence on their way to Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, & Elizabeth intends to attend that of NYork on her return - I was gratified & comforted with a visit from Edward & Elizabeth, for I do love them with no common love RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May: At a convention in Baltimore, the “Improved Order of Red Men” was inaugurated, according to this description provided in a later timeframe by Fred. J. Smith of Providence, Rhode Island: This organization, known as the Improved Order of Red Men, is a fraternal and benevolent institution, of purely American origin. The exact date of its origin is not known, as evidence can be traced back to a period previous to the Revolution. But documents in possession of the Great Council of the United States tell us that in the year 1813, a society of Red Men was formed at Fort Mifflin, on the Delaware River, then garrisoned by American troops; after peace was declared, members of the society became widely scattered, but being much impressed with the customs and habits, also the pleasant memories of its existence, formed new Societies, under the same laws and with the same intentions of the Society of Fort Mifflin. In the year 1835 we find many council fires kindled throughout the country, and in May of the same year, delegates from different jurisdictions convened at Baltimore, and adopted substantially the Ritual, Laws, and Regulations that govern it to-day. Since which time the organization is known as the Improved Order of Red Men. Its growth has been slow but sure, until now nearly every State in the Union contains Tribes and Great Councils, in full fellowship with the Great Council of the United States. The order is founded on the manners and customs of the Indian Race, and its Ritual perpetuates the memory of the forms and religious ceremonies peculiar to that unfortunate people. They believe in a Great Spirit who governs the world, so any one joining this Order much declare his belief in the Great Spirit, the Creator and Preserver of the universe. The subordinate branches or primary assemblies of the Order are denominated Tribes. The Ritual is divided into four Degrees: Adoption, Hunter’s, Warrior’s and Chief’s; and for beauty and originality they are unsurpassed. The Supreme Body of a State is known by the title of Great Council of the United States. The forms, ceremonies and lectures used in the adoption of members and conferring of degrees are interesting and instructive, and free from anything frivolous or disagreeable. The meetings are held for the transaction of business of a moral, benevolent and charitable

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character, and everything partaking of levity, or political or sectarian tendencies, is excluded therefrom. Its objects are to promote among men the exercise and practice of the true principles of benevolence and charity; the care and protection of the Widow and Orphans and the cultivation of friendly relations among mankind, in short the Motto —“Freedom, Friendship and Charity”— indicates quite clearly the objects and aim of the Brotherhood, whilst the preservation from oblivion of much that relates to one of the declining Races of mankind, and which will prove interesting to the student and antiquarian, may not be considered unimportant results of the organization, and it now has an existence in more than 35 jurisdictions; in some of these it equals the strongest of kindred societies in zeal and prosperity, and in many of them has a nucleus both healthy and promising. The Order is not very strong in the Eastern States. It was first introduced into Rhode Island on the 4th day of September, 1871, at which time instituted King Philip Tribe No. 1, at Olneyville, when the following Chiefs were raised up to their respective stumps: Sachem, Sr. Sagamore, Jr. Sagamore, Chief of Records, Keeper of Wampum, First Sanop, Second Sanop, Guard of the Wigwam, Guard of the Forest. The Tribe increased rapidly in membership and in a very short time numbered over a hundred members. Canonicus Tribe No. 2, of Phenix, also Miantonomah Tribe No. 3, of Providence, was instituted the following year. On the 5th day of August, 1872, Great Incohonie William B. Eckert, assisted by Morris H. Gorham, instituted the Great Council of the State at Miantonomah Wigwam No. 41, Weybossett Street, when the following Great Chiefs were raised up to their respective stumps: Great Prophet, John L. Perrin. Great Sachem, W.V. Slocum. Great Sr. Sagamore, Andrew McKenzie. Great Jr. Sagamore, N.R. Tilton. Great Chief of Records, H.B. Winslow. Great Keeper of Wampum, A.R. Sherman. Great Sanop, S. R. Nicholas. Great Guard of Forest, H.L. Howard. Great Guard of Wigwam, ------. Shortly after the institution of the Great Council the following tribes were instituted: Wampanoag No. 4, of Pawtucket; Narragansett No. 5, of Natick; and Red Jacket No. 6, of Newport. In 1874 Wamsutta Tribe No. 7, was instituted, but owing to the financial depression of the times they did not prosper, and in 1876 they surrendered their Charter to the Great Council. There is [are] six Tribes in the State at the present time (1878) with a membership of a little less than four hundred, the most prosperous of which is King Philip No. 1, of Providence, Canonicas No. 2, of Phenix, and Narragansett No. 5, of Natick. The following are the present Great Chiefs of the Great Council of the State: Great Prophet, Fred. J. Smith, No. 1

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Great Sachem, Hiram L. Howard, No. 4. Great Sr. Sagamore, H.C. Burdick, No. 6. Great Jr. Sagamore, Fred A. Knight, No. 3. Great Chief of Records, John Wells, No. 5. Great Keeper of Wampum, O.D. Tillinghast, No. 5. Great Sanop, John Gallington, No. 1. Great Mishenawa, A.E. Spencer. Great Guard of Wigwam, S.A. Ballou. Great Guard of Forest, Earl Fenner.

May 7, Thursday: In Providence, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th day the Meeting at large, which was a season of favour -our friend Thos Anthony was engaged in a very powerful testimony for the Truth —- Meeting for buisness was satisfactorily conducted - Dined with Dr Eldredge & my wife having an opportunity to ride went on to Providence by land & I took the Steam Boat King Philp & went to Fall River, & after discharging their lading & taking in an addition of fuel returned to Providence & arrived there about half pasty 10 OClock. —I lodged at Dr Tobeys. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 8, Friday: Mikhail Ivanovich Glinka got married with Mariya Petrovna Ivanova, his sister’s brother-in- law’s wife’s sister (after four years of this they would separate and divorce).

In Copenhagen, Hans Christian Andersen’s TALES, TOLD FOR CHILDREN (1ST COLLECTION).

In Providence, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6th day Spent the Morning in calling on some of my old friends - then went up to the School House where I spent the Afternoon & evening & lodged RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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The Pilgrim, carrying Richard Henry Dana, Jr., arrived in San Diego harbor.

AND NOW, FOR SOMETHING ENTIRELY DIFFERENT, A REPORT FROM OUR SAILOR: Friday, May 8th, 1835. Arrived at San Diego. Here we found the little harbor deserted. The Lagoda, Ayacucho, Loriotte, and all, had left the coast, and we were nearly alone. All the hide-houses on the beach, but ours, were shut up, and the Sandwich Islanders, a dozen or twenty in number, who had worked for the other vessels and been paid off when they sailed, were living on the beach, keeping up a grand carnival. A Russian discovery-ship which had been in this port a few years before, had built a large oven for baking bread, and went away, leaving it standing. This, the Sandwich Islanders took possession of, and had kept, ever since, undisturbed. It was big enough to hold six or eight men– that is, it was as large as a ship’s forecastle; had a door at the side, and a vent-hole at top. They covered it with Oahu mats, for a carpet; stopped up the venthole in bad weather, and made it their head-quarters. It was now inhabited by as many as a dozen or twenty men, who lived there in complete idleness– drinking, playing cards, and carousing in every way. They bought a bullock once a week, which kept them in meat, and one of them went up to the town every day to get fruit, liquor, and provisions. Besides this, they had bought a cask of ship-bread, and a barrel of flour from the Lagoda, before she sailed. There they lived, having a grand time, and caring for nobody. Captain T______was anxious to get three or four of them to come on board the Pilgrim, as we were so much diminished in numbers; and went up to the oven and spent an hour or two trying to negotiate with them. One of them,– a finely built, active, strong and intelligent fellow,– who was a sort of king among them, acted as spokesman. He was called Mannini,– or rather, out of compliment to his known importance and influence, Mr. Mannini– and was known all over California. Through him, the captain offered them fifteen dollars a month, and one month’s pay in advance; but it was like throwing pearls before swine, or rather, carrying coals to Newcastle. So long as they had money, they would not work for fifty dollars a month, and when their money was gone, they would work for ten. “What do you do here, Mr. Mannini?” said the captain. “Oh, we play cards, get drunk, smoke– do anything we’re a mind to.” “Don’t you want to come aboard and work?” “Aole! aole make make makou i ka hana. Now, got plenty money; no good, work. Mamule, money pau– all gone. Ah! very good, work!– maikai, hana hana nui!” “But you’ll spend all your money in this way,” said the captain. “Aye! me know that. By-’em-by money pau– all gone; then Kanaka work plenty.” This was a hopeless case, and the captain left them, to wait patiently until their money was gone. We discharged our hides and tallow, and in about a week were ready to set sail again for the windward. We unmoored, and got everything ready, when the captain made another attempt upon the oven. This time he had more regard to the “mollia tempora fandi,” and succeeded very well. He got Mr. Mannini in his interest, and as the shot was getting low in the locker, prevailed upon him and three others to come on board with their chests and baggage, and sent a hasty summons to me and the boy to come ashore with our things, and join the gang at the hide-house. This was unexpected to me; but anything in the way of variety I liked; so we got ready, and were pulled ashore. I stood on the beach while the brig got under weigh, and watched her until she rounded the point, and then went up to the hide-house to take up my quarters for a few months.

May 9, Saturday: In Newport, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th day took the King Philip again at 8 OC in the Morning & returned to Newport — After having a pleasant & I trust

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proffitable visit & seen many friends whom I love — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 10, Sunday: In Newport, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 1st day 12th [sic] of 5 M 1835 / Had a pleasant & interesting call from my friend and acquaintance John Howland of Providence President of the R I Historical Society he was born in Newport & has lived in Providence about 65 Years - & is a man of very respectable & venerable standing in that Town. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 20, Wednesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 4th day 20th of 5th M 1835 / We attended Monthly Meeting at Hudson & dined with [blank] Jenkins then parted with our friends & dear Children & at [?] went on board the Steam boat David Clinton & had a good & pleasant passage down to NYork & arrived there early in the Morning - the 21 of 5 M & called at Wilson Merretts & took breakfast his daughter & son having been schollars at the School at Providence made us wish to see them His daughter Amelia is a fine amiable girl & if she keeps her place will make a fine woman - After sitting a while with them we went to Elizabeth Coggeshall & set a little while with them -She & her husband being old townsfolk we felt it a duty to see them -Then we went to Samuel Woods, dined & waited till it was time to go on board the Steam Boat Boston, & then came homeward, arriving at our home in Newport about 7 OClock next Morning being 6th day the 22nd of 5 M 1835 This is the longest journey My wife has ever taken & is the first time she was ever in NYork or Hudson. — We found our friends at home all well, & our family concerns in good order - This we felt to be an additional favour to the many we have heretofor recd & desire to be thankful to Him from whom all good is derived. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

June 2, Tuesday: The 1st test run of a train over the entire new Boston and Providence RR route between Boston and Providence, Rhode Island, via Attleboro and Rumford, followed the east shore of the Seekonk River and crossed that river to a terminus at Providence’s India Point. The trip consumed 2 hours and 25 minutes, inclusive of five stops — which was considered very speedy. “[The railroad will] only encourage the common people to move about needlessly.” — Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

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The above description would make the event seem simpler than it was. Although the train of cars carrying the invited guests covered the entire distance, the train’s locomotive did not. For the initial leg of the journey, as far as Canton, the train needed to be tugged along by a team of draft horses due to a delay in the arrival of the new locomotive that was to run between these two depots (this delinquent locomotive would show up a few days later). READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3rd day 2nd of 6th M 1835 / It being concluded by Father Rodman to resign the Town Treasurership - & many of my friends having proposed me as his successor - I consented to stand as a candidate & after three trials I was elected in Town Meeting by a Majority of one vote as Town Treasurer - the Majority was not calculated to create pride but rather to humble the creature - I feel that for this unexpected provision for another Year & hope due returns may be made to Him from whom I have recd many unmerited blessings & merciful provisions, from sources little expected, & this all my life long — I went down to the Steam Boat this Morning & as I expected found John on board with our dear Mary & her Mother. — but they had been so Sick off Point Judith that I only saw John they went on direct for Boston & Salem intending to return the last of this or first of next Week.- RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

June 8, Monday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 2nd day 8th of 6th M 1835 / This morning our dear & indeed precious children with their Mother our dear Sister Sarah Ashley arrived in the Steam Boat from Providence having passed a few days previous on their way to Boston & Salem. — It is a Sweetness & consolation to us, to have them with us, which I am unable to describe, but hope to render proportionate gratitude, to Him who has blessed us with many favours, of which we acknowledge ourselves unworthy. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

June 11, Thursday: The first train service was offered to the general public on the Boston and Providence Railroad.

June 21, Sunday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 1st day 21 of 6 M 1835 / Both in the forenoon & Afternoon Meetings Father Rodman was engaged in testimony & in the Morning in Supplication his Afternoon service was chiefly to the Youth & my mind had been specially drawn towards them, it seemed quite a corresponding exercise with my own. — Our old frined &

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associate Caroline Tobey from Providence was at Meeting - it was pleasant again to sit in Meeting with her. —— RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

25th day of 6th month: Extracts from the will of Friend Moses Brown dated 12th day of fifth month, 1834, and from the codicil to the said will dated the 25th day of sixth month, 1835, relating to the Yearly Meeting of Friends for New England as a legatee, as copied from the official clerk’s copy in the municipal records at the Providence, Rhode Island Town Hall by Friend John R. Kellam during October 2007 and February 2008: Essential Summary of Items in last Will of Moses Brown. Executed 12th of 5th Month, 1834, and subsequent Codicil Executed 25th d, 6th Month, 1835; Approved for Probate as received October 11, 1836. Docket No. A5706 Item 1st. To grand daughter Avis L. Harris, my Brick House Farm in Providence (city since 1832) and North Providence where William Earl now lives, containing about 175 acres ... Item 33rd. To the Society for Abolishing the Slave Trade, either by sea or by land, for the manumission of slaves and for the protection of the free people of colour, — acting under the Charter granted by the Legislature of this State, one share in Providence Banke. Item 34th. I give to Providence Monthly Meeting of Friends, as a legal body, two shares in Providence Banke as a fund, the dividends, or income of which to be applied to the education of Friends’ children belonging to said Meeting, in Friends School in this City. I also give to said Monthly Meeting, one hundred dollars’ worth of Friends’ Books, for their library, to be kept in this City.

[Item] 35th. I give and bequeath, to the Yearly Meeting of Friends for New England, a note of hand and mortgage, signed by Joseph Hawes, John Brewer, Henry Holden, Joshua B. Woods, and their wives, for the sum of Fifteen Thousand Dollars, — as a fund, the interest of which only, to be appropriated and used for the following purposes, — One third part thereof to be added to the charitable fund of Friends’ Boarding School in Providence, excepting so much of the income thereof as may be sufficient to pay the schooling herein given to divers persons, and such others as may be scholars in said School at my expense, at the time of my decease, which is to be paid out of this third part, — the interest of the said third part thereafter to be applied by the School Committee, as a charitable fund, for the schooling of such members of the Society as are actually poor, supported or not, as such, by the respective Monthly Meetings; — and females are to have equal

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advantage of the whole of this legacy, as males.

One other third part of the income of the said note and mortgage is to be applied towards paying the teachers in the respective departments, who dwell in the said school house, and have the care of the scholars out of, as well as in, school hours, watching over their morals in love for their good — equally to each of them.

11. The other third part, or Five Thousand Dollars, together with the interest thereof, to be reserved until there shall be offered a tract of land suitable for the institution, in its vicinity, which can be purchased for its value. — The School Committee are then, not withstanding the foregoing restriction to the use of the interest only, hereby authorized to appropriate the said sum, or any part thereof, as may appear to them necessary, — to the purchase of the same, to belong to the said Institution, in fee simple forever. — And whereas it is most likely that the interest on the last mentioned Five Thousand Dollars may accumulate, therefore, notwithstanding the foregoing limitations and directions for the disposing of the same, it is my Will, that in case a larger Meeting House should be required in this City, sufficient to hold Yearly Meetings in, the said interest to be applied to that purpose, — and the said School Committee are hereby authorized to appropriate the same accordingly. [Item] 36th. I further give to the Yearly Meeting of Friends for New England, for their Boarding School, all such books as I have marked in my catalogue for that purpose. — And I intend to leave directions, in writing, with my executors and executrixes, for the disposal of such other parts of my library of books, maps, papers and apparatus, as are not herein disposed of; — but in case I do not leave directions, the same are to be considered as embraced in the residuary Item of this Instrument.

[Item] 37th. I also give to the said Yearly Meeting, to remain as an appendage to the same School Institution forever, about two acres of land, with the dwelling house and shop thereon, — where Joseph Cole now lives, divided and separated from the school house lot by the road on the East of said school house lot.

[Item] 38th. I give and devise to my son in-law William Almy, my four and a quarter shares of thatch-beds lying near his salt- marsh, in the Cove above Weybosset Bridge, one of which was my father’s; the other three and a quarter rights I purchased of sundry persons as per Deeds, to him, his heirs and assigns.

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[Item] 39th. I give to Charles William Jenkins son of William Jenkins and his deceased wife Hannah, two shares in Manufacturers’ Bank.

[Item] 40th. I give to William B. Tobey and Samuel B. Tobey sons of my grand daughter Sarah Lockwood Tobey deceased and Doct. Samuel B. Tobey, eight shares in Smithfield Union Bank; committing the same to the care, control and management of their said father — by selling and investing the same in some other safe Institution, or otherwise, at his discretion, until they arrive to the age of twenty-one years; when the said sons are to receive the same, together with the dividends, interest or income thereof, equally between them, which their father is to pay them, as and for their legacy.

[Item] 41st. I is my Will, that in all Legacies of notes or hands or mortgages, herein given, all the unpaid interest go with the same, to the legatees; and also the dividends on Bank and Turnpike stocks, declared after my decease, go with the stocks.

[Item] 42d. I give to my great grand children, Sarah Brown Jenkins, and Anna Almy Jenkins, children of William Jenkins and Anna Almy Jenkins, — ten shares in Central Bridge, equally between them; and commit them to the care of their said father, until they become of age.

[Item] 43d. I give to my amiable grand daughter Anna Almy Jenkins wife of William Jenkins, and daughter of my daughter Sarah deceased, wife of William Almy, — the occupancy, use and improvement of my Homestead Farm where I now live, with all the buildings and appurtenances thereto belonging, — containing two hundred and fifty acres, be the same more or less, — and to her children after her, — for and during her and their natural lives: — and in case her children or any of them survive and are living to and at the age of twenty-one years, — or marry or have a child or children, — then and in either of those cases, my Will and Testament is, that they, or either of them who live to the age of twenty-one years, or marry and have a child or children, shall have, and I hereby give and devise to them, the said Farm, after their mother’s life time, in fee simple forever. But in case there shall not be any such child of my said grand-daughter Anna Almy Jenkins, surviving to the age of twenty-one years, or that has or have a child or children living, — then and in that case my Will and Testament is, and I hereby give and devise the Reversionary Fee Simple of my Homestead Farm mentioned, after the decease of my said grand daughter and her said children, to the Yearly Meeting of Friends for New England, to be by them applied to and as, and for an additional appendage to the Institution of the Boarding School standing on the Lot I heretofore gave for the erection of the same thereon. And it is my will, that the same and all the estates herein given to them, do vest in and remain to, the Yearly Meeting and their successors

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holding the same Christian faith and doctrines, as exemplified in the writings of George Fox, George Whitehouse, William Penn, Robert Barclay, and others of our early Friends, professors of the Christian Religion of our blessed Lord and Saviour, both as to his outstanding manifestations in the body, and inward Divine Light, Spirit, Grace, and Truth, for the conversion, regeneration, preservation and sanctification of the mind and soul of man, and is truly taught in the Scriptures when opened by the same divine spirit which superintended the writers thereof, for the very great benefit, strength and comfort of all pious people who read them, — and especially for the instruction and edification of religious, seeking minds of both young and old.

[Item] 44th. I also give to my said grand daughter Anna Almy Jenkins, for and during her natural life, the following Estates, viz: — My farm in Seekonk, containing about three hundred acres more or less, whereon my tenant parol Adam Comstock now lives: — My lot of land, of thirty-six acres, now under lease to Jonathan Niles: — My lot, and my stores standing thereon, nearly opposite the Providence Bank, extending from the Main Street to the lot I gave my son Obadiah Brown deceased, on which he caused a block of brick stores to be built and which he left to his niece, the said Anna Almy Jenkins, and are now in her possession: And after her decease, my Will is, and I hereby give the said Estates, to her surviving children, equally between them, their hiers and assigns, forever. — And should any of the said estates, by the decease of my said grand-daughter, become the property of any of her said children during their minority, — my Will is, that their father, William Jenkins, have the care, use, and improvement of the same, or of such minors proportion thereof, until they shall respectively become of age.

[Item] 45th. I give and devise unto my said grand daughter, Anna Almy Jenkins, the following lots or parcels of land, to her, heirs and assigns, forever; viz, — my House and Lot, — my Seven Acre and Hat-Factory Lots, — with the shop lately occupied by Arnold Wilkinson, — my Watered Meadow Lot, a little farther Northward, extending from the Main Street to the river, containing, by estimation, three acres, more or less, and is bounded Southerly by a lot of her father’s, and Northerly by a road leading to Thurber’s Mills, as the fence stands, — all situated at the Northerly part of this City: — My bleach-yard lot, adjoining the Old Cotton Mill Lot, and the lot rented to the Fire Engine Company in Pawtucket, in North Providence X my house and lot in Seekonk, near Central Bridge; — my Ridge Hill Lot, South thereof; my Gravelly-Hill Lot, South of the Creek flowing between this and the last-mentioned lot; — my Long Meadow Lot, still further South; — all purchased by Deeds: — the latter belonging to my predecessor, is included in the Deed of

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my House Farm; — my lots bounded Easterly by the stone wall lately through the Swamp meadow, from Angell Street to Old Gaol Lane (dividing between these lots and the lots hereinbefore given to Avis L. Harris,) and extending Westward from said stone wall to old Prospect Street, on the hill, leaving ten feet to widen said Street on the East side: (these lots are bounded on the North, partly by Friends Burial Ground:) — Also the small barn standing on one of the said lots: — the lots Westward of said Prospect Street, to Mathew Watson’s and John Smith’s house- lots, which said last-mentioned lot I sold to Benjamin Smith, son of the said John Smith; — leaving to the City, the correction of the mistake of leaving two avenues from Angell Street into Prospect Street. I say mistake — for it so appeared to the Town Council and to others — on considering my memorial to them on the subject: — and it was proposed to correct the same by widening the old street Eastward, to fifty feet; — but the business is not yet finished, but I trust will be regulated: — Also twenty seventy-one parts of the house and about ten acres of land belonging to the old proprietors of Central Bridge. I also give my grand daughter Anna Almy Jenkins, five shares in the Central Bridge, — a silver tankard, marked I. A. A., — a pint silver porringer, marked the same: — a pint silver-can, marked O.B to A.B., and a silver pepper-box marked the same: — all my undisposed of shares in Providence Bank, — all my undisposed of shares in Manufacturers’ Bank. And I furthermore express my will and decree that both my grand daughters herein mentioned, do their endeavours, as far as they can, to leave the Bank Shares, or the amount therof, to their own heirs, without the control or disposal of any other person.

[Item] 46th. Finally, — I hereby give, devise and bequeath unto my said grand-daughter, Anna Almy Jenkins, all the residue and remainder of my estate and estates, real, personal and mixed, wheresoever lying and being, after all my just debts are paid out of the same; — which are few and small, — to her, her heirs and assigns. I hereby nominate, constitute and appoint my friends and kinsmen Bates Harris, William Jenkins and William J. Harris, my executors, and my grand children Anna Almy Jenkins and Avis L. Harris my executrixes to this my Last Will and Testament, who are to receive, out of my Estate, ample compensation for their services. In Witness whereof, I the said Moses Brown hereunto set my hand and affix my seal, this 12th day of the fifth month, in the Year of Our Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and thirty-four. 1834. s/ Moses Brown {L.S.}

Signed, sealed, published, pronounced and } declared, by the said Moses Brown, as and } for his Last Will and Testament, in the }

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presence of us, who, at the time, at his } request, in his presence and in the } presence of each other hereunto set } our names as witnesses to the same. } Edward M. Robinson. } Welcome Congdon. } George C. Arnold. } William L. Patten. }

————

I, Moses Brown of Providence in the County of Providence, State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Do make and ordain this Instrument as and for a codicil to my Last Will and Testament bearing date the twelfth day of the fifth month, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-four, — as follows, — Whereas, my grand daughter Anna Almy Jenkins wife of William Jenkins since the execution of my Last Will and Testament, aforesaid, has borne a son, born on or about the seventh day of the second month, this year, whose name is Moses Brown Jenkins, and whom I am desirous, if it be the Divine Will, may survive to enjoy a part of the estate his will has placed in my hands to dispose of; — and it is my Will, that in case he the said Moses Brown Jenkins should live to the twenty-one years, or marry and have a child, he should have, and I hereby give, devise, and bequeath unto him, the whole of my homestead farm where I now live, in Providence Neck, after the life time of my grand daughter his mother, to whom the same farm is given in my said Will and Testament during her natural life — any thing proposed or written in my said Will to the contrary notwithstanding. — And it is my further Will and pleasure, if he survive as aforesaid, that he have an equal share and part of my other estate given in my aforesaid Last Will to his mother and to his two sisters Sarah Brown and Anna Almy Jenkins as fully as though my Will was re-drawn and now executed including the same. And my meaning is, that the three children be otherwise equal in my estate, save this grant and devise to my namesake, as aforesaid. And whereas, in Item 33 of my said Will, I have given one share in Providence Bank, to the Society for Abolishing the Slave Trade, tr, “as by Charter established,” — and it not appearing probable that there may be another meeting of said Society legally convened, I do therefore make null and void that particular legacy as therein bequeathed; and do hereby give unto my trusty friends George W. Benson and Hugh H. Brown, in Trust, for the use of the Providence AntiSlavery Society, the said one share.

[Subscribing witnesses to codicil: William L. Patten, Jonathan Freeborn, James P. Hoskins, and Perry J. Chace. Both instruments, will and codicil were adjudged to be proved by Albert G. Greene, Clerk, and with a letter testimentary

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recorded on 18th day of October, A.D. 1836 in Will Book 14, pages 23-28.]

July 9, Thursday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th day 9th of 7 M / Thro’ forgetfulness of the time on which Meeting began I was not there today It happened on this wise — Meeting on 5th day in Newport from my Youth till the time we removed to Providence always began at 11 OClock - since our removal, in the Summer season it has been changed to half past 10 OClock - This Morning I was engaged on some buisness & returned home as I thought in good season to be at Meeting, but when I got ready it wanted only 10 Minutes of 11 OClock & then I recollected that Meeting must have been gathered nearly half an hour - It is some satisfactiion to me that Meeting was on my mind, & that it was not the day, but the time of day that escaped me - Some may say a Miss one way, is as bad as another, but I do not feel very guilty or very bad any way about it, but am sorry to Miss a Meeting when it was my full intention to have attended. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

July 22, Wednesday: The balloon of the master goldbeater and intrepid aeronaut Louis Lauriat rose from Providence (Moshasuck), Rhode Island and in one hour and 25 minutes transited to within 19 miles of Boston town.

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th M 22nd 1835 (4th day) / We rode to Portsmouth to attend the Select Meeting - which was a time of some favour, & I was glad I was there it being the first I have attended Since we left Providence — We went to Uncle Stantons & spent the Afternoon - found him very poorly & the probability is that he is wearing out & cannot remain long with us - or cannot remain long on this side of the grave, tho’ he may outlive many who now seem in tolerable health — We know not who may be called first, when I reflect on the many that are young in life pass to their long homes & leave behind them, those that are far advanced in life - I often think, how uncertain all things are in this transitory World RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

August 6, Thursday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th day 6 of 8 M / Again went to Portsmouth to attend the Quarterly Meeting at large, - It was a season of Watering under the Ministry of Moses Beede & Mead Atwater - Ruth Davis in

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supplication at the conclusion — The Meeting for buisness was not long - very little buisness but the Answers to the queries before it. — After Meeting we rode home without dinner & got into town in season to get on board the Lexington for Providence & arrived there just after Sunsett & went to my dear Friend Moses Browns & lodged - found him well & very glad to see me - I spent the evening very pleasantly with him & the company of there. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

Commander George Back arrived at Montréal on his way back home to England and glory.

Bolivia gained its independence.

September 12, Saturday: It was the 2d centennial of the founding of the town of Concord and Waldo Emerson stood before its assembled citizenry in the old church to deliver the 2d Centennial Anniversary Address. The structure was packed so full that it was felt appropriate to place props under the galleries. Still “one of them settled alarmingly with the weight,” and when it “cracked ominously” some members of the audience made a rush to save themselves. Emerson, however, read for an hour and three-quarters: “A Historical Discourse, Delivered before the Citizens of Concord, 12th September 1835.” (See Rusk, Volume I, pages 451-453.) Good people, they sat still to hear about themselves. The paper told them how fine New Englanders were and what a grand institution the New England town meeting was:

It is the consequence of this institution that not a school-house, a public pew, a bridge, a pound, a mill- dam, hath been set up, or pulled down, or altered, or bought, or sold, without the whole population of this town having a voice in the affair. A general contentment is the result. And the people truly feel that they are lords of the soil. In every winding road, in every stone fence, in the smokes of the poor-house chimney, in the clock on the church, they read their own power, and consider, at leisure, the wisdom and error of their judgments.

Waldo, in his wisdom, specifically called for the compensated emancipation of all American slaves (no compensation whatever to the slaves for their stolen labor, of course, and no provisions whatever for their illness or old age), followed of course by a total black repatriation to the coast of Africa. He supposed this could be accomplished at the ridiculously low cost of one week’s wages, which is to say approximately $6, per

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white citizen worker: “It is said, it will cost a thousand millions of dollars to buy the slaves, — which sounds like a fabulous price. But if a price were named in good faith, — with the other elements of a practicable treaty in readiness, and with the convictions of mankind on this mischief once well awake and conspiring, I do not think that any amount that figures could tell, founded on an estimate, would be quite unmanageable. Every man in the world might give a week’s work to sweep this mountain of calamities out of the earth.”

As part of the oration, Emerson pointed out that after the Reverend “John Eliot’s praying Indians” had requested permission to establish a “praying village” near Concord, and had been granted such permission,

It is the misfortune of Concord to have permitted a disgraceful outrage upon the friendly Indians settled within its limits, in February, 1676, which ended in their forcible expulsion from the town.

That’s all. Nothing about racial mass murder, or the violation of the innocent woman and child. JOHN ELIOT

John Shepard Keyes liked this one heck of a lot — self-congratulation being right up his alley: At any rate I had never enjoyed so much in a day before and I keep the manuscript of Emersons oration to this day as my greatest literary treasure, and I mean never to part with it. J.S. KEYES AUTOBIOGRAPHY O C R the 64 pages of: Waldo Emerson’s “A Historical Discourse, Delivered before the Citizens of Concord,

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12th September 1835”

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A quotation from page 36 of Dr. Edward Jarvis’s TRADITIONS AND REMINISCENCES OF CONCORD, MASSACHUSETTS 1779-1878, in regard to the elaborate mechanics of this celebration, is to be found on the following screen: [next screen]

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The dinner tent was in the field where now (1875) stands the dwelling of Judge Brooks. Mr. Shepherd, the excellent keeper of the hotel, was professionally ambitious and unwilling to set out a cheap dinner to which the multitude should come. He would get one that would be honorable to his hotel and to the town. The majority and the leading influences in the committee agreed with him and accepted his proposition to have a dinner at the cost of a $1.50 for each person. There was not then nor has there since been any doubt that Mr. Shepherd’s dinner was worth that sum or that as a matter of entertainment it was an honor to his skill and good taste and honorable dealing with customs. But although about 400 ate at this table and enjoyed the intellectual feast that followed, there was yet very many to whom it was an impossibility and these were kept away, who otherwise might have joined in the festivity and contributed by their presence to swell the gathering of Concord and her children and children’s children at their family homes.... They remembered and brought up the scene on the Common when Lafayette was entertained in 1825 and said that this, like that, was for the glorification of the rich and [that it was] framed [planned] with the necessary consequence of the mortification of the mass of the people. Means were taken and influences used to persuade people not to accept this hospitality as alluded to in the article opposite then printed in the Concord paper. [The article referred is a letter dated September 12, 1835, signed “The wife of a Middlesex farmer,” and describes the events of the centennial celebration: “I notice those who in independence might leisurely recline on a hair-cloth sofa with a volume of the ILIAD, or ride in a splendid carriage to variegate the scene; here were those, who in the humbler walks of life ply their needles or tend their dairies for a livelihood -- all, all seemed happy without any inequality or distinction.... Most of us have the means of educating our children, as well as those who count their thousands; let us do it, and ever impress on their minds that true greatness and superiority consists more in wisdom and merit than in splendid equipages and fine houses.”]... When the committee had finished their work and paid all the bills for expenses incurred under their direction, they found that they had exceeded the town’s appropriation by about one hundred dollars. At first view, seeing that all this town’s money had been expended in carrying out the purposes of the town, it would seem that this excess should be reported to the town and an additional appropriation asked for the payment. But the committee remembered the dissatisfaction that had been manifested by some and the undercurrent of censure that had been stirred by the leading malcontents and thought it more wise to ask no more grant of the town and avoid any opportunity of public complaint or unkind taunting at the gathering of the people. They therefore unanimously agreed to pay this deficiency out of their own private funds, each paying an equal proportion of the whole.

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Meanwhile, on the opposite coast of the continent, Richard Henry Dana, Jr. was getting involved again in the port business of carrying hides, ferrying passengers, etc., in San Pedro harbor just as in San Diego harbor, the biggest difference between the two anchorages being that the ship was now farther offshore.

AND NOW, FOR SOMETHING ENTIRELY DIFFERENT, A REPORT FROM OUR SAILOR: The next morning, according to the orders of the agent, the Pilgrim set sail for the windward, to be gone three or four months. She got under weigh with very little fuss, and came so near us as to throw a letter on board, Captain Faucon standing at the tiller himself, and steering her as he would a mackerel smack. When Captain T______was in command of the Pilgrim, there was as much preparation and ceremony as there would be in getting a seventy-four under weigh. Captain Faucon was a sailor, every inch of him; he knew what a ship was, and was as much at home in one, as a cobbler in his stall. I wanted no better proof of this than the opinion of the ship’s crew, for they had been six months under his command, and knew what he was; and if sailors allow their captain to be a good seaman, you may be sure he is one, for that is a thing they are not always ready to say. After the Pilgrim left us, we lay three weeks at San Pedro, from the 11th of September until the 2nd of October, engaged in the usual port duties of landing cargo, taking off hides, etc., etc. These duties were much easier, and went on much more agreeably, than on board the Pilgrim. “The more, the merrier,” is the sailor’s maxim; and a boat’s crew of a dozen could take off all the hides brought down in a day, without much trouble, by division of labor; and on shore, as well as on board, a good will, and no discontent or grumbling, make everything go well. The officer, too, who usually went with us, the third mate, was a fine young fellow, and made no unnecessary trouble; so that we generally had quite a sociable time, and were glad to be relieved from the restraint of the ship. While here, I often thought of the miserable, gloomy weeks we had spent in this dull place, in the brig; discontent and hard usage on board, and four hands to do all the work on shore. Give me a big ship. There is more room, more hands, better outfit, better regulation, more life, and more company. Another thing was better arranged here: we had a regular gig’s crew. A light whale-boat, handsomely painted, and fitted out with stern seats, yoke, tiller-ropes, etc., hung on the starboard quarter, and was used as the gig. The youngest lad in the ship, a Boston boy about thirteen years old, was coxswain of this boat, and had the entire charge of her, to keep her clean, and have her in readiness to go and come at any hour. Four light hands, of about the same size and age, of whom I was one, formed the crew. Each had his oar and seat numbered, and we were obliged to be in our places, have our oars scraped white, our tholepins in, and the fenders over the side. The bow-man had charge of the boat-hook and painter, and the coxswain of the rudder, yoke, and stern-sheets. Our duty was to carry the captain and agent about, and passengers off and on;

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which last was no trifling duty, as the people on shore have no boats, and every purchaser, from the boy who buys his pair of shoes, to the trader who buys his casks and bales, were to be taken off and on, in our boat. Some days, when people were coming and going fast, we were in the boat, pulling off and on, all day long, with hardly time for our meals; making, as we lay nearly three miles from shore, from forty to fifty miles rowing in a day. Still, we thought it the best berth in the ship; for when the gig was employed, we had nothing to do with the cargo, except small bundles which the passengers carried with them, and no hides to carry, besides the opportunity of seeing everybody, making acquaintances, hearing the news, etc. Unless the captain or agent were in the boat, we had no officer with us, and often had fine times with the passengers, who were always willing to talk and joke with us. Frequently, too, we were obliged to wait several hours on shore; when we would haul the boat up on the beach, and leaving one to watch her, go up to the nearest house, or spend the time in strolling about the beach, picking up shells, or playing hopscotch, and other games, on the hard sand. The rest of the crew never left the ship, except for bringing heavy goods and taking off hides; and though we were always in the water, the surf hardly leaving us a dry thread from morning till night, yet we were young, and the climate was good, and we thought it much better than the quiet, hum-drum drag and pull on board ship. We made the acquaintance of nearly half of California; for, besides carrying everybody in our boat,– men, women, and children,– all the messages, letters, and light packages went by us, and being known by our dress, we found a ready reception everywhere. At San Pedro, we had none of this amusement, for, there being but one house in the place, we, of course, had but little company. All the variety that I had, was riding, once a week, to the nearest rancho, to order a bullock down for the ship. The brig Catalina came in from San Diego, and being bound up to windward, we both got under weigh at the same time, for a trial of speed up to Santa Barbara, a distance of about eighty miles. We hove up and got under sail about eleven o’clock at night, with a light land-breeze, which died away toward morning, leaving us becalmed only a few miles from our anchoring-place. The Catalina, being a small vessel, of less than half our size, put out sweeps and got a boat ahead, and pulled out to sea, during the night, so that she had the sea-breeze earlier and stronger than we did, and we had the mortification of seeing her standing up the coast, with a fine breeze, the sea all ruffled about her, while we were becalmed, in-shore. When the sea-breeze died away, she was nearly out of sight; and, toward the latter part of the afternoon, the regular north-west wind set in fresh, we braced sharp upon it, took a pull at every sheet, tack, and halyard, and stood after her, in fine style, our ship being very good upon a taughtened bowline. We had nearly five hours of fine sailing, beating up to windward, by long stretches in and off shore, and evidently gaining upon the Catalina at every tack.

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When this breeze left us, we were so near as to count the painted ports on her side. Fortunately, the wind died away when we were on our inward tack, and she on her outward, so we were in-shore, and caught the land-breeze first, which came off upon our quarter, about the middle of the first watch. All hands were turned-up, and we set all sail, to the skysails and the royal studding-sails; and with these, we glided quietly through the water, leaving the Catalina, which could not spread so much canvas as we, gradually astern, and, by daylight, were off St. Buenaventura, and our antagonist nearly out of sight. The sea- breeze, however, favored her again, while we were becalmed under the headland, and laboring slowly along, she was abreast of us by noon. Thus we continued, ahead, astern, and abreast of one another, alternately; now, far out at sea, and again, close in under the shore. On the third morning, we came into the great bay of Santa Barbara, two hours behind the brig, and thus lost the bet; though, if the race had been to the point, we should have beaten her by five or six hours. This, however, settled the relative sailing of the vessels, for it was admitted that although she, being small and light, could gain upon us in very light winds, yet whenever there was breeze enough to set us agoing, we walked away from her like hauling in a line; and in beating to windward, which is the best trial of a vessel, we had much the advantage of her.

Wilhelm Wieprecht, director of the Berlin Gardes du Corps-Musik, received a patent for a bass tuba.

In Newport, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th day 12th of 9th M 1835 / I dreamed a dream last night which I have often thought of thro’ the day. I was at the School in Providence where I saw a scene, which I shall not describe - It was among the classical Schollars & my mind was so wrought upon by it, that I fell to preaching to them with a powerful voice & with such regularity & connection as made me wonder at my self as when ever I have offered any thing among them my expressions have been few & under a degree of embarrassment - Well I have greatly desired & laboured much for the welfare of that Institution, but if things remain as they were when I was last there, & if they should prove as I saw them in my dream last night - it is Certainly time there was some change in its condition. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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September 18, Friday: David Henry Thoreau’s Harvard College essay on assignment “Speak of the privileges and pleasures of a literary man.”

In Newport, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6th day 18th of 9th M 1835 / Today Sister Mary returned to me the Letters which I wrote to my Lamented & dear Sister Ruth during my residence in Providence - I have read them all over, between 30 & 40 in Number - they revived some past occurrences which were much effaced from my memory - & renewd the feelings & rememberance of others, & were on the whole very interesting to me - I was glad they were preserved, as they contain an account of some things, which may be remembered to some advantage in a future day. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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September 29, Tuesday: Records of the “Institute of 1770”: “Whether the emigration [sic] of foreigners into our country is evil or not? Decided in the negative — 9 to 6.

Grand duo concertant sur la romance de ‘Le Marin’ for violin and piano by Franz Liszt was performed for the initial time, in Geneva.

In Newport, Rhode Island, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3rd day 29th of 9th M 1835 / This Morning Our Dear Sister Elizabeth R Nichols, her son in law Isaiah & her little daughter Elizabeth Jr left us by the Steam Boat expecting to be at the School committee in Providence today, expecting to leave for Salem tomorrow — I sent several letters by them to my friends at Providence. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

October: A duel took place near Scott’s pond in Smithfield, Rhode Island between two naval officers who had arrived by boat from New-York to Providence and then by coach. It appears that both officers sustained wounds.

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December 16, Wednesday: US Representative John Fairfield of Maine petitioned in Congress for an end to human enslavement in the District of Columbia.

The Anti-Masonic Party met at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania and nominated William Henry Harrison for President of the United States of America, with New York’s Francis Granger for Vice President.

Fromental Halevy’s opera comique L’eclair to words of Saint-Georges and de Planard was performed for the initial time, at the Theatre de la Bourse, Paris. The critics were pleased. In the orchestra was Jacques Offenbach, a young cellist.

On the previous day a surge of Arctic air had sent thermometers below -20 degrees in the north. Toward the south of New England at about dawn on this day temperatures had begun to plunge, and then in the evening the temperature in Boston, where a “northwester” had been blowing all day, fell from -1 degree to -10 degrees. During the hours of daylight in Providence, Rhode Island temperatures dropped from -4 degrees to -12 degrees while temperatures in Nantucket dropped from +5 degrees to -6 degrees. A fire broke out in the financial district area of Pearl Street near Wall and William Streets in lower Manhattan Island in New-York in the vicinity of Hanover Square, and all the fire hydrants being frozen, 350 buildings were consumed.

1836

John Russell Bartlett became a bookseller in New-York (Bartlett & Welford). After more than a decade of this he would return to Providence, Rhode Island.

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Abby Kelley took a teaching job at the Religious Society of Friends school in Lynn, between Boston and 1 Salem. At that time the fee for teaching an older child was usually about a shilling or 12 /2 cents and teaching usually brought in an income of about $200.00 per year, or perhaps rather less than that for a female teacher.

There Friend Abby would meet Friend James N. Buffum, father of her classmate, Friend Elizabeth Buffum Chase from the Yearly Meeting School in Providence, Rhode Island, and Friend Buffum and Friend William Bassett, two leading abolitionists in Lynn, would introduce Abby to the growing number of state and local anti- slavery societies that were beginning since the founding of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1833. Abby would join the Female Anti-Slavery Society in Lynn and begin distributing petitions door-to-door, sewing and selling fancy articles at the fairs to raise money for the cause. During her school breaks she would be visiting Boston and Worcester to attend meetings of that Society, meetings which women attended but at which there was an expectation that there would be no attempts to speak.

500 townspeople of Rochester, New York signed a temperance petition urging the federal Congress to address the nation’s alcohol problem.

Samuel Green of the NEW ENGLAND ALMANACK AND FARMERS FRIEND wrote that tobacco was an insecticide, a poison, a filthy habit — and could kill a man.

THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANAC FOR 1836. By Isaac Bickerstaff. Providence, Rhode Island: Hugh H. Brown. This year the letter “k” was omitted from the word “almanac.”

James Burrill Curtis became a “special student” at Brown University. He would continue to study at this school until 1840 but would leave without a degree.

There were at this point 158 Quakers in Providence. RHODE ISLAND

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Publication in Providence, Rhode Island of a description of the various components of the New England Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends. READ ALL ABOUT IT

The “Act to provide for the education of children at public expense within the City and County of Philadelphia” that had in 1834 provided schoolhouses, teachers, and supervision of a free public school system was at this point amended to form the basis for a system of free, tax-supported general education throughout Pennsylvania. QUAKER EDUCATION

Publication of the 2d edition of George Savage White’s 1836 volume MEMOIR OF SAMUEL SLATER, THE FATHER OF AMERICAN MANUFACTURES; CONNECTED WITH A HISTORY OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COTTON MANUFACTURE IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA; WITH REMARKS ON THE MORAL INFLUENCE OF MANUFACTORIES IN THE UNITED STATES (we know that Thoreau would peruse an extensive review of this). SAMUEL SLATER

March 18, Friday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6th day 18th of 3 M / Our Friends Enoch Page & his wife Sophrona together with Sister Elizabeth R Nichols on a journey into Virginia Yearly Meeting intending to pay a religious visit to the Meetings constituting it & to attend the approaching Yearly Meeting there in the 5th Month - They arrived in the Steamboat from Providence this Afternoon & the Wind blowing a gale they continued at the head of Long Wharf thro’ the rest of the day & evening - this gave me an opportunity to visit them in the Afternoon, & again in the evening & had unity & sweet fellowship with them - under a full belief that it is right for them to go & that they are put forth under the influence of the right Spirit, & in the right calling. — The wind blew so hard that it was not fit for them to come on shore or they would have been very glad to have spent an hour or two at Fathers & with us. Mary Merrett wife of Wilson Merrett of NYork was also on board having been to Providence to fetch her son James from the YMBSchool who has been there for some time & is now quite sick We were kindly entertained by them at their home in NYork as we passed through on our return from Hudson in the 5 M last. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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May 22, Sunday: At the Niederrheinisches Musikfest in Dusseldorf, Felix Mendelssohn conducted his own St. Paul, an oratorio to words of Schubring after the Bible for the initial time (this and other performances at the festival would assure Mendelssohn’s international stature).

Sam Houston landed in New Orleans, where he was met by a band and huzzahing crowds. I bring you tidings of great cheer — Texians are revolting!

The laying, in Concord, of the corner-stone for a Trinitarian Congregationalist Church.

Richard Henry Dana, Jr. and the Alert were approaching the equator. After an equatorial rain squall, everyone was able to take a freshwater bath.

AND NOW, FOR SOMETHING ENTIRELY DIFFERENT, A REPORT FROM OUR SAILOR: Sunday, May 22d. Lat. 5 14N., long. 166 45W. We were now a fortnight out, and within five degrees of the line, to which two days of good breeze would take us; but we had, for the most part, what sailors call “an Irishman’s hurricane,– right up and down.” This day it rained nearly all day, and being Sunday, and nothing to do, we stopped up the scuppers and filled the decks with rain water, and bringing all our clothes on deck, had a grand wash, fore and aft. When this was through, we stripped to our drawers, and taking pieces of soap and strips of canvas for towels, we turned-to and soaped, washed, and scrubbed one another down, to get off, as we said, the California dust; for the common wash in salt water, which is all Jack can get, being on an allowance of fresh, had little efficacy, and was more for taste than utility. The captain was below all the afternoon, and we had something nearer to a Saturnalia than anything we had yet seen; for the mate came into the scuppers, with a couple of boys to scrub him, and got into a battle with them in heaving water. By unplugging the holes, we let the soapsuds off the decks, and in a short time had a new supply of rain water, in which we had a grand rinsing. It was surprising to see how much soap and fresh water did for the complexions of many of us; how much of what we supposed to be tan and sea-blacking, we got rid of. The next day, the sun rising clear, the ship was covered, fore and aft, with clothes of all sorts, hanging out to dry.

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 1st day 22nd of 5 M 1836 / Father in both meetings today had short but I thought lively & well adapted testimonies to bear - but they were not very rich seasons to me. — After tea I went to the head of the Long Wharf when the Steam Boat came down from Providence - there were many persons there but I did not know the cause of it till I got there - It seems the Company of soldiers on Fort Walcot were to embark to go to Georgia to Fight the Indians - after the boat had taken in her passengers at the Long Wharf she went over to the fort wharf where the poor fellows were arraneged in Martial order & we saw them March down on board the boat to go off to be Shot at It was an affecting scene to see them leave a pleasant Island & healthy situation where their little gardens were made & their articles of Vegitables already come up & in good progress -to see them with heavy & very sorrowful & dismayed feelings leave all this, for an unhealthy climate, which of itself is almost certain death to a Northern constitution, & above all to be shot at & Killed or to Kill the Indians in their way

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It was a very affecting scene & reminded me of a scene I once saw in Providence of a Man who was going to the Gallows - It seemed nearly as awful when I saw these poor objects March down from the Barracks & go on board the boat - but over all & above all, when we reflect on the utter inconsistency & repugnance it is to the Gospel of Jesus Christ. How truly Awful. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

July 5, Tuesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3rd day 5 of 7 M / This Morning I went on board the Steam Boat & got to Providence in season to attend the Meeting of the Sub- committee & Spent the day at the School House Lodged at my dear fr Moses Browns RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

David Henry Thoreau wrote from Concord to Henry Vose, a classmate at Harvard College and fellow Concordian who would eventually sit on the Superior Court of Massachusetts. Concord, July 5.th 1836. Dear Vose. You will probably recognise in the following dialogue a part which you yourself acted. Act 1st. Scene 1st. T. Come, Vose, let’s hear from a fellow now and then. V. We–––ll, I certainly will, but you must write first. T. No, confound you, I shall have my hands full, and moreover shall have nothing to say, while you will have bonfires, gunpowder plots, and deviltry enough to back you. V. Well, I’ll write first, and in the course of our correspondence we can settle a certain other matter. Now ’tis to this “certain other matter” alone that you are indebted for this epistle. The length and breadth, the height and depth, the sum & substance, of what I have to say, is this. Your humble servant will endeavor to enter the Senior Class of Harvard University next term, and if you intend taking a room in College, and it should be consistent with your pleasure, will joyfully sign himself your lawful and proper “Chum”. Should the case be otherwise, you will oblige him much if you will request that sage doughface of a Wheeler to secure me one of the fol- lowing rooms. Agreeably to his polite offer. H. 23 St. do H. 27 St. do

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St 28 H. do Look well to the order. I shall expect to hear from you forthwith. I leave it to you to obtain a room, should it be necessary. Yrs Matter-of-factly D H Thoreau

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Until Friday, aboard the Alert, Richard Henry Dana, Jr. would be sick in his hammock.

AND NOW, FOR SOMETHING ENTIRELY DIFFERENT, A REPORT FROM OUR SAILOR: I went below and turned-in, covering myself over with blankets and jackets, and lay in my berth nearly twenty-four hours, half asleep and half awake, stupid, from the dull pain. I heard the watch called, and the men going up and down, and sometimes a noise on deck, and a cry of “ice,” but I gave little attention to anything. At the end of twenty-four hours the pain went down, and I had a long sleep, which brought me back to my proper state; yet my face was so swollen and tender, that I was obliged to keep to my berth for two or three days longer. During the two days I had been below, the weather was much the same that it had been, head winds, and snow and rain; or, if the wind came fair, too foggy, and the ice too thick, to run. At the end of the third day the ice was very thick; a complete fog-bank covered the ship. It blew a tremendous gale from the eastward, with sleet and snow, and there was every promise of a dangerous and fatiguing night. At dark, the captain called all hands aft, and told them that not a man was to leave the deck that night; that the ship was in the greatest danger; any cake of ice might knock a hole in her, or she might run on an island and go to pieces. No one could tell whether she would be a ship the next morning. The look-outs were then set, and every man was put in his station. When I heard what was the state of things, I began to put on my clothes to stand it out with the rest of them, when the mate came below, and looking at my face, ordered me back to my berth, saying that if we went down, we should all go down together, but if I went on deck I might lay myself up for life. This was the first word I had heard from aft; for the captain had done nothing, nor inquired how I was, since I went below. In obedience to the mate’s orders, I went back to my berth; but a more miserable night I never wish to spend. I never felt the curse of sickness so keenly in my life. If I could only have been on deck with the rest, where something was to be done, and seen, and heard; where there were fellow-beings for companions in duty and danger– but to be cooped up alone in a black hole, in equal danger, but without the power to do, was the hardest trial. Several times, in the course of the night, I got up, determined to go on deck; but the silence which showed that there was nothing doing, and the knowledge that I might make myself seriously ill, for nothing, kept me back. It was not easy to sleep, lying, as I did, with my head directly against the bows, which might be dashed in by an island of ice, brought down by the very next sea that struck her. This was the only time I had been ill since I left Boston, and it was the worst time it could have happened. I felt almost willing to bear the plagues of Egypt for the rest of the voyage, if I could but be well and strong for that one night. Yet it was a dreadful night for those on deck. A watch of eighteen hours, with wet, and cold, and constant anxiety, nearly wore them out; and when they came below at nine o’clock for breakfast, they almost dropped asleep on their chests, and some of them were so stiff that they could with difficulty sit down. Not a drop of anything had been given them during the whole time, (though the captain, as on the night that I was on deck, had his coffee every four hours,) except that the mate stole a potful of coffee for two men to drink behind the galley, while he kept a look-out for the captain. Every man had his station, and was not allowed to leave it; and nothing happened to break the monotony of the night, except once setting the main topsails to run clear of a large island to leeward, which they were drifting fast upon. Some of the boys got so sleepy and stupefied, that they actually fell asleep at their posts; and the young third mate, whose station was the exposed one of standing on the fore scuttle, was so stiff, when he was relieved, that he could not bend his knees to get down. By a constant look-out, and a quick shifting of the helm, as the islands and pieces came in sight, the ship went clear of everything but a few small pieces, though daylight showed the ocean covered for miles.

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July 6, Wednesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 4th day 6th of 7th M 1836 / Still at Providence engaged with others by appoinment from the Yearly Meeting in transferring the School fund from Moses Brown the old treasurer resigned to Wm Jenkins who was appointed in the 6 M to succeed him - We were engaged all this forenoon in receiving the fund from Moses Brown & receipting to him for the same & giving him a discharge from his long & arduous duties for the space of 50 Years — After dining at the house of our Venerable friend we went to Wm Jenkins Store & Paid the effects over to him amounting to $94, 999 or thereabout & took his receipt for the same. — I went with Thos Howland to the School House & lodged there. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

July 7, Thursday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th day after attending to a little buisness of my own I attended the Week day Meeting in Providence which was held in Silence Dined at William Jenkins’s, who at 4 OC carried me to the Steam Boat & I came home. — This is the first time the treasury of the School fund was ever transfered - Moses Brown having held it from its first commencement - My visit was a pleasant one & I left my friends there under a good degree of encouragement & good feelings. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

August 5, Friday: A memorial address was delivered by Judge John Pitman in Providence, Rhode Island on the occasion of that municipality’s 200th birthday: JUDGE JOHN PITMAN

D.H. Thoreau wrote from Concord to Charles Wyatt Rice in Brookfield: Concord, Aug. 5th, 1836. Friend Rice, You say you are in the hay-field: how I envy you! Methinks I see thee stretched at thy ease by the side of a fragrant rick, with a mighty flagon [in] one hand, a cold [cold] slice in the other, and a most ravenous appetite to boot. So much for haying. Now as I can-

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not hay nor scratch dirt, I manage to keep soul and body together another way. I have been manufac- turing a kind of vessel in miniature, not a [Greek text,] as Homer has it, but a kind of oblong bread- trough. In days of yore, tis said, the swimming alder [(]of its smooth coat, Fashioned rude, with branches lopt, and stripped ^ Where here fallen tree was none, and rippling streams vast breadth

Page 2 [did bear Forbade adventurous leap, the brawny swain ^ Secure to farthest shore. [the lay The book has passed away, and with the book ^ Which in my youthful days I loved to ponder. Of curious things it told, how wise men 3 of Gotham. In a bowl did venture out to sea, And darkly hints their awful fate[.] If men have dared the main to tempt in such frail barks[.] Why may not wash tub round, or bread- troughs square oblong Suffice to cross the purling wave and gain the destin’d port[!] What, think you, do these capitals mean? When I begin to feel bluey I just step into my hog-trough, leave care behind, and drift along our sluggish stream at the mercy of the winds and waves. The following is an extract from the log-book of the Red Jacket, Captain Thoreau.

Page 3 Set sail from the Island — the Island! how expressive! — reached Thayer’s after a tedious voyage, having encountered a head wind during the whole passage —

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waves running mountain-high, with breakers to the leeward — however, arrived safe, and after a thorough refit, being provided with extra cables birch [&] a [firstrate] main-mast, weighed anchor ^ at 3 o’clock P.M Aug. 1st, 1836, N.S. wind blowing N.N.E. The breeze having in- creased to a gale, tack’d ship[=]station- ed myself at the helm and prepared for emergencies. Just as the ship was rounding point Dennis a squall struck her, under a cloud of canvas, which swept the deck. The aforesaid mast went by the board, carrying with it our only mainsail. The vessel being left at the mercy of the waves, was cast ashore on Nawshawtuck beach. — Natives a harmless

Page 4 inoffensive race, principally devoted to agricultural pursuits — appeared somewhat astonished that a stranger should land so unceremoniously on their coast. Got her off at 20 minutes of 4, and after a short and pleasant passage of 10 minutes arrived safely in port with a valueable cargo. — “Epistolary matter”, says Lamb, “usually comprises 3 topics, news, sentiment and puns.” Now as to news I dont know the coin — the newspapers take care of that. Puns I abhor and more espec- ially deliberate ones. Sentiment alone is immortal, the rest are short-lived — evanescent. Now this is neither matter[-] of-fact, nor pungent, nor yet sentimental — it is neither one thing nor the other, but a kind of hodge- podge, put together in much the same style that mince pies are fabled to [have] been made, [i.e.,] by opening the oven ^

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Page 5 door, and from the further end of the room, casting in the various ingredients — a little lard here, a little flour there — now a round of beef and then a cargo of spices — helter skelter. I should like to crawl into those holes you describe — what a crowd of associations ’twould give rise to! “One to once, [G]entlemen.” As to Indian remains the season for grubbing is past with me, the Doctor having expressly forbidden both digging and chopping. My health is so much improved that I shall return to C. next term if they will receive me. French I have certainly neglected, Dan Homer is all the rage at present. This from your friend and classmate, D.H. Thoreau.

Page 6 P.S. It would afford me much pleasure if you would visit our good old town this vacation, in other words myself. Dont fail to answer this forthwith; tis a good thing to persevere in well doing. How true it is that the postscript contains the most important matter invariably.

August 19, Friday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6th day Morning rose early & went to Nathan Breeds to breakfast after which I rode with Edw Wing to Boston - he went on homewards & I staid to take the Rail Road to Providence & got home by the Steam Boat before Night — While in Boston I went to look at Friends New meeting house in Milton place — This is the first time I was ever at Boston Lynn or Salem & I may acknowledge it has been an interesting journey to me. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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On this day and the following one the Alert and Richard Henry Dana, Jr. crossed the equator.

AND NOW, FOR SOMETHING ENTIRELY DIFFERENT, A REPORT FROM OUR SAILOR: ... between twelve o’clock Friday night and one o’clock Saturday morning, crossed the equator, for the fourth time since leaving Boston, in long. 35 W.; having been twenty-seven days from Staten Land– a distance, by the courses we had made, of more than four thousand miles. We were now to the northward of the line, and every day added to our latitude. The Magellan Clouds, the last sign of South latitude, were sunk in the horizon, and the north star, the Great Bear, and the familiar signs of northern latitudes, were rising in the heavens. Next to seeing land, there is no sight which makes one realize more that he is drawing near home, than to see the same heavens, under which he was born, shining at night over his head. The weather was extremely hot, with the usual tropical alternations of a scorching sun and squalls of rain; yet not a word was said in complaint of the heat, for we all remembered that only three or four weeks before we would have given nearly our all to have been where we now were. We had plenty of water, too, which we caught by spreading an awning, with shot thrown in to make hollows. These rain squalls came up in the manner usual between the tropics.– A clear sky; burning, vertical sun; work going lazily on, and men about decks with nothing but duck trowsers, checked shirts, and straw hats; the ship moving as lazily through the water; the man at the helm resting against the wheel, with his hat drawn over his eyes; the captain below, taking an afternoon nap; the passenger leaning over the taffrail, watching a dolphin following slowly in our wake; the sailmaker mending an old topsail on the lee side of the quarterdeck; the carpenter working at his bench, in the waist; the boys making sinner; the spun-yarn winch whizzing round and round, and the men walking slowly fore and aft with their yarns.– A cloud rises to windward, looking a little black; the sky-sails are brailed down; the captain puts his head out of the companion-way, looks at the cloud, comes up, and begins to walk the deck.– The cloud spreads and comes on;– the tub of yarns, the sail, and other matters, are thrown below, and the sky-light and booby-hatch put on, and the slide drawn over the forecastle.– “Stand by the royal halyards;”– the man at the wheel keeps a good weather helm, so as not to be taken aback. The squall strikes her. If it is light, the royal yards are clewed down, and the ship keeps on her way; but if the squall takes strong hold, the royals are clewed up, fore and aft; light hands lay aloft and furl them; top-gallant yards clewed down, flying-jib hauled down, and the ship kept off before it,– the man at the helm laying out his strength to heave the wheel up to windward. At the same time a drenching rain, which soaks one through in an instant. Yet no one puts on a jacket or cap; for if it is only warm, a sailor does not mind a ducking; and the sun will soon be out again. As soon as the force of the squall has passed, though to a common eye the ship would seem to be in the midst of its– “Keep her up to her course, again!”– “Keep her up, sir,” (answer);– “Hoist away the top-gallant yards!”– “Run up the flying jib!”– “Lay aloft, you boys, and loose the royals!”– and all sail is on her again before she is fairly out of the squall; and she is going on in her course. The sun comes out once more, hotter than ever, dries up the decks and the sailors’ clothes; the hatches are taken off; the sail got up and spread on the quarter-deck; spun-yarn winch set a whirling again; rigging coiled up; captain goes below; and every sign of an interruption is removed. These scenes, with occasional dead calms, lasting for hours, and sometimes for days, are fair specimens of the Atlantic tropics. The nights were fine; and as we had all hands all day, the watch were allowed to sleep on deck at night, except the man at the wheel, and one look-out on the forecastle. This was not so much expressly allowed, as winked at. We could do it if we did not ask leave. If the look-out was caught napping, the whole watch was kept awake. We made the most of this permission, and stowed ourselves away upon the rigging, under the weather rail, on the spars, under the windlass, and in all the snug corners; and frequently slept out the watch, unless we had a wheel or a look-out. And we were glad enough to get this

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rest; for under the “all hands” system, out of every other thirty-six hours, we had only four below; and even an hour’s sleep was a gain not to be neglected. One would have thought so, to have seen our watch, some nights, sleeping through a heavy rain. And often have we come on deck, and finding a dead calm and a light, steady rain, and determined not to lose our sleep, have laid a coil of rigging down so as to keep us out of the water which was washing about decks, and stowed ourselves away upon it, covering a jacket over us, and slept as soundly as a Dutchman between two feather beds. For a week or ten days after crossing the line, we had the usual variety of calms, squalls, head winds, and fair winds;– at one time braced sharp upon the wind, with a taught bowline, and in an hour after, slipping quietly along, with a light breeze over the taffrail, and studding-sails out on both sides;– until we fell in with the north-east trade-winds; which we did on the afternoon of ...

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September 6: Having lived a long and productive life despite the most severe and debilitating attacks of vertigo, Friend Moses Brown died just before his 98th birthday.

This would go into Quaker records as: “Moses Brown was born in Providence the 12th day of the Ninth month 1738 old Stile now recond the 23 day of the 9th mo 1738. Moses Brown died the 6th day of 9th mo 1836.”

He bequeathed $15,000 and two acres of land to the Yearly Meeting School in Providence, Rhode Island, in addition to his library. We now have, at the Rhode Island Historical Society, eight boxes of books said to have been in the joint library of Obadiah and Moses Brown. Here is the list of the books that are now in those eight boxes: OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

An Account of the Gospel Labours and Christian John Church- Philadelphia: Benj. & Tho. Kite 1818 Experiences of John Churchman man?

A Journey Through Albania J.C. Hobhouse Philadelphia: M. Carey and Son 1817 Volum es I and II

The Domestic Encyclopedia AFM Willich, Philadelphia: Wllm Young, Birch 1804 (loose MD and Abraham Small boards) Volum e V of V (only)

Elements of Chemistry James Wood- Philadelphia: Benj. & Thos. Kite 1807 Volum es I house, MD and II

Italy by Lady Morgan Lady Morgan New York: J. Seymour 1821 Volum es I and II

Junius ? ?: T. Bentley 1797 Volum es I and II (rebound)

The Substance of some letters by an Englishman ? Philadelphia: M. Thomas 1816 written during the reign of Emperor Napoleon

Universal Biography J. Lempriere, New York: 86 Broadway, New York, 1810 Volum e II DD F. Sargent

Varieties of Literature London: J. Debrett MDC- Volum es I CXCV and II (1795)

Voyages and Travels Pinkerton Philadelphia: Kimber and Con- 1810 Six Vol- rad umes

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OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

Brown’s Answer to Nocutt, An Examination of H.B. London: J. Sowle 1735 Wllm Notcutt’s Reply to H.B.’s vindication etc.

A Collection of the Works of Thomas Chalkley Thomas London: Luke Hinde 1766 Chalkley

An Answer to the Speech of Declaration by the ? London: A. Sowle 1688 Great Turk

The Modern Practice of Physic Robert New York: Collins and Co. 1811 Thomas, MD

Brief Narrative of Life and Death of Gilbert Latey ? London: J. Sowle 170 (?)

A Collection of the Christian Writings, Labours ... Roger Hay- London: T. Sowle 1700 of Roger Haydock dock

Lawson’s Works Lawson? London: T. Sowle 1703

Truth Exalted, Writings of John Burnyeat John Burnyeat London: Thomas North- 1691 cott

The New Testament Boston: F. Ingraham and 1827 J. Putnam

The Book of Martyrs (abridged) New York: Sam’l Wood 1810

The Design of Christianity, epistles and manu- John Crook? London: T. Sowle 1701 scripts of John Crook

Guthries Grammar Guthrie? ?: ? 1782

Life and Posthumous Works of Richard Claridge, Richard Clar- London: J. Sowle 1726 two copies collected by Jo. Besse idge?

Edmundson’s Journal Edmundson? London: sold and printed 1774 by Mary Hinde

Journals and Travels of Samuel Bownas and John ? London, Wllm Dunlap 1759 Richardson reprinted in Philadelphia:

Kerseys Treatise ? Concord: Dan’l Coolege 1818 three copies

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OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

Keith’s Works Keith? ?: ? 1678

Ellwood’s Sacred History Ellwood? London: James Phillips 1783 Volum es I and II

An Account of the Gospel Labours etc. of John ? Philadelphia: Jos. Cruckshank 1729 Churchman

Hints on Scriptural Instruction ? Philadelphia: T. Kite 1831

Thorp’s Letters Thorpe? Liverpool: Printed by James 1820 & Johnathon Smith

The Way to Bromley on the Sabbath London/Ger- ? 1759 mantown:

Popery Exposed Henry Moll- London: T. Sowle 1718 ineux

Life and Labours of Samuel Neale ? Philadelphia: James Parke 1806

Law’s Address Law? New Bedford: Benj. Lindsey, 1818 printer

Memoirs William Lewis Philadelphia: B & T Kite 1821

Catalogue of books printed and sold by James Phil- ? London: James Philips? ? Pamphlet ips

Memoirs, Isaac Penington Isaac Pening- London: Wllm B. Sewell 1807 includes ton, and review by Joseph Gur- Joseph Gur- ney Bevan ney Bevan

The Friend ? Philadelphia: J. Richardson 1829

Holy Bible Philadelphia: Bible Associa- 1831 Volum es I , tion of America II, and III?

Life of William Reckitt ? Philadelphia: Joseph Cruck- 1783 shank

Life of Ambrose Riggs ? London: T. Sowle 1710

The Centaur not fabulous London: A. Millar 1755

The Book of Disciplines ? Providence: John Carter 1785

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OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

Bevans Defence of Friends ? London: Phillips and Far- 1805 don

Memoirs and Life of Sarah Stephenson Sarah Stephen- Philadelphia: Kimber, Conrad 1805 son?

History of the New York African Free Schools ? New York: Mahlon Day 1830

Memoirs of Isaac Penington William Gro- Philadelphia: Thomas Kite 1831 Friends ver Family Library, Volum e I

Prynne on Plays ? ?: ? 1776

Means of Preserving Health ... Shadrach New York: Collins and Per- 1806 Ricketson, kins and Sons Physician in New York

An Apology for the True Christian Divinity... Robert Barclay London: J. Phillips 1780

An Essay on Slavery Granville Burlington: Isaac Collins 1773 Sharp

A Confutation of the Charge of Deism wherein the Joseph Besse London: J. Sowle 1734 Christian and Orthodox Sentiments of William Penn are ... demonstrated

An Introduction into the making of Latin John Clarke London: Strahan, Living- 1780 ton, et al

The Anthology of Religion Jos. Butler, ?: ? printed Bishop of Dur- 1754 ham

Collection of some papers of William Crouch London: T. Sowle 1712

John Churchman, Gospel Labours John Church- Philadelphia: Skerret 1818 man?

Lux Evangelica ... A reply to George Keith’s Cen- Richard Clar- London: T. Sowle 1701 sure idge

Gospel Labours, etc. Stephen Crisp Philadelphia: Benj. and Thos. 1822 Kite

Elwood’s Life ? London: Luke Hinde 1765

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OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

Cotton’s Reply to Williams, 1647-1652 ? ?: ? ?

The Life of David, a sacred poem Thomas London: Luke Hinde 1763 Elwood

The Foundation of Tythes Shaken Thomas Ell- London: T. Sowle 1720 wood

Dictionary of the Bible London: Beecroft and 1759 Volum es I?, Strahan et al II?, III?

A letter to a Friend Joseph John Philadelphia: Benj. and Thos. 1824 Gurney Kite

Statutes of Connecticut Hartford: Elisha Babcock 1786

A Faithful Testimony ... London: Andrew Sowle 1689

Works of William Dell William Dell? London: John Kendall 17?3

Treatise concerning the Fear of God John Field London: T. Sowle 1713

Treatise concerning Baptism ? London: T. Sowle 1695

Life of Joseph Coale ? London: T. Sowle 1706

An Account of ... Richard Davies ? London, Phila- Jos. Cruckshank 1770 delphia:

Principles and Precepts Samuel Fuller Newport: S. Southwick 1769

Necessity of a life of purity... Samuel Philadelphia: Cruckshank 1780 Pamphlet Fothergill included

Of Religious Declention Andrew Manchester?: ? 1829 Fuller?

Reflections George Dill- Burlington, David Allison 1815 wyn New Jersey:

Sermons by Dewsberry, Barclay etc. Philadelphia: Benj. and Thos. 1825 Kite

Home’s Principles: The Principles of Agriculture Francis Home London: A. Millar 1762 and Vegetation

Degge’s Law of Tythes ? London: Richard and Edw. 1695 Aytkins

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OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

The Trials of the Spirit William Dell London: Mary Hinde 1770

Treatise on Baptism and the Lord’s Supper London: T. Sowle 1695

Brief Memorials of Davidworth, being sketches of Philadelphia: Sherman? 1847 his character; Life and Death of Hannah Logan Smith by her daughter Rebecca

Friends’ Tracts, Volume I: Memoirs and Essays Philadelphia: Kite, published n.d. by the Tract Association of Friends

Testimony concerning Sufferings and Death of Ellis Hookes London: ? 1695 three vol- James Parnel umes in one

Miscellaneous Repository Elisha Bates Mount Pleasant, ? 1829 Volum e 2 Ohio: and 3

Compendium of the Impending Crisis in the South Hinton R. New York: Burdick 1860 Clearly, this Helper has crept into the boxes while in storage

No Cross, No Crown William Penn Philadelphia: Kinber, Conrad 1807 and Company?

The Correspondence between committee of the London: Hamilton 1836 Yearly Meeting of Friends and Isaac Crowdson

A History of the People Called Quakers, in four John Gough Dublin: ? 1789 volumes

AN INTRODUCTION TO PHYSIOLOGICAL AND SYS- James Edward Boston: Bradford and 1814 TEMATICAL BOTANY, with notes by Jacob Bigelow Smith Ready?

ESSAYS Joseph John Philadelphia: Kite 1829 Gurney

IMMEDIATE REVELATION George Keith ?: ? 1676 2d Edition

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF JONATHAN London: Phillips 1835 HUTCHINSON, LATE OF GEDNEY, WITH A BRIEF NOTICE OF HIS LIFE AND CHARACTER

SOME BRIEF MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF DAVID London: Hinde 1758 HALL

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OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

LETTERS OF WILLIAM GROVER London: Harvey and Dan- 1828 ton

Catalog of the Books Belonging to the Library of Philadelphia: 1813 the three Monthly Meetings ...

A CLASSIC TOUR THROUGH ITALY Reverend John Philadelphia: M. Curry 1816 Chetwode Eustace

A VIEW OF THE PROPHECY BY THE REVEREND Boston: William Andrews 1809 GEORGE STANLEY FABER

THE PUBLIC LAWS OF THE STATE OF RHODE Providence: Miller and Dutch- 1822 ISLAND ers

THE PUBLIC LAWS OF THE STATE OF RHODE Providence: Carter and 1798 MB stamp ISLAND Wilkinson

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE AND GOSPEL Philadelphia: Joseph Cruk- 1783 Mary LABOURS OF WILLIAM RICKETT ... ALSO, MEM- shank Brown sig- OIRS OF THE LIFE ... OF JAMES GOUGH nature, MB stamp

LECTURES ON SCHOOL-KEEPING, with advertise- Samuel R. Hall Boston Richardson, Lord 1829 MB stamp ments for school books sold by A. Shearman. and Holbrook

OBSERVATIONS ON THE RELIGIOUS PECULIARITIES Joseph John Philadelphia S. Potter and Co. 1825 OF THE RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS Gurney

OBSERVATIONS ON THE RELIGIOUS PECULIARITIES Joseph John London 1824 2d Edition OF THE RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS Gurney

AN INQUIRY INTO THE ACCORDANCY OF WAR Jonathan Philadelphia I. Ashmead and 1834 WITH CHRISTIANITY Dymond Co.

ELEGANT EXTRACTS Dublin P. Byrne 1793 Second Edi- tion

A COLLECTION OF MEMORIALS CONCERNING ... Philadelphia Joseph Cruk- 1787 DECEASED ... QUAKERS shank

A COLLECTION OF THE EPISTLES OF THE YEARLY New York Samuel Wood 1821 MEETING IN LONDON TO QUARTERLY MEETINGS and sons AND MONTHLY MEETINGS ... 1675-1820

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS BY MARGARET JACK- Philadelphia B. and T. Kite 1825 SON

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OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

AN EPITOME OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD John Hoyland Philadelphia B. and T. Kite 1816 Two Vol- umes

AN ... ADDRESS TO THE CLERGY William Law New Bedford B. Lindsey 1816

EXTRACTS FROM THE WRITINGS OF FRANCIS Philadelphia Kimber, Conrod 1804 edited by FENELON, ARCHBISHOP OF CAMBRAY and Co. John Kend- all

EXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES AND ADVICES OF London James Phillips 1783 THE YEARLY MEETING IN LONDON

THE CHRISTIAN OBSERVER, CONDUCTED BY THE New York T.B. Wait and 1814 Volum e 3 MEMBERS OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH FOR THE Sond YEAR 1804

A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE HOLY SPIRIT Reverend G.S. New York Eastburn, Kirk 1814 Faber and Co.

ON THE DIFFICULTIES OF INFIDELITY George Stan- New York D. Cooledge 1829 ley Faber

SERMONS PREACHED BY SEVERAL OF THE PEOPLE London Mary Heade 1775 KNOWN AS QUAKERS

WORKS Isaac Pening- London James Phillips 1775 ton

MAGNALIA CHRISTI AMERICANA Cotton Mather Hartford Silas Andrews two vol- umes

Collected Writings by various authors London ? 1690?

A NARRATIVE OF EVENTS THAT HAVE LATELY ? London ? 1804 TAKEN PLACE IN IRELAND

HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR John Entick 1766 Volum es 1 - 5

A DEFENSE OF THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF THE Elias Hicks Philadelphia ? 1825 FRIENDS

LETTERS BY ISAAC PENINGTON Isaac Pening- London Holdsworth and 1829 ton Ball

THE GREAT CASE OF TITHES Anthony Pear- London ? 1730 son

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OBADIAH AND MOSES BROWN’S LIBRARY

TITLE AUTHOR PUBLISHER DATE NOTES

A BRIEF VIEW OF THE DOCTRINES OF FRIENDS John Bevans Philadelphia Kimber and Con- 1810 rod

MISCELLANIES, MORAL AND INSTRUCTIVE ... FOR ? Philadelphia Henry Sweitzer 1802 SCHOOLS AND ... YOUNG PERSONS

AN ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE OF MARY ROWLAND- Oliver Sanson London J. Sowle 1710 SON ...

A BRIEF JOURNAL Thomas Wil- London James Phillips 1784 two copies son

THE DOCTRINE OF THE PASSIONS EXPLAINED AND Isaac Watts London J. Phillips? 1770 IMPROVED

STRENGTH IN WEAKNESS MANIFEST IN THE LIFE Elizabeth Philadelphia B. and T. Kite 1810 .... Stirredge

A SCRIPTURE CATECHISM FOR CHILDREN Ambrose London ? 1772 Rigge

HINTS, CHIEFLY SCRIPTURAL ... RESPECTING Richard Phil- Philadelphia B. and T. Kite 1810 REGENERATION lips

ESSAYS ON PEACE AND WAR Philanthropus Exeter, New J. Burnham 1827 Hampshire

AN ABSTRACT OF ... THE SPIRITUAL GUIDE Michael de London ? 1774 Molinos

SION’S TRAVELLERS COMFORTED Charles Mar- London T. Soule 1704 shal

TWO DISCOURSES AND A PRAYER Bristol S. Farley 1768 5th edition

THE GREAT AUDIT, OR GOOD STEWARD Matthew Hale London John Kendell 1775

A JOURNAL OF THE LIFE John Gratton London James Phillips 1779

A BRIEF COLLECTION OF REMARKABLE PASSAGES Margaret Fox London J. Somes 1710 ...

At his home in Newport, Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3rd day 6th of 9 M 1836 / This forenoon I went down town with a view of attending to some buisness but being disappointed I walked further on till I came to the street which leads to the place where Harrisons Mill used to stand Walked thro’ it, & across the fields till I came to the Ocean & so round to the

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Beech & while there stood & had many serious recollections on my rambly to that place when a child & in younger life - from the Beech I walked across the fields to Thos B Goulds Mill where I sat a while & then returned home. RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

November 3, Thursday: From the log of the lightkeeper on Matinicus Rock: “Rainstorm N.E. waves washed into well and salted the water.”

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th day was exceedingly stormy high Wind & hard rain so that we could go but a short distance without getting wet & but very few could cross Heids ferry from Fall River — the Meeting however was pretty large & would have been very full but for the Storm — It was a solid good Meeting — Divers good testimonies were bourne but Thos Anthony had the weight of the service The Storm abating after Meeting we rode to Providence & lodged at our old Quarters the residence of our late Ancient & dear friend M Brown & was kindly received by Avis Harris who is his last wifes Grandaughter & to whom he has given liberally of his estate RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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November 19, Saturday: David Henry Thoreau supplemented his borrowings from the Harvard Library by checking out, from the library of the “Institute of 1770,” George W. Haven’s translation of Heinrich Heine’s LETTERS AUXILIARY TO THE HISTORY OF MODERN POLITE LITERATURE IN GERMANY (Boston: J. Munroe, 1836).

MODERN POLITE GERMAN ... At the Teatro San Carlo of Naples, Gaetano Donizetti’s dramma lirico L’assedio di Calais to words of Cammarano after DuBelloy was performed for the initial time. The work, produced for the nameday of the Neapolitan queen mother, was well received.

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal:

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7th day 19th of 11 M / More than a week ago I heard transiently that Elisha Bates had been Baptized in Water — today it is confirmed - Dr Tobey having sent me a copy of a letter from him to some person in England wherein he acknowledges the fact & undertakes an explanation of his conduct - but had he have been a thorough Quaker & stable minded man he would never have resorted to the beggarly elements, which was never designed for any thing but a Sign & to fulfill the Law for all righteousness — all which we hold & I do most assuredly believe was fulfilled in the coming of Christ & who by his appearance in the flesh put an end to all Shadows & introduced the Gospel in a more spiritual manner than it was before known, & it is also my unshaken faith that Jesus Christ is still known in spirit & that we, of this day know nothing more of him that will be of saving virtue — We read of him in The Scriptures, & it is a great favour, that record is preserved to us, but we may read them, & read them again, & know nothing of him that will save us, & it is by & thro’ him, by the opperation of his spirit in our hearts that we are saved with an everlasting Salvation. Our young friend Gilbert Congdon from Providence called & set the evening with us — he gave us much information of our friends in Providence, & his visit to us was pleasant & interesting — he seems to be a young man well engaged & I hope will be of use in Society - & greatly do I desire there were a great many More such than there is. —

1837

1 George W. Boynton engraved a 5 /2 inch by 5 inch map of Boston for the BOSTON ALMANAC of this year.

THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANAC FOR 1837. By Isaac Bickerstaff. Providence: Hugh H. Brown.

Walton Felch’s A COMPREHENSIVE GRAMMAR, PRESENTING SOME NEW VIEWS OF THE STRUCTURE OF LANGUAGE: DESIGNED TO EXPLAIN ALL THE RELATIONS OF WORDS IN ENGLISH SYNTAX, AND MAKE THE STUDY OF GRAMMAR AND COMPOSITION ONE AND THE SAME PROCESS. ABRIDGED FROM A WORK PREPARING FOR PUBLICATION (Otis, Broaders and Company, 122 pages). [Volume 2832 of Harvard reading textbooks preservation microfilm project] FELCH’S GRAMMAR

He would republish this in 1841 (the copy behind the big button above is actually the republished version, the original version owned by Henry Thoreau not being readily available as yet in electronic text), and would argue that the “prevailing system of grammar, which in substance we have received from the ancients, will be found, upon careful inspection, to be radically defective and erroneous; — how defective and erroneous, no one is prepared to conceive, till he has given the subject more attention than a short essay like this article could evince.” His authorial intent was to correct the absence of a progressive or ethical agenda in current grammar construction: “And in the first place, the purpose of grammar is not distinctly set forth. Indeed, it is proposed

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as ‘the art of speaking and writing correctly.’ Thus our grammarians would give us ‘the art’ without the science, — a heap of blind, and peradventure incongruous, rules of composition, with no principle for their basis. And it seems not to have entered their thoughts, that one may speak grammatically and yet incorrectly; — that his speech may be incorrect in point of perspicuity, meaning, fact, time, place, order, taste, manners, morals, &c.”

It was in this year that Concord would be erecting a Battle Monument at the Old North Bridge, commemorating the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, and marking the graves of the fallen British soldiers. This would lead the above grammarian, moralist, and phrenologist Walton Felch, sometime between 1838 and 1844, to commit his act of “authorized grave robbing” (authorized, indeed, formally, by the Concord Board of Selectmen!). With full permission he recovered the skulls of two of the British soldiers, one of them with a most picturesque bullethole. The soldiers’ skulls would become exhibits for his phrenological lectures, for both of them displayed, he asserted, the same over-developed bump over the brain area of combativeness and the same deficient hollow over the brain area of merriment — soldiery, he would point out, had for such persons been a natural fit.

Theirs but to do or die.

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December 21, Thursday: James DeWolf, unrepentant Rhode Island slavetrader and US senator, died on his thousand-acre estate paid for with blood money, near Bristol.

(The thousand acres are still there, he having been seemingly unable to take any of this with him. His grave in the DeWolf family cemetery off Woodlawn Avenue is now, as you can see above, receiving the sort of tending appropriate to our memory of such a man.)

The general financial crisis and panic of this year in the United States of America hit the Yearly Meeting School in Providence, Rhode Island hard, its enrollment plunging from 134 to 79 as parents found themselves unable to continue to fund the education of their children. The loss of non-Quaker scholars hit the school especially hard, since it lost their tuition surcharges. For the following five years, enrollment would hover at around 80, with 10 of those having only one parent who was a Friend, or having some non-parental connection with the Society (perhaps by their having themselves become a “convinced” Friend). Only two of the 80

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students had no connection whatever with the religion.

Friends Enoch Breed and Lydia Breed came back for another year as superintendents of the school. Superintendents.

1819-1824. Purinton, Matthew and Betsy. 1824-1835. Breed, Enoch and Lydia. 1829-1835. Gould, Stephen Wanton and Gould, Han- nah, Asst. Supts. 1835-1836. Davis, Seth and Mary. 1837. Breed, Enoch and Lydia. 1838-1839. Rathbun, Rowland and Alice. 1840-1844. Wing, Allen and Olive. 1845-1846. Thompson, Olney and Lydia. 1847. Congdon, Jarvia and Lydia. 1847-1852. Cornell, Silas and Sarah M.

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Spring: William Jewett Pabodie was admitted to the bar. He would practice law in Providence, Rhode Island.

April 1837-December 1838: Margaret Fuller was teaching at the Greene Street Academy in Providence, Rhode Island.

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May 4, Thursday: From George Templeton Strong’s New-York diary:

Terrible news in Wall Street. [John] Fleming, late president of the Mechanics Bank, found dead in his bed this morning. Some say prussic acid; others (and the coroner’s jury) say “mental excitement” and apoplexy. Anyhow there’s a run on the bank — street crowded — more feeling of alarm and despondency in Wall Street than has appeared yet....

In Hungary, Lajos Kossuth, no longer protected by diplomatic immunity, was arrested on account of his “subversive” journalism.

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th day In the first meeting Our friends Joseph Davis & John Meader were favourd in testimony & it was a good Meeting —the Buisness in the last Satisfactorily conducted I dined at Updikes tavern & went on board the New Steam Boat Kingston & went to Providence & lodged at Jonathon Congdons & there lodged.— RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 5, Friday: In Providence Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6th day Attended the School Committee, the Meeting of OB Trustees & also a committee of the Meeting for Sufferings in the evening to prepare an address on Slavery to be circulated among our Members & people at large lodged at the School House — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

David Henry Thoreau’s essay on his Harvard College assignment “Paley in his NATURAL THEOLOGY, Chap. 23 — speaks of minds utterly averse to ‘the flatness of being content with common reasons’ — and considers the highest minds ‘most liable to this repugnancy.’ See the passage, and explain the moral or intellectual defect.” WILLIAM PALEY Turgot has said, “He that has never doubted the existence of matter, may be assured he has no aptitude for metaphysical inquiries.” It would seem as if doubt and uncertainty grew with the growth of the intellect, and strengthened with its strength. The giant intellect, it is true, is for a season borne along with the tide, the opinions and prejudices of the mass are silently acquiesced in, the senses are, for awhile, the supreme arbiters from whose decisions there is no appeal — mystery is yet afar off, it is but a cloud in the distance, whose shadow, as it flits across the landscape, gives a pleasing variety to the scene. But as the perfect day approaches, its morning light discovers the dark and straggling clouds, which at first skirted the horizon, assembling as at a signal, and, as they

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expand and multiply, rolling slowly onward to the zenith, till at last the whole heavens, if we except a faint glimmering in the east, are overshadowed. The earth was once firm beneath the feet, but it now affords but a frail support, — its solid surface is as yielding and elastic as air. The grass grew and the water ran, and who is so blind as to question their reality? A feeling of loneliness comes over the soul, for these things are of the past. This is the season of probation, but the time approaches, and is now at hand, when the glorious bow shall “rise on the lurid rear of the tempest, the sun laugh jocundly abroad, and

Every bathed leaf and blossom fair Pour out its soul to the delicious air.”

The embryo philosopher seeks the sunny side of the hill, or the grateful coolness of the grove — he instinctively bares his bosom to the zephyr, that he may with the least inconvenience discuss the reality of outward existences. No proposition is so self-evident as to escape his suspicion, nor yet so obscure as to withstand his scrutiny. He acknowledges but two distinct existences, Nature and Spirit; all things else which his obstinate and self-willed senses present to him, are plainly, though unaccountably, absurd. He laughs through his tears at the very mention of a mathematical demonstration. There is a flatness about what is common that at once excites his ridicule or disgust. He goes abroad into the world, and hears men assert and deny in positive terms, and he is astounded — he is shocked — he perceives no meaning in their words or their actions. He recognizes no axioms, he smiles at reason and common sense, and sees truth only in the dreams and superstitions of mankind. And yet he but carries out principles which men practically admit every day of their lives. Most, nay all, acknowledge a few mysteries; some things, they admit, are hard to understand; but these are comparatively few, and could they but refer them back one link in the chain of causes and effects, the difficulty would at once be removed. Our philosopher has a reasonable respect for the opinions of men, but this respect has not power to blind his judgment; taking as he does an original view of things, he innocently confounds the manifest with the mysterious. That such is the common reason, was properly enough, in the first place, no recommendation with him, and is now a positive objection. What is more common than error? Some seeming truths he has clung to as the strongholds of certainty, till a closer investigation induced mistrust. His confidence in the infallibility of reason is shaken, — his very existence becomes problematical. He has been sadly deceived, and experience has taught him to doubt, to question even the most palpable truths. He feels that he is not secure till he has gone back to their primitive elements, and taken a fresh and unprejudiced view

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of things. He builds for himself, in fact, a new world. The opinions of the few, the persecuted, the dreamers of this world, he has a peculiar respect for — he is prepossessed in their favor. Man does not wantonly rend the meanest tie that binds him to his fellow; he would not stand aloof, even in his prejudices, did not the stern demands of truth, backed by conviction, require it. He is ready enough to float with the tide, and when he does stem the current of popular opinion, sincerity, at least, must nerve his arm. He has not only the burden of proof, but that of reproof, to support. We may call him a fanatic — an enthusiast — but these are titles of honor, they signify the devotion and entire surrendering of himself to his cause. Where there is sincerity there is truth also. So far as my experience goes, man never seriously maintained an objectionable principle, doctrine, or theory. Error never had a sincere defender; her disciples were never enthusiasts. This is strong language, I confess, but I do not rashly make use of it. We are told that “to err is human,” but I would rather call it inhuman, if I may use the word in this sense. I speak not of those errors that have to do with facts and occurrences, but rather errors of judgment. Words, too, I would regard as mere signs of ideas. That passage in the Vicar of Wakefield which Johnson pronounced fine, but which Goldsmith was wise enough to strike out, previous to publication, must be taken in a very limited sense. “When I was a young man,” he writes, “I was perpetually starting new propositions; but I soon gave this over; for I found that generally what was new was false.” At best, we can but say of a common reason, that men do not dispute it. True, they defend it when attacked, for if they did not, Reason never would. This is well explained by Gray, when he undertakes to account for the popularity of Shaftesbury. “Men are very prone,” says he, “to believe what they do not understand; — they will believe anything at all, provided they are under no obligation to believe it; — they love to take a new road even when that road leads nowhere.”

May 6, Saturday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th day Attended to some buisness I had in the Town of Providence & towards night returned home in the Steam Boat Rhode Island. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 7, Sunday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 1st day 7th of 5th M 1837 / This Morning Father was engaged in Supplication & testimony - I thought his testimony was rather

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remarkable In the Afternoon he was concerned in a short’d testimony RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 9, Tuesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3d day 9th of 5th M 1837 / The times as to the outward particularly as regards Money concerns is Awfully gloomy - the countenances of buisness men are in Cypress, not knowing what may befall them.- In NYork & Boston Providence & all places of buisness it seems as if all confidence is lost Many who have been accounted great & powerful in Wealth, are breaking to pieces for great & enormous amounts of Money — Those who are in trade fear they shall break & those who have any things in their hands fear they shall loose it & confidence in Banks is much shaken that well may it be said “Confusion dwells in every face & fear in every heart” — People have been so anxious for the World that they have over traded & having been fictiously successful have been lead into great extravagance in living, & thus gone on till things have arrived to the State they are in. & where it will end, or what it will end in, is exceedingly uncertain. There is only one resource for the mind & that is to labour for patience to bear what we have to bear, in humble reliance on Him who rules in the Kingdoms & hearts of men, & will support those who in sincerity & humility place their trust in him — I am not under pressure for Money myself at present, but I do deeply sympathise with those who are. — No person in Newport has yet failed in payment & I know of none who are Newport too, but it will be a near Miracle if we escape without some occurrence of the kind. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 11, Thursday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th day 11th of 5M 1837 / Our Meeting today was small, but very solid & quiet — Father had a short but very solid offering. — I was thankful to feel & in measure be made sensible that there is a place of quite & safety to the mind amid all the trial & tumult & terror which we hear by the Steam Boat this Morning is now prevailing in the City of New York on account of Money matters The accounts are that So great is the agitation which now prevails on account of the Banks stoping species payments that a patrole is called out who keep guards with Arms Night & day. — This is an Awful state of things & the result greatly to be feared RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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May 13, Saturday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th day 13th of 5th M 1837 / Yesterday the Banks in this Town Stoped Specie payments - it does not seem to have excited as much, the public mind, as might have been expected, & things now seem as quiet as usual, but the state of things must produce great inconvenience & loss — I do not suffer my mind to dwell much upon it, & retire as much as possible to that which is alone, a place of safety — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 14, Sunday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 1st day 14th of 5th M / Silent Meetings all day - In the Morning it was pretty full & in the Afternoon thin as usual -both solid seasons RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 16, Tuesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3rd day 16 of 5 M / This Morning about 8 OClock my wifes Uncle JOHN LAWTON departed this life of a cancer on his lip of which he had long suffered — he was a few days over 87 Years of age. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 18, Thursday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th day 18th of 5 M / The remains of Uncle John Lawton was this day inter’d in the upper burying ground in Friend Medow field — The funeral went to the Meeting house — Our friend John Wilbur being here on a religious visit was engaged in testimony solid & weighty & Hannah Dennis in supplication. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 19, Friday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6th day 19th of 5th M 1837 / Our friend John Wilbur appointed a Meeting this Morning over on the East side of the Island at a place called the Swamp & another in the Afternoon in the West Road at the School House near Stephen T Northrup [?] farm — By Some that attended I learn both were satisfactory & highly favourd seasons those who attended were chiefly Baptists & the Doctrines of the Gospel was opened freely & livingly before them

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— some who had recently Baptized in Water were deeply affected & wept all were serious & their hearts evidently reached by the Truth they had heard Declared — Being under other engagements & a little unwell I did not attend. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 20, Saturday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th day 20 of 6th M / Our friend John Wilbur appointed a Meeting this Afternoon at the Union Meeting House in Portsmouth which with Sister Mary Rodman I attended there were a considerable gathering of people, & the Gospel of our Lord & Saviour Jesus Christ was freely preached to them — I trust that Truth lost no ground, but that some were brought to see & feel it in a manner which they had not seen or felt it before, so as to understand what it was which opperated upon them — The Longer I live & the more I experience, the More my mind is confirmed that the Lord will prepare an offering for himself, & that it is not the outward blood of Goats or of Bulls or the Ashes of an heffer that is to do the work for us, but the blood of Jesus Christ (which is his life) Sprinkled on our hearts, & faithfulness to what is thereby manifested as our Duty. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 25, Thursday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 5th M 25th (5th day) 1837 / Our Moy [Monthly] Meeting was small in consequence of Rain — Isaac Wilbur from Little Compton was there & preached, & at a second rising a friend requested him to be silent which I fear did more hurt than his preaching did, tho’ I was fully impressed with the belief that his offering was in the mixture & his fruit unripe, but still in the state he was in, the rebuke was an hazardous one. Oh how true Wisdom & good Skill is wanting even among Elders — We had but little buisness in the last Meeting, but the buisness was pretty well conducted, & the Meeting was short — No friend came home to dine with us. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 28, Sunday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 1st day 28th of 5 M / Father Rodman had offerings in both Meetings —- Our Morning Meeting was a season of some favour, indeed my mind was solemnized & life rose in a comfortable degree, affording an evidence of the continuance love yet

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extended. Visited cousin Henry Gould who for some days has been very ill of a Spasmodic affection in his Back kindneys [kidneys] & Neck attended with alarming symptoms, but he seems better today & we are in hopes he well get through, & be restored to usefulness.—— RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

May 30, Tuesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3rd day 30th of 5th M 1837 / This Morning My Nephew David J Gould was Married to Eliza Little daughter of Edw Little of Marshfield Mass. — They came immediately off & arrived in the Steam Boat from Providence the Afternoon about 6 OClock — May peace & prosperity await them thro life. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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May 8, Monday: The New England delegates to the Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women that was to be held on Manhattan Island assembled in Providence for the overnight steamboat trip to a wharf at the Battery on Manhattan Island.

The steamboat had a Ladies’ Cabin with two tiers of berths, but there was a problem. One of the delegates from Rhode Island was a black woman and normally the steamboat companies did not allow black passengers inside the Gentlemen’s Cabin or the Ladies’ Cabin. At that time black passengers spent the night on the steamboat’s deck regardless of weather conditions, and if for instance a pregnant free black woman died of exposure, she died, that was all. However, in actual fact passengers were able to make their own rules. One delegate recorded later that

I was happy, in the early stages of this journey to have our feelings tested with regard to that bitter prejudice against colored which we have indiscriminately indulged, and to find it giving place to better feelings. Our colored companion slept near my side — she rode with us in the carriage — sat with us at the table of the public boarding-house — walked in company with us.

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This Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women may arguably have been the first significant racially integrated meeting in the United States of America, as well as merely the first public political meeting of women in the United States of America.4 The convention met in the district of New-York that is now referred to as Greenwich Village. Although, in the northern states, the black population was only one in fifty, at this convention the ratio was one in ten. In New York City, never a hotbed of miscegenation, abolitionist ministers were having their black parishioners sit in a segregated upper gallery humorously referred to by some white parishioners as “nigger heaven.”5 Maria W. Stewart, the 1st American woman to have lectured in public, attended, presumably unnoticed. When the colored ladies thoughtfully provided a box lunch for the assembly, one of the delegates commented

They are a race worth saving.

As a further expression of their solidarity, most of the delegates, except for some of the New York ladies, would decide to do without the divisive distinction between Miss and Mrs. The Commercial Advertiser would describe the “sweet lips” of these “oratoresses” who were depriving “the world of men of the high privilege of drinking from those rich rivers of rhetoric.” The key accomplishment of the convention would be to break the “True Womanhood” of female passivity and submission and acceptance by insisting that the True Woman, out of her native emotionality and unselfishness, would vigorously plead the cause of the oppressed, and would therefore be Anti-Slavery. –That this was not what it had been being portrayed to be, a man’s affair in which a woman was not to meddle.

From George Templeton Strong’s New-York diary:

This affair of the Dry Dock Bank has gone better than I expected, but I fear it will prove the entering wedge to split up all Wall Street. The other banks are generally blamed for not sustaining it, and justly so. Only imagine that [Uncle Benjamin] should actually have come to such a situation as to be afraid of personal insult if he go into the street! Yet so it is. What can be more dreadful? I can scarcely realize it — as kind and good-hearted and benevolent a man as ever breathed, his character unimpeached and unimpeachable, yet obliged to secure his house from attack and afraid of showing himself. These wretched banks and credit systems and paper wealth; they have done all this.

4. TURNING THE WORLD UPSIDE DOWN: THE ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION OF AMERICAN WOMEN HELD IN NEW YORK CITY, MAY 9-12, 1837. Introduction by Dorothy Sterling. NY: The Feminist P at the City U of New York, 1993. 5. The exceedingly popular evangelist Charles Finney, for instance, put his foot down when a black choir and a white choir occupied the same platform at the same time at a meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society — that was just too much race mixing.

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Whig bankers in Massachusetts and New York obtained gold bullion from the Bank of England to bolster Boston and New York banks and thus prevented a major financial collapse in the United States. This did not prevent many of President Andrew Jackson’s depository banks from failing in the various states. The nation would recover very slowly from this disaster, although Massachusetts would be one of the earliest states to make a comeback because of its stringent policies and enforcements of currency and bond issuing, loan control, elimination of debtor imprisonment (which had previously been a major expense for the state government), increased licensing (a major source of revenue), and liquor control as a restriction of “causes of pauperism.” The Panic, aside from these fiscal and social improvements, resulted in prolonging the controversy over the Bank of the United States, a controversy which is referred to more often in the writings of Emerson than in those of Henry Thoreau.

June 10, Saturday: Waldo Emerson gave the dedication address at Hiram Fuller’s Greene Street School in Providence, Rhode Island, staffed by Margaret Fuller (this coincidence of names, Fuller the headmaster versus Fuller the teacher, was merely that, a coincidence).

This address would become the basis for his  speech at Harvard College, coming up that fall.

“If the Allwise would give me light, I should write for the Cambridge men a theory of the Scholar’s office.”

The letters and journals of girls that Fuller taught in Providence would reveal an almost worshipful attitude toward a woman of great passion and intelligence who inspired despite being fiercely demanding. (While Fuller generally succeeded as a role model for girls, unfortunately the gender politics of the age meant that she couldn’t be all that helpful for boys.)6

September 5, Tuesday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 3rd day 5th of 9th M / This Morning rose early & got on Board the Steam Boat & went to Providence & attended the sub School committee — Mary Ann Barker left the School & went in the Boat this PM with her Brother Josiah & Sister Martha to Louisiana - The School was left in the charge Emeline Aldrich & Mary Osborn 6. Johnson, Harriet Hall. “Margaret Fuller as Known by Her Scholars.” Christian Register (April 21, 1910): 427-9

Fergenson, Laraine R. “Margaret Fuller in the Classroom: The Providence Period.” Studies in the American Renaissance (1987): 131-42

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untill the next Meeting of the Genl Committee - returned home in the Afternoon RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

September 9, Saturday: Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 7th day 9th of 9 M / This Afternoon Our much esteemed & very kind young friend Avis Harris came down from Providence in the Steam Boat to See us we were very glad to have an opportunity to repay some of her kind attention to us at the house of her late venerable grandfather Moses Brown where I in particularly as well as our son John have been kindly treated by her. - RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

1838

THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANAC FOR 1838. By Isaac Bickerstaff. Providence, Rhode Island: Hugh H. Brown.

To supplement the facility of the Children’s Friend Society for white orphan children, an Association for the Benefit of Colored Children was organized and eventually would construct a facility in Providence, Rhode Island (the point to having such separate institutional arrangements, of course, would not have been to keep the children of different races separate, as that could easily have been accomplished within the same institutional arrangement, but would have been to ensure that colored orphans received fewer funds and were treated more poorly that white orphans. To make my point: Also, in this year, in very much the same vein, a mob of the white citizens of Philadelphia, persuaded that “nigger charity” was like throwing money away, would torch their Colored Orphan Asylum.7)

7. No such faculty would be created in Boston — which is probably the single most relevant reason why no such facility would be burned by a Boston mob persuaded that “nigger charity” was like throwing money away.

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The MEMOIRS OF ELLEANOR ELDRIDGE, one of the few narratives of the life of an early 19th-century free black woman, was published in Providence, Rhode Island by B.T. Albro, Printer. This had been transcribed for Elleanor Eldridge (1784-1845?), who had been gifted with no formal education whatever, by Mrs. Frances Harriet Whipple Green McDougall (1805-1878).

It is probable that William J. Brown knew of this book and was able to draw upon it as a model, since he was living during the same period and as a member of the same free black community and since, like her, he was a lineal descendant of the Narragansett native American family named Prophet, if not of Thomas Prophet himself.

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Thomas Allen Jenckes, a product of the Rhode Island public schools, graduated from Brown University. He would serve as a tutor at his alma mater in Providence during the 1839-1840 school year.8

8. This public-domain image of Jenckes was obtained from the Library of Congress by Professor Scott A. Sandage of Carnegie- Mellon University, and provided for use in the Kouroo Contexture.

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There was at this point a hot debate going on in Providence as to whether the capital city of Rhode Island ought to expand its public school system beyond its existing elementary schools, by establishing a free high school. Some members of the public objected that creating such a school would encourage the dilution of the local aristocracy, by fostering onto it a bunch of people who had merely attended a free public institution. This would interfere with the apprentice system by tending to “educate children above working for their support.” The free public high school concept would be simmering on the back burner until 1843.

In 1834 the government of Rhode Island had “owed” its education fund $12,884.30. By this point the figure had become $14,662.

The Quakers at the Yearly Meeting School on top of the hill was attempting to be innovative. The school abandoned its four-quarter year for a two-semester year, the winter semester to begin in early November and the summer semester in early May. This change brought a change in vacation patterns as well. Previously, the young scholars had attended as they could and had been able to go back go back and forth between the school and the homes of their parents. Under the new semester system, however, the young scholars would be with their families of origin only during two-week breaks between the semesters.

Friends Rowland Rathbun and Alice Rathbun came to the school as superintendents. Superintendents.

1819-1824. Purinton, Matthew and Betsy. 1824-1835. Breed, Enoch and Lydia. 1829-1835. Gould, Stephen and Hannah, Asst. Supts. 1835-1836. Davis, Seth and Mary. 1837. Breed, Enoch and Lydia. 1838-1839. Rathbun, Rowland and Alice. 1840-1844. Wing, Allen and Olive. 1845-1846. Thompson, Olney and Lydia. 1847. Congdon, Jarvia and Lydia. 1847-1852. Cornell, Silas and Sarah M.

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The 1st Rhode-Island-operated prison was built, in Providence, on Gaspee Street north of the cove, a 2-story granite structure costing about $1,300 per cell, or a total of $51,500. This building would prove to be unsuitable, and the state would in 1869 land in the Cranston village of Howard in 1869. This land, known as the State Farm, was managed by the Board of State Charities and Corrections until about 1920. Several institutions were built there, including the State Workhouse and House of Corrections, the State Hospital for the Insane, the State Almshouse (renamed the State Infirmary in 1917), the State Prison and Providence County Jail (managed jointly), and the State Reform Schools (the Sockanosset School for Boys, and the Oaklawn School for Girls). The State Workhouse and House of Corrections building held men and women and was also the home for the women’s county jail and for state prison inmates. After the male workhouse inmates were phased out, it would become in 1924 the State Reformatory for Women. It would close in about 1968. The State Prison and Providence County Jail in Cranston would be built in 1878, and this eventually would become the Adult Correctional Institution that we now hold so dear. Federal inmates have also been bunking at this facility from time to time. The governing body for the State Institutions has changed over the years, becoming variously “State Public Welfare Commission,” “Department of Public Welfare,” and “Department of Social Welfare.” Though some of its inmates have been under federal or county jurisdiction, the institutions seem to have always been operated by the state of Rhode Island. The titles “Keeper of the State Prison” and “Warden of the County Jail” are two hats worn by the same apparatchik. DEXTER ASYLUM

Our national birthday, the 4th of July, Wednesday: This was Nathaniel Hawthorne’s 34th birthday.

The balloon of the intrepid master Boston goldbeater and aeronaut Louis Lauriat graced the skies above historic Salem MA, and a good time was had by all. In Providence (Moshasuck), Rhode Island, a procession included 29 veterans of the revolution.

The White House was closed to the public because “the President has lately lost, by death, a near relative.”

In Charlottesville, Virginia, the Declaration of Independence was read from an “original draft, in the handwriting of Mr. Jefferson.” THOMAS JEFFERSON

At Fort Madison, Iowa, headman Black Hawk delivered a 4th-of-July address. CELEBRATING OUR B-DAY

At the US House of Representatives, Representative John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts continued his speech on the expansive topic of Texas for a 20th day.

Sidney Rigdon preached another sermon to the Mormons of a similar nature to his “Salt Sermon,” stating “And that mob that comes on us to disturb us; it shall be between us and them a war of extermination; for we will follow them till the last drop of their blood is spilled, or else they will have to exterminate us.”

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal:

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4th day 4th of 7th M 1838 / This has been a day of much stir in Town as it always is — My mind & feelings however has been preserved in the quiet —- This morning our Friend Joseph Bowne came to town from Portsmouth where he had an appointed a Meeting yesterday — finding it not a Suitable day to appoint a Meeting here he concluded to spent the day at D Buffums in resting & writing home to his friends - to be at our Meeting tomorrow & the appointment has been forwarded accordingly. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

July 6, Friday: Representative John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts continued his speech before the US House of Representatives on the expansive topic of Texas for a 22nd day.

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6th day 6th of 7th M 1838 / This Morning we rose early & took the New York boat for Providence & got to Wm Jenkins by their breakfast time, but as we breakfasted on board the Boat we did not need any — After assisting in making some appointments for our friend Joseph Bowne I left him at Wm Jenkins’s & Attended to some buisness I had in Town — returned to Wm Jenkins to Dine & took the Afternoon Boat & returned home after spending about 10 hours in Providence — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

July 9, Monday: Completion of the 2d (long) session of the 25th federal Congress. Human enslavement was still legal in these United States of America, the land of the free and home of the brave.

Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 2nd day 9 of 7 M / R Mott came & took breakfast with us —after which A Sherman returned home by Stage to New Bedford —Richard called to see his cousins Martha Carpenter & Avis C Howland in the forenoon — went over to the Point & dined at Mary Williams’s & at 3 OC PM took the Steam Boat Kingston for Providence intending to have a few Meetings thereaway & go to Greenwich on his way home. — RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

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December: At some point in 1837 Margaret Fuller had accepted an offer of $1,000.00/year from Rhode Island, and had left the Temple School of Bronson Alcott in Boston, where things were on a downward spiral due to extremely hostile reactions from Boston parents, to teach at Providence’s Greene Street School. (Remember that a year prior to this Thoreau’s position at Concord’s Central Grammar School, where he was to supervise two male teachers making $100.00/year and two female teachers making $40.00/year in a school having over 300 students as well as himself teach 100 boys, had been worth only half that $1,000.00/year despite the fact that he possessed a college diploma! — Fuller’s salary alone is enough to indicate that not only were the demands to be made on her in Rhode Island to be extreme, but also that for some reason the situation there must have been dicey.) By this point, in December, exhausted, she explained to her girls that she simply must resign her position. She wrote about this, that “I have behaved much too well for some time past; it has spoiled my peace.… Isolation is necessary to me, as to others. Yet I keep on ‘fulfilling all my duties,’ as the technical phrase is, except to myself.”

1839

THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANAC FOR 1839. By Isaac Bickerstaff. Providence, Rhode Island: Hugh H. Brown.

Rhode Island determined to appropriate future incomes from lotteries and auctioneers to repaying its longstanding indebtedness to its school fund, with the plan being that after such indebtedness had been completely repaid, such income was to be devoted wholly to increasing the permanent school fund.

In Providence, Friend Anna A. Jenkins was among the founders of an Association for the Benefit of Colored Orphans. (This institution would relocate in 1849 to a new facility called “The Shelter,” at 20 Olive Street on College Hill, that could provide sleeping areas for 50 such children. Black boys would become apprentices at the age of 10, black girls at the age of 12.)

At Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island, Nicholas Brown, Jr. provided land and most of the funding for a new house of the sciences, to be known as Rhode Island Hall.

1839. The Public Schools of this city were re-organized under a new system; the number of schools was increased, and several

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new, elegant and spacious school-houses were erected.

February 21, Thursday: According to Roll #12 of microfilmed records of “Inward Slave Manifests,” now available on the Internet for your ready consultation, on this day the brig Smithfield of the firm of Nicholas Brown & Co. of Providence, Rhode Island, a coastwise vessel, arrived in the port of Charleston, South Carolina under the command of Captain Thomas Andros or Andrews (both spellings are listed)9 conveying two coffles of American slaves to their destiny on the auction block for the Southern plantation market. The coffles were divided according to their white ownership, with the consignment pertaining to the factor Alex M. Donald, a middleman, consisting of the following persons: NAME GENDER AGE HEIGHT COLOR Charles male 21 5-5 Black John male 21 5-10 Black Harry male 14 4-10 Black Jack male 19 5-11 Mulatto Joseph male 23 5-8 Black Antony male 15 4-9 Mulatto Lucy female 28 5-2 Black The other consignment, pertaining to the factor T. Ely Gragg of Chesaw, South Carolina, consisted of the following persons: NAME GENDER AGE HEIGHT COLOR Melesa female 22 5-9 Brown Nancy female 40 5-4 Black Martha Jane female 12 4-5 Black Nancy Peters female 9 3-11 Black Judy female 4 3-3 Black Joseph male (infant) Black Lseeila female 15 5-3 Black

9. Clearly, this “Captain Thomas Andros or Andrews” of this coastal slave ship was one and the same person as the Thomas Andrews who had been born on December 1, 1790 in Smithfield, a son of Jonathan Andrews and Marcy Ames Andrews of North Smithfield.

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September 3, Tuesday: Fa of the La Amistad died. THE MIDDLE PASSAGE RACE SLAVERY

Providence, Rhode Island attorney William Jewett Pabodie read his CALIDORE: A LEGENDARY POEM (Boston: Marsh, Capen, Lyon, and Webb, 1839) before an assembly at Brown University. READ PABODIE’S POEM

1840

In Rhode Island politics (with a population of more than 100,000), Samuel Ward King was during this year in charge. During this year the State Armory was being built on the downslope side of Benefit Street in Providence.

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THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANAC FOR 1840. By Isaac Bickerstaff. Providence, Rhode Island: Hugh H. Brown.

The American Anti-Slavery Society issued its 5th annual almanac, the AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY ALMANAC FOR 1840. The cover depicted slavemasters with a shackled slave. Inside were 16 woodcuts of slaves in chains, slaves being hunted by dogs, “Selling a Mother From Her Child,” whipping, branding, burning at the stake, etc. with accompanying stories:

“Our Peculiar Domestic Institutions.”

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Northern Hospitality—New York nine months law.10

10. The slave steps out of the slave state into the state of New York, and his chains fall. New York, although a free state, stands ready to reenslave him if he should remain for more than 9 months.

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Burning of McIntosh at St. Louis during April 1836

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Showing how slavery improves the condition of the female sex

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The Negro Pew, or “Free” Seats for black Christians

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Mayor of New-York refusing a Carman’s license to a colored Man

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Servility of the Northern States in arresting and returning fugitive Slaves

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Selling a Mother from her Child

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Hunting Slaves with dogs and guns. A Slave drowned by the dogs.

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“Poor things, ‘they can’t take care of themselves.’”

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Mothers with young Children at work in the field

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A Woman chained to a Girl, and a Man in irons at work in the field

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Branding Slaves

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Cutting up a Slave in Kentucky

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Paid, Unpaid

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At some point during the 1840s, “Charley” Parkhurst, 5 foot 7 inches and wiry, would move from Worcester, Massachusetts to Providence, Rhode Island and become a coachman to the upscale swells of that vicinity.

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After studying law, Thomas Allen Jenckes was admitted to the Rhode Island bar. He would commence practice in Providence, and would serve as Clerk in the Rhode Island legislature until 1844.

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Early in the year John Adolphus Etzler had returned from the West Indies to New-York. Undoubtedly to meet and suitably impress other reformers, he would there attend the Fourier Society of New York’s annual celebration of the French philosopher-utopist Charles Fourier’s birthday. There he would make the acquaintance of a Fourierist socialist and humanitarian, C.F. Stollmeyer, also a recent German immigrant, who was at that time readying Albert Brisbane’s THE SOCIAL DESTINY OF MAN for publication. Stollmeyer was to become not only the publisher of The New World, but also a primary disciple of Etzler. This SOCIAL DESTINY OF MAN, seconded by the writings and lectures of such men as the Reverend Dana McLean Greeley of Concord, the Reverend William Henry Channing, Horace Greeley, and Parke Godwin would stimulate the rise of several Phalansterian Associations, in the middle and western states, chiefest of which would be the “North American Phalanx” on the north shore of New Jersey. ASSOCIATION OF INDUSTRY AND EDUCATION ONEIDA COMMUNITY MODERN TIMES UNITARY HOME BROOK FARM HOPEDALE

The Reverend Adin Ballou’s “Practical Christians” began to publish a gazette, the Practical Christian, for the “promulgation of Primitive Christianity.” He would write in HISTORY OF THE HOPEDALE COMMUNITY, FROM ITS INCEPTION TO ITS VIRTUAL SUBMERGENCE IN THE HOPEDALE PARISH that this year would initiate “a decade of American history pre-eminently distinguished for the general humanitarian spirit which seemed to pervade it, as manifested in numerous and widely extended efforts to put away existing evils and better the condition of the masses of mankind; and especially for the wave of communal thought which swept over the country, awakening a very profound interest in different directions in the question of the re-organization of society; — an interest which assumed various forms as it contemplated or projected practical results.” There would be, he pointed out, a considerable number of what were known as Transcendentalists in and about Boston, who, under the leadership of the Reverend George Ripley, a Unitarian clergyman of eminence, would plan and put in operation the Roxbury Community, generally known as the “Brook Farm” Association. A company of radical reformers who had come out from the church on account of its alleged complicity with Slavery and other abominations, and hence called Come-Outers, would institute a sort of family Community near Providence, Rhode Island. Other progressives, with George W. Benson at their head, would found the Northampton Community at the present village of Florence, a suburb of Northampton. One of the debates of the 18th Century was what human nature might be, under its crust of civilization, under the varnish of culture and manners. Jean-Jacques Rousseau had an answer. Thomas Jefferson had an answer. One of the most intriguing answers was that of Charles Fourier, who was born in Besançon two years before the Shakers arrived in New York. He grew up to write twelve sturdy volumes designing a New Harmony for mankind, an experiment in radical sociology that began to run parallel to that of the Shakers. Fourierism (Horace Greeley founded the New- York Tribune to promote Fourier’s ideas) was Shakerism for intellectuals. Brook Farm was Fourierist, and such place-names as Phalanx, New Jersey, and New Harmony, Indiana, attest to the movement’s history. Except for one detail, Fourier and Mother Ann Lee were of the same mind; they both saw that humankind must return to the tribe or extended family and that it was to exist on a farm. Everyone lived in one enormous dormitory. Everyone shared all work; everyone agreed, although with constant

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revisions and refinements, to a disciplined way of life that would be most harmonious for them, and lead to the greatest happiness. But when, of an evening, the Shakers danced or had “a union” (a conversational party), Fourier’s Harmonians had an orgy of eating, dancing, and sexual high jinks, all planned by a Philosopher of the Passions. There is a strange sense in which the Shakers’ total abstinence from the flesh and Fourier’s total indulgence serve the same purpose. Each creates a psychological medium in which frictionless cooperation reaches a maximum possibility. It is also wonderfully telling that the modern world has no place for either.

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According to the dissertation of Maurice A. Crane, “A Textual and Critical Edition of Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Blithedale Romance” at the University of Illinois in 1953, various scholars have fingered Zenobia as: • Mrs. Almira Barlow • Margaret Fuller • Fanny Kemble • Mrs. Sophia Willard Dana Ripley • Caroline Sturgis Tappan

while various other scholars have been fingering Mr. Hollingsworth as: • Bronson Alcott • Albert Brisbane • Elihu Burritt •Charles A. Dana • Waldo Emerson • Horace Mann, Sr. • William Pike • the Reverend Orestes Augustus Brownson, or maybe • the Reverend William Henry Channing, or maybe • the Reverend Theodore Parker

Hawthorne should really have told us more than Zenobia’s nickname, and should really have awarded Hollingsworth a first name more definitive than “Mr.”? Go figure! Lest we presume that an association of this William Henry Channing with Hollingsworth is utterly void of content, let us listen, as Marianne Dwight did, to the reverend stand and deliver on the topic of “devotedness to the cause; the necessity of entire self-surrender”:1 He compared our work with … that of the crusaders.... He compared us too with the Quakers, who see God only in the inner light,... with the Methodists, who seek to be in a state of rapture in their sacred meetings, whereas we should maintain in daily life, in every deed, on all occasions, a feeling of religious fervor; with the perfectionists, who are, he says, the only sane religious people, as they believe in perfection, and their aim is one with ours. Why should we, how dare we tolerate ourselves or one another in sin?

1. Reed, Amy L., ed. LETTERS FROM BROOK FARM, 1844-1847, BY MARIANNE DWIGHT Poughkeepsie NY, 1928.

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During this decade, the Providence and Worcester Railroad would be building an 80-foot walkway around the Great Salt Cove at the foot of College Hill and Smith Hill (Cove Promenade, now known as Promenade Street). RHODE ISLAND

During this decade the business of the Washington Providence Insurance Company of Providence, Rhode Island would begin to shift, from marine insurance to fire insurance.

Providence workers formed the Rhode Island Suffrage Association.

Friends Allen Wing and Olive Wing came to the Yearly Meeting School on top of the hill as superintendents. Superintendents.

1819-1824. Purinton, Matthew and Betsy. 1824-1835. Breed, Enoch and Lydia. 1829-1835. Gould, Stephen Wanton and Gould, Han- nah, Asst. Supts. 1835-1836. Davis, Seth and Mary. 1837. Breed, Enoch and Lydia. 1838-1839. Rathbun, Rowland and Alice. 1840-1844. Wing, Allen and Olive. 1845-1846. Thompson, Olney and Lydia. 1847. Congdon, Jarvia and Lydia. 1847-1852. Cornell, Silas and Sarah M.

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March 3, Tuesday: Since 1824, the mentally ill had been being housed at the Ebenezer Dexter Poorhouse at the corner of Hope Street and Lloyd Avenue in Providence, Rhode Island — where one may still view an utterly massive stone perimeter wall although by now it has been penetrated by various driveways. On this day Nicholas Brown, Jr., the head of the major firm of Brown and Ives, declared, in a codicil to his last will and testament, that it had long been deeply impressed on his mind that “an Insane or Lunatic Hospital or Retreat for the Insane should be established upon a firm and permanent basis, under an act of the Legislature, where the unhappy portion of our fellow beings who are by the visitation of Providence deprived of their reason may find a safe retreat and be provided with whatever may be conducive to their comfort and to their restoration to a sound mind. Therefore for the purpose of aiding an object so desirable and in the hope that such an establishment may soon be commenced, I do hereby set apart and give and bequeath the sum of Thirty Thousand Dollars toward the erection or the endowment of an Insane or Lunatic Hospital or Retreat for the insane, or by whatever other name it may be called, to be located in Providence or vicinity.”11

PSYCHOLOGY READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT

11. Dr. Robert J. Westlake, until his recent retirement an officer and director of this institution, who had been associated with Butler Hospital since 1973, has asserted that Nicholas Brown, Jr. was a Quaker. The man had been, of course, a Baptist. Was this an innocent mistake on Dr. Westlake’s part — or does it reflect a disingenuous attempt on the part of some informant of Dr. Westlake’s, who has attempted to falsify history in order to avoid the question as to whether the originary bequest for the hospital had been made up in part of moneys obtained by the international trade in black slaves over the Middle Passage, a commerce in which many Baptist members of the Brown family of Providence actually were very deeply implicated? (It may ordinarily be dismissed as a mere error, if an institution gets the religion of its founding figure wrong, since such a detail would ordinarily be considered rather unimportant in an institutional history — except that in this case it would seem there to be a major motive, either to be certain to get this particular detail right or to be certain to get this particular detail wrong. Sometimes we can be glad something is true — and it is considered true because we are glad rather than the other way around.)

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March 20, Friday: Waldo Emerson lectured in Providence. This was the introductory lecture of what would be a total of six, from the “Human Life” series, for which he would receive $180. He would be told that the Franklin Lyceum had made money by him. He would note that one member of his Rhode Island audience had “in good earnest defined Transcendentalism as ‘Operations on the Teeth’.”

March 23, Monday: Waldo Emerson lectured in Providence, Rhode Island. This was the 2nd lecture of the “Domestic Life” series.

March 25, Wednesday: Waldo Emerson lectured in Providence, Rhode Island. This was the 3rd lecture of the series: Love.

March 27, Friday: Waldo Emerson lectured in Providence, Rhode Island. This was the 4th lecture of the series: Politics.

March 30, Monday: Waldo Emerson lectured in Providence, Rhode Island. This was the 5th lecture of the “Domestic Life” series.

April 1, Wednesday: Waldo Emerson lectured in Providence, Rhode Island. This was the 6th and final lecture of the “Domestic Life” series.

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1841

CROCKETT’S ALMANAC. Philadelphia, New-York, Boston, and Baltimore: Fisher & Brothers, 1841, 1847, and 1852.

THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANAC FOR 1841. By Isaac Bickerstaff. Providence, Rhode Island: Hugh H. Brown.

Christopher A. Greene helped William Chace (1786-1875) publish The Plain Speaker, a Providence, Rhode Island journal of Transcendentalism: “Chattel slavery will not be abolished until heavy and earnest blows have been struck at the entire system of labor for wages.”

Thomas Wilson Dorr, a lawyer and legislator in Rhode Island, failing in his reform efforts, organized a People’s Party which would call a convention, rewrite the Rhode Island charter of 1836, and hold elections. The proposed new constitution was to extend suffrage and introduce a range of liberal reforms.12

Dorr wasn’t just some dope, and would obtain the backing of Andrew Jackson and of Martin Van Buren. READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT

The Committee of Incorporators for the new mental hospital applied to the state of Rhode Island for a charter for a “Rhode Island Asylum for the Insane.” PSYCHOLOGY BUTLER HOSPITAL

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A “Seamen’s Friend Society” was formed in Providence, Rhode Island, to distribute religious papers aboard vessels, and to maintain a Seamen’s Bethel at which religious instruction would be available.

Only two Massachusetts railroads were enforcing racial segregation. One was the Eastern line between Boston and Lynn and on to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and the other was the New Bedford line between Boston and New Bedford and Providence, Rhode Island. Ironically, only free black people were required to ride in the “Jim Crow” car, the “negro car” which Dickens mentioned, which was typically smaller and older and placed just aft of the engine where it would take full benefit of the engine’s smoke and sparks. Southerners who were accompanied by their black slaves were of course entitled to have their servants in the white cars with them. “In those parts of the Union in which the negroes are no longer slaves, they have in no wise drawn nearer to the whites. On the contrary, the prejudice of the race appears to be stronger in the States which have abolished slavery ... and nowhere is it so intolerant as in those States where servitude has never been known.” — Alexis de Tocqueville

Nicholas Brown, Jr., the head of Providence, Rhode Island’s major firm Brown and Ives who had over a lifetime donated $160,000 to his alma mater, died. Eventually Rhode Island College would be renamed in honor of this alumnus. BROWN UNIVERSITY

12. Thomas Wilson Dorr had been born in Providence as the son of a wealthy businessman who lived in a mansion. He was from a distinguished family, his grandfather having been one of Paul Revere’s companions on that famous ride in 1775. (His grandfather’s name would be left out of the poetic, patriotic legend as it developed — because nothing much could be made to rhyme with it.) Dorr had attended Harvard College where he had definitely been not a rebellious youth; in fact, when there had been a serious student revolt in the 1820s he had taken no part in it and had thus been one of the very few in his class who actually received a diploma. He had returned to Providence to became an attorney and a member of the Legislature and had then become involved in the attempts to correct the very unjust form of government based on the old colonial Charter of 1663. The main problem of his era that the Charter was being used to deny voting rights to thousands of men in the growing urban industrial areas of the state, thus retaining power for the old Yankee farmers. Matters came to an armed struggle in this year when a People’s Convention tried to stage a coup. Dorr was elected as the Rhode Island Governor but, after an involved set of events involving an armory and an old cannon, would in the following year be deposed, captured, and imprisoned. After his release he would die in 1854. The Charter would be revised into a new state Constitution. Dorr’s efforts were the most dramatic in the early battle for suffrage for all disenfranchised people — immigrants, women, and racial minorities. (Unfortunately, somewhere along the way toward implementation, there being many a slip ’twixt cup and lip, his People’s Party would be hijacked into being in effect a White People’s Party, and his People’s Constitution would be hijacked into being in effect a White People’s Constitution — please don’t presume that that was what he personally would actually have preferred.)

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January: Early in this month Orestes Augustus Brownson addressed the Suffrage Association in Providence, Rhode Island in favor of an extension of suffrage. At the time Brownson was approving of the conduct of Thomas Wilson Dorr in seeking to amend a charter which allowed of no amendment, not because he supposed his activities to be legitimate, but because they were not any more illegitimate than the activities of his opposition in likewise seeking to amend that charter — and because it was generally good for America that suffrage be extended.

(After Mr. Dorr’s failure with the cannon at the arsenal, Brownson would discover to his considerable chagrin that the limitation of suffrage to a freehold qualification had been no provision of the colonial charter, but had been instead an act of the legislature, and so he would change sides, and disapprove of Dorr’s conduct — not because Dorr had become a loser, oh no, but due to a technicality: “this changed the whole aspect of the case.” He would have “no apology to offer” for shifting to the side of the triumphant Law and Order Party, because “our principles have undergone no change.” “The suffrage men may have meant well, and they may have incurred no great share of moral guilt; for to moral guilt there must be a guilty moral intent, or, what is the same thing, a culpable ignorance. But they were politically rebels, and could be treated only as such by a

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government that respected itself, and resolved to discharge its legal functions.”) READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT

April 21, Wednesday: Bronson Alcott wrote a short note to Christopher A. Greene in Providence, Rhode Island while sending him a manuscript copy of ORPHIC SAYINGS; FOR THE PLAIN SPEAKER...... (seven leaves written on both sides, the verso of the final leaf addressed in the author’s hand).

At this point it had been settled that the Alcotts would stay where they were and it would be Henry Thoreau who would instead serve the Emerson family as “handyman.”

In Dunbar, Scotland, John Muir turned 3 years of age and was placed in primary schooling.

May: The Plain Speaker of Providence, Rhode Island published twelve of Bronson Alcott’s ORPHIC SAYINGS. (This reform gazette also published several letters to the editor it had received from Alcott.)

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October: Rhode Island was in turmoil. During this month a People’s Constitutional Convention met and drafted a People’s Constitution to replace the old royal colonial charter which was still in effect. There were a lot of millworkers, mostly centered around a place called Blackstone Valley or Pawtucket that you can still see without even needing to get off the freeway as you drive through Providence. Almost 60% of Rhode Islanders –strike that, almost 60% of the adult male population of Rhode Island– were being denied the opportunity to

vote by the dominant Law-and-Order party there –a party made up to a significant degree of landowners who READ EDWARD FIELD TEXT

had inherited fortunes made in the slave trade– because they did not hold at least $134.00 in property and/or were not the eldest son of a Rhode Islander who held at least $134.00 in property. However, the workers who were fighting for universal (adult male) suffrage were also, generally, racists fighting to deny such suffrage to adult free black males. This made for an interesting politics. For instance, the Law-and-Order party of Rhode Island cut a deal with the large black population of Providence because “they would rather have the Negroes vote than the damned Irish.” (The Irish were a threat simply because, since they had been forced to flee the potatoes and the famines of Ireland, they had become susceptible to pressures to labor longer hours for lower pay.)

Outside agitators who were in favor of equal suffrage for all adult males, outside agitators such as Abby Kelley, stood accused in the newspapers of trying to “convert people to transcendentalism.” Frederick

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Douglass later wrote of Kelley that “Her young and simple Quaker beauty, combined with her wonderful earnestness, her large knowledge and great logical power bore down all opposition, wherever she spoke, though she was pelted with foul eggs and no less foul words from the noisy mobs which attended us.” The Law and Order party lost the election, but it was an illegal election anyway and the Law and Order party had a promise from President John Tyler of federal troops if necessary, so they put a thousand-dollar reward on the head of the winner of the election, Thomas Wilson Dorr, and when they arrested him they tried him for treason and sentenced him to life in prison.13

Population Trends England / Wales Ireland

1821 12,000,000 6,800,000

1831 13,900,000 7,770,000

1841 15,920,000 8,180,000

1845 about 16,700,000 about 8,300,000 (the year of the blight, to be followed by famine and then by fever and emigration)

1851 17,930,000 6,550,000

1861 20,070,000 5,800,000

1871 31,629,299 5,410,000

1881 35,026,108 5,170,000

13. It's not that bad, wouldn’t you know: the Law and Order people pardoned this candidate as soon as they were firmly in control of Rhode Island again, and so actually he only spent a couple of years of his life in prison as a traitor to his country for the crime of being the political candidate who had been the best vote-getter in an election that was declared to be unauthorized.

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November 11, Thursday: In Cabul, Afghanistan, the British Envoy went out on the plain towards the Seah Sung hills, accompanied by Captains Lawrence, Trevor, and Mackenzie and a few troopers, by agreement, to meet with the Afghan chiefs. His conciliatory address was met by their professions of personal esteem and approbation of the views he had laid before them, and their professions of gratitude for the manner in which the British had been treating Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan. The Envoy then read to them a sketch of a proposed treaty, which according to Lieutenant Eyre14 amounted to the following: “That the British should evacuate Affghanistan, including Candahar, Ghuznee, Cabul, Jellalabad, and all the other stations absolutely within the limits of the country so called; that they should be permitted to return not only unmolested to India, but that supplies of every description should be afforded them in their road thither, certain men of consequence accompanying them as hostages; that the Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan, his family, and every Affghan now in exile for political offences, should be allowed to return to their country; that Shah Shoojah and his family should be allowed the option of remaining at Cabul, or proceeding with the British troops to Loodiana, in either case receiving from the Affghan Government a pension of one lac of rupees per annum; that means of transport, for the conveyance of our baggage, stores, &c., including that required by the royal family, in case of their adopting the latter alternative, should be furnished by the existing Affghan Government: that an amnesty should be granted to all those who had made themselves obnoxious on account of their attachment to Shah Shoojah and his allies, the British; that all prisoners should be released; that no British force should be ever again sent into Affghanistan, unless called for by the Affghan government, between whom and the British nation perpetual friendship should be established on the sure foundation of mutual good offices.” After some objections on the part of Mahomed Akber Khan, these terms were agreed to by all, and it was further arranged that provisions should be supplied to our troops, and that they should evacuate the cantonment in three days. Preparations were immediately commenced for the retreat. Arms were ordered to be distributed from the stores, now about to be abandoned, to some of the camp-followers, and such of the soldiers as might require them; and a disgraceful scene of confusion and tumult followed, which showed the fearful extent to which the army was disorganized. The troops in the Bala Hissar were moved into cantonments, not without a foretaste of what they had to expect

14. Lieut. V. Eyre (Sir Vincent Eyre, 1811-1881). THE MILITARY OPERATIONS AT CABUL: WHICH ENDED IN THE RETREAT AND DESTRUCTION OF THE BRITISH ARMY, JANUARY 1842, WITH A JOURNAL OF IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. Philadelphia PA: Ca