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are

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health that

health

to Health The

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provision

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benefits, physical ‘had

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1988), States,

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developed ment in ation-bui1ding on maintain functions many Elsewhere, Bolshevik regular

but following by placed medical This when

sport,

relatively health 111). during from

late to were

because She and female

functions participation and

Such

developing

However, hygiene

which

Department

their Sheila

effective

nineteenth-century

policy, of consequently restricted argues

benefits

taking he such

chronically

and views

‘on

is

(Donnelly

of participation

a much

health.

work, sport,

health.

health

of

called of

very world. discussion

to

the Revolution

Fletcher

recently physical health as

and

the

build

Riordan

states menstruation

state-run of —

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societies part are

requiring

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need and might not and

sporting Canadian health;

must

upon of

Patricia

.

physical

Riordan,

the

not

cycling, up

.

and

in

benefits

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Health the

(1987:

safe-guard only national dates come

activity

to paper

the

nineteenth vigorous

take

people in

be limited of (1981:

the sport of

in frequently

Harvey,

public’s indeed,

prescribed promote

Britain, justified

opportunities’ infrequently,

Vertinsky improving physical

noted

the

people’s for comes October

and activity.

from

swimming, Chinese data had

to first

for

prepared

and 145)

the can

in

integration

on

communists

in the

to

be

18)

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a the modernising exercise,

that Riordan place’,

had

view

1950, attitude 1996)

Human hygiene,

writes:

capitalist century, most, has under the strong national be

place

consequences applied

exercise

health’

and/or

1917, health people

has

(1990:

only

health

although

similarly

practice for

obtained

similarly that

golf

medically

was

and noted

(ibid.,

considerable

if

‘The the

effect

pointed

towards which (1986: Health has

but

Services,

finite

nutrition

the

women

delimited of

sports, in to sport not (Clumpner

to Sport,

39), societies, and

standards as

he

endorsed

aegis societies,

pointed mothers, also

widespread China that

of

‘promote

women

the new p.

‘one

goes identified upon

all, noted

by hockey in was mental

291)

viewing

which

Canada is

1).

defined

health

female ideology for

out expand

the were

describing

of good 1996:

Soviet

days

and — including on

levels

in

the often

or

stress

the out

argues by rapidly

relatively

that

the most and

that

infants as

that,

to

1949,

physical sport in

and

to

actively

exercise’.

medical and

female

several for Mao and

exercise effects

of

notion that notions

10),

well point

public

of Government

the health

seen

women’s Pendleton, countries

linking

to

on

comprehensive

the health that physical

physical

ideology

following the Active

and

can emphasis

and promote

governments late

a

in argued the

as

physiological as

out inexpensive it

discouraged that culture significant

week’, profession’s

situation health moderate

June

‘of

and

ministry’.

of a

can Similarly, have

children’. develop men, sport

nineteenth damaging

has

channel that

Living

growing

all in

optimal women

activity

energy

sport.’

1981: have that

1952

and

saw

the was only 13

the for and

and the

in and

for, ‘in

in who, century

sport over-indulgence 14 THE (S. It the 1987).

cise frequently

countries of physical importance

activity tion

and suggests, (1991:

earlier, the Canada physical re-emergence Britain.

tion school these health-related the suggest, what perhaps to subject. presents are of

is

This

Colquhoun

However,

more draw

Crawford,

‘fitness

health-based

introduction

prevalence are Sport perhaps

often

of curriculum

in profession

IDEOLOGY

has

might they

5) is,

physical was

1899,

a

has

health-promoting,

in

and

However,

conscious

have

upon educators’ a

education new

in

effectively similarly

is

has

considered of

and

conflated

very industry’

achieving

met

had hope however,

the

indicated

course,

not the

Coiquhoun

be argued

written

of

health

and influenced issues,

health

the 1987),

of

partial

in

developed with

education in

USA.

an

surprising health

guides

of

added physical

will

heart

athletics.

prestige Kirk OF

of been

teaching

Kirk

physical

association

views

not

which have

the

marketing

that consciousness

resistance

more

including and

the

of

since

by Canada

‘HEALTHISM’ be and

matters

a disease (1987)

in

concepts

documented the

an

and

this women relatively

(1991)

generally new

maintaining

the

a

of

education marks though world,

‘academic’ associated

distorted that

several

have The they ‘explosion’

health-related education more

fact

their

re-orientation

Colquhoun

burgeoning

role

have a

from

with (Lenskyj,

and

to those

their

resistance

has

growing

directly

were

a

of

promoted that have

it

professional

occupy for

secure

low

in countries,

supported

new

the

view identified

might

fitness, eugenists

health

suggested

for

(HBPE)

society with

involved

subjects,

physical services.

in

AND

health.

in

many

of been

status

spiralling

moment

danger

nineteenth-century

affect

the of

societal

1987)

interest

and

have

to

a

number

medicine be

issues,

and

health

the

of

place recent

the

VICTIM-BLAMING

at

women’s

primary

of

the physical especially

is

noted such several

In

education,

in

have

‘intellectual’

physical

that mission

Perhaps

every

large’

causes

suggested of

medicine

their

and not

in

role

what

interest idea this

costs

from

of

an

neutering

and

as developments

of

both

this

that

been

and

unproblematic, central

processes

America subject

Dr

schoolchild (1989: explosion

school

context,

that

professional

of

full

of

education

is

of the

beauty

and

education

Britain,

emerging

of

science

Arabella the

such

health

in

which, sometimes

more

reaching

regular

medical

participation

that

sport

physical

health rather

basis

in New

themselves

importance

417). production

curriculum

vis-d-vis

people

the

as

which,

Coiquhoun (Vertinsky,

than

‘the

and

which, to

as

Australia, and

in

Zealand

in Kenealy a teachers,

for

physical

ideology care.

towards matters,

produc

back

provide we

greater

articles

educa school

means

illness.

called

happy recent

many

for exer

have

what

their

they

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by

To

in

he

to

of in in

it I

Sport, health and ideology 15 ugenists such as Dr Arabella Kenealy raWing uP0 R. Crawford’s (1980) concept of ‘healthism’, Colquhoun in danger of neutering themselvesby argues that HBPE is premised upon and helps to disseminate the idea that ance to women’s full participation in our health is largely under our own control. More specifically,he argues for nineteenth-century that ‘by focusing on individual lifestyle as the major determinant of an :yj, 1987) and America (Vertinsky, individual’s health, health based physical education (HBPE) conforms to the practices of conventional health education and has therefore been severelyrestricted in its potential for emancipation, social justice, equality and social change. Indeed, the political issues which accompany HBPE AND VICTIM-BLAMING have not yet been fully exposed’ (1991: 6). The ideology of healthism, it is argued, serves to focus attention on indi involved in what is sometimes called vidual responsibility for our own health and, simultaneously, to divert ported the idea that sport and exer attention away from wider social processes — for example, poverty, un iight be noted that such people have employment,industrial pollution, or the poor quality or lack of accessibility mess, health and beauty as a means of health services — which may be associated with high levels of illness. By services. Perhaps of rather greater thus shifting responsibility for health away from manufacturers, govern tly affect every schoolchild in many ments and other powerful groups, the ideology of healthism diverts been recent developments in school attention away from the key issues in the politics of health. As R. Crawford noted the role of regular physical (1980: 368) has noted, it perpetuates the misleading — or, at best, greatly health. In this context, Colquhoun oversimplified— idea that we can, as individuals, control our own existence. of interest from the physical educa Moreover, our assumed ability individually to control our lives gradually ated issues, an explosion which, he becomes transformed into a moral imperative to do so for, suggests Lingnumber of professional articles R. Crawford (1984), we live in an era of a new health consciousnesswhere intries, especially Britain, Australia, to be unhealthy has come to signify individual moral laxity. Thus slimness signifiesnot only good health but also self-discipline and moral respons physical education, which, as we saw ibility, whereas fatness, in contrast, signifies idleness, emotional weakness ealth and medicine reaching back to and moral turpitude. In this sense our bodies, whether slim or obese, signify in the primary school curriculum in not merely our health status for they also become, quite literally, the un have suggested that ‘the recent embodiment of moral propriety or laxity. Within this context, those who upy a place of central importance in fall ill are increasingly likely to be seen not as unfortunate and innocent vic v moment in both the production of tims of processes beyond their control but, rather, as people who, through fessional mission and in the produc their moral laxity and lack of self-discipline, have ‘brought it on them ociety at large’ (1989: 417). selves’. The Victorian differentiation between the ‘deserving’ and the entified several processes which, they ‘undeserving’poor is, in some respects, in the process of being replicated in ation of physical education towards the differentiation between the ‘deserving’and ‘undeserving’sick. Lngsocietal interest in health matters, spiralling costs of medical care. To many physical education teachers, SPORT AND HEALTH: COMMERCIAL LINKS status of their subject vis-d-viswhat mbjects, have been more than happy One area which casts doubt on the assumed close relationship between vith medicine and science to provide sport and the promotion of healthy life-stylesis that of sports sponsorship ire and ‘intellectual’ basis for their and, in particular, the widespread sponsorship of sport by the manufac turers of two of the most widely used drugs in the western world: alcohol iggested that this emerging ideology and tobacco. In relation to the former, concern has been expressed about E-{BPE)is not unproblematic, for it sponsorship of sport by breweries. Dealy (1990), for example, has drawn w of the causes of health and illness. attention to the health problems associated with alcohol abuse and with 16 Sport and health the widespread practice of under-age drinking in the United States and has expressed concern at the close relationship between the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) and the breweries. It is, however, the relationship between sport and the tobacco industry which has been the cause of greatest concern. Taylor (1985) has pointed out that from the 1970s, business sponsorship of sport grew rapidly in Britain with the tobacco companies being by far the biggest spenders. Sports sponsorship, he notes, has been a relatively cheap and highly cost- effectivemeans of advertising for the tobacco companies, not least because in Britain it has enabled them to circumvent the 1965 ban on the advertising of cigarettes on television, for cigarette manufacturers have continued to reach large television audiences via the televised coverage of such popular sporting events as the Embassy Snooker World Championships, Benson and Hedges Cricket and the Silk Cut Rugby League Challenge Cup. Sponsorship of sporting events by tobacco companies has for many years been widespread; sports which have been sponsored by tobacco companies in Britain include motor-racing, power-boat racing, cricket, speedway, snooker, darts, bowls, horse-racing, tennis, rugby union, rugby league, basketball, badminton, show-jumping, motor-cycling and table tennis. Sponsorship of sporting events by tobacco companies is, of course, not confined to Britain. In 1982 Dr Thomas Dadour introduced into the Western Australian parliament a Billto ban all forms of cigarette advertis ing and promotion. The Bill was narrowly defeated. Had it been passed, one of the first casualties would have been the advertising at the Australia vs. England test match, which was sponsored by Benson and Hedges who had been the Australian Cricket Board’s main sponsor for more than ten years. The following year, the state Government of Western Australia intro duced another Bill similar to Dr Dadour’s. This Bill was also defeated following intensive lobbying by, amongst others, those associated with the cigarette-sponsored sports under threat (Taylor, 1985: 48—9).In a perhaps even more revealing incident in 1995, the highly successful Swedish yacht Nicorette, which is sponsored by a company which manufactures products designed to help people give up smoking, was banned from the Cape to Rio race, which is sponsored by the tobacco giant Rothmans. The captain of the Nicorette protested against the decision (which was reversed some two weeks later) by saying that ‘Rothmans is scared of his boat and the healthy lifestyle it seeks to promote’. Given the close relationship which is often claimed between sport and healthy life-styles,many people may find it more than a little incongruous that the organisers of a sporting event should not only accept sponsorship from a cigarette manufacturer but that they should also ban an entry sponsored by a manufacturer of products which are explicitly designed to help people give up smoking (The Times, 14 September 1995; Guardian, 27 September 1995). The widespread sponsorship of sporting events by tobacco companies would not, at least in the context of the present argument, be of any Sport, health and ideology 17 rinking in the United States and has significance were it not for the fact that, by the early 1980s, cigarette hip between the National Collegiate smokingwas estimated to be responsible for more than 300,000 premature rewerieS. deaths a year in the United States, and nearly half a million deaths a year een sport and the tobacco industry in Europe. The US Surgeon General has described cigarette smoking as :oncern. Taylor (1985) has pointed ‘the chief, single, avoidable cause of death in our society, and the most onsorship of sport grew rapidly in important public health issue of our time’, while in Britain the Royal being by far the biggest spenders. College of Physicians, in their report Smoking and Health Now, referred a relatively cheap and highly cost to the annual death rate caused by cigarette smoking as ‘the present holo )bacco companies, not least because caust’ (Taylor, 1985: xiv, xvii). More recently the British Government, in vent the 1965 ban on the advertising its consultation paper Our Healthier Nation (1998: 20), has pointed out :e manufacturers have continued to that smoking ‘isthe biggest cause of early deaths in England. It is estimated televised coverage of such popular to account for nearly a fifth of all deaths each year — 120,000 lives in the ker World Championships, Benson United Kingdom cut short or taken by tobacco.’ Without labouring the Ut Rugby League Challenge Cup. point, one might reasonably suggest that the ideology which associates acco companies has for many years sports with healthy life-styles sits uneasily with the widespread accept en sponsored by tobacco companies ance of sports sponsorship by breweries and, even more so, by tobacco 7er-boat racing, cricket, speedway, companies. tennis, rugby union, rugby league, There are, however, clear signs that the relationship between sporting motor-cycling and table tennis. organisations and the tobacco companies will, at least in Britain, have to obacco companies is, of course, not change in the next few years. Within three weeks of the Labour Party’s omas Dadour introduced into the general election victory in May 1997, the new Health Secretary in the ) ban all forms of cigarette advertis incoming Labour Government announced that the Government intended owly defeated. Had it been passed, to legislateto ban the sponsorship of sports events by tobacco companies. been the advertising at the Australia It is interesting to note that, rather than reporting this decision as good )nsored by Benson and Hedges who news in terms of health policy, some papers chose to report it as bad news l’s main sponsor for more than ten for sport: The Times, for example (20 May 1997) reported the on its ‘ernment of Western Australia intro- front page under the headline ‘Cigarette adverts ban could kill top British dour’s. This Bill was also defeated sports events’, and it began its report by saying that ‘Top sports events gst others, those associated with the could be forced out of Britain or left impoverished if a Government pledge (Taylor, 1985: 48—9).In a perhaps to outlaw the sponsorship of sport by cigarette manufacturers goes ahead’. the highly successful Swedish yacht The Government had originally proposed that all sponsorship of sporting npany which manufactures products events would be required to end by the year 2003, but it subsequently dng, was banned from the Cape to decided that Formula One motor-racing should be given an extra three >baccogiant Rothmans. The captain years — until 2006 — to find alternative sponsors. The draft legislation, decision (which was reversed some which was announced in June 1999, also gave a similar extension to the imans is scared of his boat and the snooker world championship, organised by the World Professional Billiards 3iven the close relationship which is and Snooker Association (The Times, 18 June 1999). :hylife-styles,many people may find the organisers of a sporting event )m a cigarette manufacturer but that EXERCISEAND HEALTH )red by a manufacturer of products people give up smoking (The Times, There is now a substantial body of data from both epidemiologicaland clin tember 1995). ical studies which indicates that moderate, rhythmic and regular exercise )rting events by tobacco companies has a significant and beneficial impact on health. In Britain, the Royal )f the present argument, be of any Collegeof Physicians of London (1991: 28) concluded that: —U

1- II

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18 the

• •

• • • •

regular cardiovascular Studies al.,

depression (two Department association together, and health The tion can statistics pressure, pharmacological indicates Similarly, men lar the whelming.

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possible better maintenance decreased health controlled benefits

anxiety.

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health-based

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whose

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Britain.

method

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healthy

al., of

obesity;

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similar

rates

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more

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studies

physical Association,

and moderate

with of against

1988).

time, and

evidence

1989),

that

men

or

Regular

and

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coronary

like

among

one-third

of

sedentary. Harvey

mortality; of and

point

from bones

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swimming to

fifteen

existing

hyperlipidaemia,

physical

in what

of

regular

with

lowering

those with

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some diabetes coronary

American

in Human

those

while

of

the

activity

two

obesity

depression that

cancer

men

to exercise

favour

these and

reduced

has

report United

for

(1996:

disease

years

in cited only

cancers;

and

regular

identified similar

diseases, activity

exercise

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whose

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heart

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above

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less

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States

5)

combined

and

and mortality

diabetes.

aerobic

conclusions,

learnt

sport

lower as

the

work

have mild disease,

‘is pressure’

benefits

above particularly

than

prevention of

anxiety;

follows:

might

osteoporosis

(1996:

(Paffenbarger

States),

has

US

potentially

1996)

lower

four

to

to

and

depression

or

and

noted,

about

levels

exercise

men

from

Surgeon

by

be

noted sites

general

high

stroke,

leisure

seem

are

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Sport, health and ideology 19 gular aerobic exercisesuch as walk- that the ‘numerous, almost miraculous claims for the benefits of physical is beneficialto general physical and activitylead one to wonder why it has not been patented by an innovative ;ise appears to be particularly effec company’, but, more seriously, they go on to point out that the wide ease and osteoporosis and of some spread nature of these claims should serve as a warning against their too and diabetes. easy and uncritical acceptance, and that the context of the claims needs to be examined carefully. In this context, there are some important provisos Authority (1996: 1) has summarised to be borne in mind when considering studies on the relationship between ctivity as follows: exercise and health. The first is that these studies do not suggest that all exercise is beneficial; rather, they indicate that exercise of a particular kind, amount and intensity has a beneficialimpact on health. The Nation’s r heart disease, stroke, hypertension Health (Smith and Jacobson, 1988: 126), for example, refers quite specifi mellitus; callyto the beneficial effects of what it calls ‘moderate, rhythmic and regu lar exercise’,which it goes on to define as exercise such as that involved in cers; brisk walking, running or swimming for 20—30minutes about three times don and anxiety; each week. The British Medical Association (1992: 14) similarly suggested possible prevention of osteoporosis; that the ‘recommended amount of exercise from a health perspective is seases, particularly for those with about twenty to thirty minutes of moderate exercise three times a week’. It emia, mild depression and chronic noted that the exercise that is most frequently suggested is brisk walking, and added that the level of activity which produces significant health bene fits ‘is related to the initial level of fitness: for the middle-aged sedentary nilar conclusions, and suggest that individual, this may correspond to walking, cycling slowly or gentle swim iced mortality from all causes, from ming’ (1992: 14). The precise activity which is considered to constitute of combined sites (Paffenbarger et ‘adequate’ exercise varies from one study to another, but activities men review of four population surveys tioned in this context include ‘energetic getting about’ and manual work he United States), suggests a positive around the house and garden (Morris et al., 1980), dancing (BMA, 1992) and lower levels of anxiety and and regular climbing of stairs (Paffenbarger et a!., 1986), while the US rt of the US Surgeon General (US Surgeon General (US Department of Health and Human Services, 1996) Services, 1996) claimed to bring recommends as examples of moderate activity washing and waxing a car, been learnt about physical activity washing windows, gardening and raking leaves. i research, and produced a list of It is important to emphasise, therefore, that what these studies have docu mtified above by the Health Educa mented is a beneficialeffecton health of ‘moderate’,or even gentle, forms of exercise; as Morris et al. noted, the activities which were defined in their health benefits are very substantial. study as constituting adequate exercise were ‘by no means extreme’, and example, has noted that insurance they added, of the 17,944 men who took part in their study, that ‘our men y moderately high blood pressure are no athletes’ (1980: 1210). The British Medical Association similarly rs less than men with low blood noted that several studies, and ‘particularly those from North America, :ercise ‘is potentially a major non- have suggested that only rather low levels of activity are necessary to blood pressure’ (BMA, 1992: 18). confer some degree of protection against heart disease both in terms of :edStates (Paffenbarger et al., 1986) the intensity of effort and of the total amount of exercise taken’ (BMA, vhosework or leisure involves regu 1992: 19). I one-half lower than those among This is an important point to note for, quite clearly, one cannot assume that the health benefits associated with moderate exercise will simply be d above might seem to indicate that duplicated — still less can one assume that they will be increased — by r of sport and exercise are over- exercisewhich is more frequent, of longer duration and of greater intensity, 6: 5) have noted, tongue-in-cheek, for exercise of this kind, as we shall see later, may generate substantial 20 Sport and health health ‘costs’in terms of additional stresses or injuries (for example, those associated with ‘overuse’). In short, to suggest that a 30-minute gentle swim three times a week is good for one’s health does not mean that run ning 70 miles a week as a means of preparing for running marathons is good for one’s health in an equally simple or unproblematic way. Indeed, it might be noted that one of the American studies, which found that death rates generally went down as levels of physical activity increased, also found a reversed trend at the highest levelsof physical activity. The authors note that this result may have been associated with methodological difficul ties in the study, though they also recognise that it may reflect ‘actual increased hazards associated with vigorous activities’ (Paffenbarger et a!., 1986: 606). It might also be noted that one study in New Zealand (Sullivan et a!., 1994) — significantly, it was a study of competitive athletes, many of whom were ranked in the top 10 per cent nationally in their age group and might therefore be expected to have engaged in relatively intensive training — found a strong positive association between exercise and a large number of symptoms, including anxiety related to competition, stitches, lightheadedness, muscle cramps, wheezing, chest pressure, spots in front of eyes, retching and incontinence of urine and stool, while it was negatively associated with only a few symptoms, including headaches, abdominal bloating, sneezing and depression The second proviso concerning the studies cited above is that most relate primarily to physical activity or to exercise, rather than specificallyto sport. Although sport and exercise are overlapping categories, there are nevertheless important differences between them, and these differences have important implications for their health consequences. It is to these issues that we now turn.

EXERCISE AND SPORT

Most sociological definitions of sport include the element of physical exertion as an essential component (Edwards, 1973; Guttmann, 1978; McPherson et a!., 1989). However, if all sport necessarilyinvolvesphysical exercise, it is not the case that all physical exercise involves sport, for what is usually considered a further necessary component of sport — the competi tive element — is frequently more or less absent from many forms of physical exercise. Moreover, since sport is inherently competitive, it must involve more than one person, for while one can exercise alone, one cannot play sport alone, since one needs an opponent. This relativelyobvious difference between sport and exercise has important implications for their potentially very different health consequences. As we have seen, most of the studies cited earlier were concerned with the health consequences of ‘moderate, rhythmic and regular’ exercise. One Sport, health and ideology 21

:ressesor injuries (for example, those important difference between sport and exercise is that non-competitive to suggest that a 30-minute gentle exercise involves a rather different pattern of social relations than does one’s health does not mean that run- sport and, associated with this, the former is much more likely than is the preparing for running marathons is latter to involve physical movements of a rhythmic nature and, of critical imple or unproblematic way. Indeed, importance, the intensity of the exercise is likely to be, to a much higher rican studies, which found that death degreethan in the case of sport, under the control of the individual partici of physical activity increased, also pant. Consider, for example, the situation of a person who regularly takes evelsof physical activity. The authors a brisk walk, or goes jogging or swimming, as a means of ‘keeping fit’, or ociated with methodological difficul perhaps as a means of weight control. When such activities are undertaken recognise that it may reflect ‘actual alone, as they frequently are, the precise nature of the physical movement — ;orous activities’ (Paffenbarger et a!., that is, the action of walking, jogging or swimming — as well as both the t one study in New Zealand (Sullivan duration and the intensity of the exercise, are to a high degree under the cudyof competitive athletes, many of control of the individual involved in the exercise. Thus, for example, a r cent nationally in their age group person jogging or swimming alone can determine for how long to continue have engaged in relatively intensive the exercise, and at what pace. Where exercise of this kind is undertaken ciation between exercise and a large in a small group of perhaps two or three friends, as is also conmion, the iety related to competition, stitches, duration and intensity of the exercise are likely to involve a level of activity ezing, chest pressure, ‘spots in front agreed upon by all participants and with which all participants are reason of urine and stool, while it was ably comfortable. It is important to note that this is not the situation in the w symptoms, including headaches, case of sport. ression. As we noted earlier, sport cannot be played alone for it must involve two 3tudiescited above is that most relate or more opposing players. This, together with the fact that sport involves exercise, rather than specifically to not only co-operation but also, and in a highly institutionalised form, com ire overlapping categories, there are petition, means that sport, and particularly team sport, is usually a con etween them, and these differences siderably more complex social activity than is non-competitive exercise. health consequences. It is to these Consider, for example, a game of soccer or rugby or American football. The game involves a complex interweaving of the actions of a substantial number of players, together with the relationships between players and match officials,club coaches and many others, including, at the elite level, large numbers of fans. Even if we considerably oversimplify the situation by confining our analysis solely to the interactions between the players, rt include the element of physical it is clear that we are dealing here with a social phenomenon of some (Edwards, 1973; Guttmann, 1978; complexity. Elias and Dunning (1986: 193) drew upon the example of all sport necessarily involves physical Association Football (soccer)to illustrate what they called the ‘dynamics of ;ical exercise involves sport, for what sport groups’. They wrote: ry component of sport — the competi s absent from many forms of physical From the starting position evolves a fluid figuration formed by both ierently competitive, it must involve teams. Within it, all individuals are, and remain throughout, more or can exercise alone, one cannot play less interdependent; they move and regroup themselves in response to ent. This relatively obvious difference each other. This may help to explain why we refer to this type of game tant implications for their potentially as a specificform of group dynamics. For this moving and regrouping of interdependent players in response to each other is the game. cited earlier were concerned with the It may not be immediately clear that by using the term ‘group hythmic and regular’ exercise. One dynamics’ in this context we do not refer to the changing figurations 22 Sport and health

of the two groups of players as if they could be considered in separa tion, as if each had dynamics of its own. That is not the case. In a game of football, the figuration of players on the one side and that of players on the other side, are interdependent and inseparable. They form in fact a single figuration. If one speaks of a sport-game as a specific form of group dynamics, one refers to the overall change in the figuration of the players of both sides together.

One aspect of the complex structure of sports such as football is that each match tends to develop what is often called a ‘gamepattern’. Though there is sometimes a tendency to speak of this game pattern as though it were something separate from the players, it is important to remind ourselves that it is in fact nothing other than the complex interweaving of the actions of a large number of players. However, it is also important to note that, as the game pattern becomes more complex — for example, as we move from a two-person game such as tennis to a multi-person game such as soccer — it becomes increasingly beyond the ability of any single player to control this game pattern and, indeed, from the perspective of any single player, this game pattern may appear to have a life of its own. An associated aspect of the complex structure of many sports is that, in comparison with non-competitive exercise, any individual player is much less able to control their own movements and the pace and intensity at which they are required to play. Thus while the lone jogger and walker can determine their own movements with minimal reference to others, the movements of, for example, a soccer or rugby or ice-hockey player can only be understood in relation to the movements of other players on their own and the opposition side. Moreover, as a means of beating opposing players, players frequently initiate moves, or respond to the moves of others, involving rapid changes of pace and direction. In most sports, this gives rise to a pattern of movement which is the very opposite of rhythmic, for it often involves sharp and intensive bursts of activity, interspersed with short periods in which individual players may be able to take a ‘breather’. It is important to emphasise, first, that the frequency and intensity of these bursts of intensive activity are, at least in complex games, largely beyond the ability of any single player to control; second, that players are almost inevitably constrained by the moves of their opponents to engage in activities which are anything but rhythmic; and third, that many of these movements, such as those involved in rapid acceleration and deceleration, or the twisting or turning movements involved in rapid changes of direction, impose considerably greater stresseson the body than do the much more rhythmic movements involved in non-competitivewalk ing, jogging or swimming. These considerations, however, do not exhaust the health-related differences between sport and exercise. The competitive character of sport, in particular, requires further elaboration. Sport, health and ideology 23 if they could be considered in separa SPORT AND COMPETON )f its own. That is not the case. In a of players on the one side and that Dunning (1986a) has pointed out that the growing competitiveness of interdependent and inseparable. They modern sport is a long-term trend which may be traced back over two or • If one speaks of a sport-game as a more centuries. This process has, however, been particularly marked in the s, one refers to the overall change in ost-19 period, and has been associated with, amongst other processes, oth sides together. 4Sthe increasingpoliticisation and commercialisation of sport, both of which havehad the effect of greatly increasing the importance of, and the rewards of sports such as football is that each associated with winning, while downgrading the traditional value asso called a ‘game pattern’. Though there ciated with taking part (Waddington and Murphy, 1992). This trend this game pattern as though it were towards the growing competitiveness of sport has not, however, been with ;, it is important to remind ourselves out significanthealth ‘costs’ for athletes, most particularly in the form of ie complex interweaving of the actions more stress injuries and overuse injuries, and increased constraints to con er, it is also important to note that, as tinue competing while injured (for a detailed example, see the situation in plex — for example, as we move from relation to professional football in England, described in Chapter 4). a multi-person game such as soccer — A common sight in many sports is that of the trainer or physiotherapist ability of any single player to control running on to the field of play to treat an injured player, often by the appli i the perspective of any single player, cation of an aerosol spray to a painful area, thereby enabling the player to e a life of its own. continue. However, as Donohoe and Johnson (1986: 94) have pointed out, ex structure of many sports is that, in one of the functions of pain is to “warn” us that we need to rest the ercise, any individual player is much damaged area’, and they suggest that most athletes and coaches ‘fail to ments and the pace and intensity at recognizethe damage that can be caused by suppressing pain’. This issue is ius while the lone jogger and walker part of the more general concern about overuse and recurrent injuries, a with minimal reference to others, the growingproblem which is clearly associated with the increasing constraints r or rugby or ice-hockey player can on sportsmen and women to compete and more particularly to win with, movements of other players on their one suspects, often scant concern for the potential longer-term health risks. over, as a means of beating opposing Donohoe and Johnson (1986: 93) have noted that to ‘succeed in modern moves, or respond to the moves of sport, athletes are forced to train longer, harder, and earlier in life. They ace and direction. In most sports, this may be rewarded by faster times, better performances and increased fitness, vhich is the very opposite of rhythmic, but there is a price to pay for such intense training.’ Part of the price of such nsive bursts of activity, interspersed intense training and of the readiness — often encouraged by coaches and dual players may be able to take a medical advisers — to continue training and competing despite injury, is hasise, first, that the frequency and unquestionably paid in the form of overuse and recurrent injuries, which activityare, at least in complex games, now constitute a serious problem in sport, and not just at the adult - elite ingle player to control; second, that level. As Donohoe and Johnson (1986: 93) have noted, the ‘long-term med by the moves of their opponents effects of overuse injuries are not known, but some concerned doctors iything but rhythmic; and third, that have asked whether today’s gold medallists could be crippled by arthritis tose involved in rapid acceleration and by the age of 30’, and they cite world-class competitors who have, in their Lrning movements involved in rapid words, ‘been plagued by a succession of overuse injuries’. In this respect, rably greater stresses on the body than the preliminary results from an ongoing study at Coventry University are nts involved in non-competitive walk very revealing. Of 284 former professional football (soccer) players who isiderations, however, do not exhaust completed a questionnaire from the University’s Psychosocial Rheuma n sport and exercise. The competitive tology Research Centre, 49 per cent had been diagnosed with osteoarthritis, tiresfurther elaboration. a percentage which is fivetimes as high as that in similarly aged males in the general population. Of all the respondents 15 per cent were now registered 24 Sport and health disabled while a third of ex-players had, since retiring from professiona] football, undergone surgery for football-related injuries (Hicks, 1998). Examples of athletes with painful and potentially serious injuries whe have continued to compete are almost innumerable. In her autobiography. Olga Korbut, the former Olympic gold-medal-winning gymnast, described how, following the 1972 Munich Olympics, the successfulSoviet gymnas tics team was taken on a tour of what was then West Germany. She wrote: ‘During that tour of Germany, the lumbago in my back began to hun more and more. The novocaine injections took away the pain for a while. but I needed time to rest and heal. By the end of the tour, I walked a though I had a stake in my spine.’ She added that ‘My strongest memories of that entire period are fatigue, pain, and the empty feeling of being a fl) whose blood has been sucked out by a predatory spider’ (Korbut, 1992 81—2). It would be very wrong to imagine that such incidents only occurrec under the now defunct communist systems of Eastern Europe, for example of athletes playing on despite painful and potentially serious injuries ar commonplace and there is considerable evidence to indicate that, particu larly at the elite level, there are considerable constraints on players to pla) through pain and injury ‘for the good of the team’. As Roderick (1998 65) has noted, an important aspect of sporting culture at the elite or pro fessional level involves a ‘culture of risk’, which ‘normalizespain, injuries and “playing hurt”. Consider, for example, the following extract from pre-match team talk to the Wigan Rugby League team by their coach John Monie:

There’s just one more thing I want to enforce. It doesn’t matter what’: wrong with you when you’re injured, I want you on your feet and ii

the defensive line. . . . I don’t care if the physio’s out there and h wants to examine you and all that stuff. That’s not important. What’

important is . . you’ve got twelve team-mates tackling their guts out defending like anything inside the 22 and we’ve got the physio tellin a guy to see if he can straighten his knee out.

I don’t care what’s wrong with you . . . if the opposition’s got th ball, I want you on your feet and in the defensiveline. There are no exceptions to that rule. So from now on, the only reasoi you stay down hurt and get attention from the sideline is becaus. there’s a break in play or you’re unconscious — no other reasons wil be accepted. (Hanson, 1991: 77

Monie’s team talk may perhaps be regarded as the Englishequivalent of th American view that ‘you play unless the bone sticks through the meal which, as Young (1993: 382) has noted, has long been used to rationalis injury in the NFL. Although it may not always be expressed in such blun Ii

Sport, health and ideology 25 s had, since retiring from professional that, particularly at the elite level,there is a common expec terms it iS clear ball-related injuries (Hicks, 1998). shared by many players — that whenever possible players tation — which is il and potentially serious injuries who through injury ‘for the good of the team’, even if should continue to play Dst innumerable. In her autobiography, with pain-killing injections. Hanson reported, for I thismeans playing exam ;old-medal-winning gymnast, described League players frequently played after having been le that Wigan Rugby )lympics, the successful Soviet gymnas Before Rugby League givefl painkilling injections. the Cup Final at then West Germany. She at was wrote: WembleYin 1990, so many players had pain-killing injections that the club lumbago in my back began to hurt doctor, Dr Zaman, came into the dressing room ‘clutching a collection of ctions took away the pain for a while, used syringesand needles’ and asked of a Wembley official, ‘Do you have By the end of the tour, I walked as [used needles]?’ 1991: 193). Don Strock, a box for sharps (Hanson, former he added that ‘My strongest memories quarterback with the Miami Dolphins, has described how players would in, and the empty feeling of being a fly group around ‘injured teammates during a game to screen from spectators by a predatory spider’ (Korbut, 1992: the use of pain-killing injections, then hide the needles under the carpet- likesynthetic“turf”’ (cited in Young, 1993: 376). iine that such incidents only occurred It is clear that experiences of this kind are commonplace among elite ystems of Eastern Europe, for examples players. Some aspects of the culture of ‘playing hurt’ within professional ful and potentially serious injuries are football (soccer)in England are examined in Chapter 4; for the moment, able evidence to indicate that, particu we might note that a survey of 725 professional soccer players carried out siderable constraints on players to play by the magazine Four Four Two (October 1995) revealed that 70 per cent ood of the team’. As Roderick (1998: of players had been asked to play when not fully fit. As Young et al. of sporting culture at the elite or pro- (1994: 190) noted: risk’, which ‘normalizes pain, injuries, example, the following extract from a Overt and covert pressures are brought to bear on injured athletes to Rugby League team by their coach, coercethem to return to action. These may include certain ‘degradation

ceremonies’ . . . such as segregated meal areas, constant questioning from coaches, being ostracized at team functions, or other specialtreat ant to enforce. It doesn’t matter what’s ment that clearly identifiesthe injured athlete as separate. ijured, I want you on your feet and in care if the physio’s out there and he An example of this kind of ostracism was provided by the former Liverpool hat stuff. That’s not important. What’s Football Club manager, Bill Shankly, regarded by many as one of the lve team-mates tackling their guts out, greatest-eversoccer club managers. Shankly refused to speak to any player :he 22 and we’ve got the physio telling who was unavailable to play because of injury (On the Line, 1996). his knee out. Young et al. (1994: 190) argued that ‘Pressure placed on the player to ith you . . . if the opposition’s got the return to action before full recovery is in one sense intended to enhance the Ld in the defensiveline. . team’sability to win, but in the process, the long-term health of the athlete rt rule. So from now on, the only reason is often given little consideration.’ attention from the sideline is because Although such pressures on players to tolerate and to play through pain re unconscious — no other reasons will may in some respects be associated with particular conceptions of mascu linity (to be examined later), it is also clear that there are broadly similar (Hanson, 1991: 77) constraints on women athletes to continue competing despite pain and injury and that many women athletes respond in a broadly similar way to egarded as the English equivalent of the their male counterparts. For example, in comparing their research in ess the bone sticks through the meat’ Canada on female athletes’ experience of pain and injury with their earlier toted, has long been used to rationalise research on the experience of male athletes, Young and ‘Wbite(1995: 51) not always be expressed in such blunt write that ‘Ifthere is a differencebetween the way male and female athletes

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Sport, health and ideology 27 ain and injury, it is only a matter of incidents a year resulting in recurrent injuries (Sports Council, 1991: 25). :1women adopt similar techniques to Quite clearly, we are not dealing with a phenomenon which is confined to in their sports lives’. An example of elitesport, but one which is extremely widespread. ovided by the example of D, one of y Young and White: SPORT, VIOLENCE D AGGRESSiVEMASCULINITY I ignored it assuming it would go and pains. Bruising, swelling, and Many sports, unlike most forms of non-sporting exercise, involve physical basketball. Once the pain persisted, contact and are, in effect, mock battles. This is perhaps most evident in the rred to me at the age of 14 that my case of combat sports, in some of which — for example, boxing — a central eded a rest. I simply pushed harder object is to inflict physical damage on one’s opponent. Clearly, however, to fall behind in my progress. the use of violenceis not confined to combat sports, for though the level of (1995: 51) physical violence permitted in sport has, in general, shown a long-term declineas sports have become more ‘civilised’(Dunning and Sheard, 1979; Dunning, 1990), the use of physical violence to a greater or lesser degree remains a central characteristic of modern sport. In this regard, Dunning ye seriously weakened D’s knees and (1986b: 270) has noted that: rtilage tears has left her legs badly ) remains in pain, is unable to play All sports are inherently competitive and hence conducive to the arousal ost daily. of aggression. Under specificconditions, such aggression can spill over (1995: 52) into forms of open violence that are contrary to the rules. In some

sports, however — rugby, soccer, hockey and boxing are examples — nage years suggests that the problem violence in the form of a ‘play-fight’ or ‘mock battle’ between two t confined to adults and, as we shall individuals or groups is a central and legitimate ingredient. is, in health terms, a worrying trend thletic involvement for younger and Many sports have, in present-day societies, become enclaves for the expression of physical violence, not in the form of unlicensed or uncon :ter of much modern sport, it is not trolled violence, but in the form of socially sanctioned violence as expressed recurrent injuries are very common. in violently aggressive ‘body contact’; indeed, in the relatively highly paci nple, have noted that a study of 123 fied societies of the modern West, sport is probably the main — for many found that 37 per cent of all injuries people the only — activity in which they are regularly involved in aggressive sh study of 180 senior male soccer physical contact with others. iries were caused by overuse. FIFA’s The link between sport, aggression and violence provides an important held in the United States, indicated key to understanding why sport is a major context for the inculcation and players were for chronic injuries or expression of gender differencesand identities, for sport constitutes perhaps Cup Finals (Nepfer, 1994: 190). It the most widely available arena for the legitimate expression of masculine Eiinkthat such injuries only occur at aggression and for the display of traditional and dominant notions of that in most western countries sport masculinity involving physical strength and courage. Thus, Young et a!. ompetitive and this has given rise to (1994: 176), drawing upon their interview data with Canadian adult male t the non-elite, as well as the elite, athletes, noted that the use of force and violence and the tolerance of risks, in England and Wales for the Sports pain and injury are valued by many male athletes as masculinising, while juries resulting from participation in the sporting performances of women, gay men and men pursuing alterna ries. On the basis of this study, the tive versions of manliness are, by contrast, trivialised. In similar fashion, md and Wales there are 10.4 million Sheard and Dunning (1973), in their essay on the rugby club as a type of 28

clubs contact cepts also ‘male men Messner

violent to example game with American players self-sacrifice

and lence associated injury (1978: for associated

Zealand rugby

Young

In

injure

Studies

example,

In

pain, that turned and

gay

The Sport

them rugby means

play inclusion are dropped but

such

of

most

stress preserve’,

its for

many

rates

are

than

121)

sports, and

men.

masculinity winning) that injured noted:

and

is

is,

et bellicosity

percentage

sport

(Hume serious

a young

football and

to

substantially are,

with

provided

from

not with al. into

sports,

context,

and

associated

fans these

it

called of to

those

Guttmann which

to

miss

in

(1994)

health was

precisely

in

be

our this that

noted

non-competitive

3.2 several

reinforce a the

injury, and

men

most

England alike,

an

is

injured

list are weapon

who at

‘a relatively

in

most

and

years,

players may

league’s every

predicated involve, by

it

intensely of

Marshall,

pointed

certificate

the

least

that

to

among

with

activities

other relatively

requires,

American above

players pointed times. because and

its are

popular

mean demonstrate

and,

late

masculinity

NFL

which

and

many

similarities

to

one

are

such

not

even

pension

as

violent;

out

what sports confrontational

those

nineteenth

when

The

be

expected

player

on

that

1994)

Wales

incurring Out

injured of a of

game

exercise.

in

sports

is

violent of

while death. sports,

that

football

used central

their

virility,

the

not average

they

that: which

in

the injured,

plan.

bodies

and

it

these similarly

by

is their

any to

a

successful

(Sports long

against

are are violent

songs

injury

is

to see the

injured sports

season

century,

actual

In mocking,

proposition,

injuries

which,

very

other a

the significant

give

more considerably

traditional

length

masculinity.

to are

as relation

enough achievement

badge

manner.

traditionally

‘take

character, the

indicate

human

becomes

such

Council, other

much and

warfare

used

at sport.

is

than

though

utilization

remains,

severe

of

positive

least over

of

not

it

to

to

to

as

a

as

like

bodies,

courage’. that

In

offset the in and

take

qualify

American

body

that American playing

only

once

and

higher

Not

100

weapons

considerably of

what the

enough

arenas

1991)

excess

a

idea

dominant

by

sung

proponents features

‘hard man’.

goals

(1988:

of injury

by

more

the

women,

percent;

each surprisingly,

is

resulting

(1990:

comparison

a

violence

than that

Guttmann

those

career

For

par

player

and routinely in

pain

of

knocks’,

to

football,

A (scoring

football

violent

for,

rates

season,

rugby

161—2)

of

prime

excel

many

‘real’

those cause those

con 203)

New

who

but

and

less

this

the

has

as for

in

of —

in Sport, health and ideology 29 the songs traditionally sung in rugby THE EPIDEMIOLOGY OF SPORTS INJURIES y by mocking, not only women, but Sports injuries are extremely common and, quite clearly, the risk of injury it these traditional and dominant con has to be taken into account in any attempt to assess the health ‘costs’and ntral proposition, the idea that ‘real’ ‘benefits’of sport and exercise. The largest and most comprehensive study intational manner. In the more violent of the number and cost of sports injuries in Britain was carried out by bodies are used as weapons for, as SheffieldUniversitr Medical School for the Sports Council (1991). The study,which related to England and Wales, provides a great deal of relevant information and is worth examining in some detail. )rts, the achievement of goals (scoring A postal questionnaire, which asked about participation in sports and he successful utilization of violence — exercise and injury experiences in the previous four weeks, was sent to a which the human body is routinely sample of 28,857 people, selected at random from the lists of family ed against other bodies, resulting in (primary care) physicians. The response rate was 68 per cent. Of the 17,564 usable responses, 7,829 respondents (45 per cent) had taken part (1990: 203) in vigorous exercise or sport; 1,429 had been injured, and they reported a total of 1,803 injuries (1991: 2). cted to give and to take ‘hard knocks’, From these data, it was possible to provide estimates of the annual injured, to ‘take it like a man’. A prime incidence of sports injuries in England and Wales. On this basis, it was otball which, though considerably less estimated that there were 19.3 million incidents resulting in new injuries enth century, remains, by comparison and a further 10.4 million incidents resulting in recurrent injuries, making it is significant that proponents of a total of no fewer than 29.7 million injuries a year. The direct treatment :hey see as the positive features of the costs of new and recurrent injuries were estimated at £422 million, with es to actual warfare and the pain and costs of lost production (due to days off work) estimated at £575 million, tile injury becomes what Guttmann giving a total annual cost of sporting injuries of £997 million (1991; 25, irility, a badge of courage’. For many 31). In the light of these data, one can understand why one text on lent sports such as American football sports injuries (Vinger and Hoerner, 1982) is sub-titled ‘The Unthwarted ieir violent character, arenas par excel Epidemic’. :e their masculinity. Not surprisingly, Three years after this major study, a team from Sheffield University rts are considerably higher than those Medical School (Nicholl et al., 1994) undertook a survey to ascertain the and very much in excess of those direct health-care costs and benefits associated with exercise. The health rcise. In relation to American football, benefits of exercise (such as avoidance of certain chronic illnesses such as that: cardiovascular disease and osteoporosis) were weighed against the costs of treatment of exercise-related injuries. It was found that, whereas there rring injuries severe enough to cause were clear economic benefits associated with exercise for adults aged 45 te a season is over 100 percent; this and over, for younger adults (aged 15—44),the costs avoided by the r is injured at least once each season, disease-prevention effects of exercise (less than £5 per person per year) ed are more than offset by those who were more than offset by the medical costs resulting from participation in verage length of a playing career has sport and exercise (approximately £30 per person per year). Put another lot long enough to qualify a player for way, for every 15—44-year-oldwho regularly participates in exercise, there plan. is a net cost to the British taxpayer of £25 per year. The authors concluded, (1988: 161—2) ‘thereare strong economic arguments in favour of exercisein adults aged 45 or over, but not in younger adults’ (1994: 109, emphasis added). A Dutch es (Sports Council, 1991) and New study which produced similar findings to those of Nicholl et at. noted that [) similarly indicate that injury rates in ‘thisis an amazing result, and it contrasts heavily with statements of people [n any other sport. who use the supposed health effect of sport as an economic argument to 30

tact rugby another 1994).

most Marshall, hockey an

rate,

tion

ball,

States that (1994: 70 rhythmic

incidents associated

joggers (2.9). been habitual

while stantial required found 1,000

injured involved resulted ing cent A were

hospitalisations sated In

and argued

As

Not promote

Although

injury

per study

sports. Sport

this

between

days

rugby

the

while

also dangerous was

estimated

was

However, of

which for

by

spinal

that 37 surprisingly, 170—1)

cent

with,

(24.8)

number that: taking sustain

activities

in context

treatment

runners consultations

in

a per

(and some

the rate

the and

sports

1994)

per by noted

other

league,

with

The

year

sport’ 25 the

of

New

the physical

found

far injuries not

Accident

risk

100

cite

health

injuries cent and per of

largely

participants

part

that

restriction

Sports

a

are even

sport high-risk are substantial

injuries, majority in similarly

the

earlier,

Young surprisingly,

with

59.3

Zealand experience

(Reijnen

of a

basketball

participants musculoskeletal

cent

by

cricket

New

that the

of

study

lost

in more

in

most

serious

each contact relatively

non-competitive)

a

was

in

the Council the new

Compensation

per sports

of

Sports at

family

in

66

injury Zealand, the

which

(1993:

of

sports

new

serious.

dangerous of

found

on

United year lowest

England the

(Hume

(20.2). and

soccer

taking 100

per

injuries

injury

youth

injury,

and

indoor

sporting

lower and

activities.

or

the

Council

doctor, injuries

per

rhythmic

Dunedin

study

Velthuijsen,

as cent

participants

also risks

included

exercise, that

snow-skiing.

377),

injury

risks

States, highest

The

time (39.3)

and outdoor a

A

and

risks. four

injury

and

increase

extremity

and

league

result

of

sport, accounted

study

(1991:

rugby

Corporation. vary

injuries

hospital

and

Sports

of study

Marshall,

off writing

activities 17

This injuries

Wales risk

weeks)

and

Hospital 43

Heil

a followed

horse-riding,

risks

injury

each though

work; per

of

31 third

and

resulted

in

markedly

in

is

in 1989,

union

per

33) restriction per

non-contact

in

Council swimmers

That terms

per injury,

clear; are (1993:

as

or

New more cent

being

indoor

year

in

and

of for England

were

of

involved found,

cent

four

in a

other

1994)

7

cent

relatively the

Emergency

by cited

American

had there result

the

9 Both

from

of

all, per of

Lynch

swimming

violent Zealand

and

associated

per

while

5)

the

of

study

from martial

outdoor weeks.

soccer

soccer,

risk all of

health

nation’s

was

the

11.5

for

cent

found

diving

in

is

noted and

the

recurrent

physical

of

recurrent activities

nearly cent non-contact

in

injuries

a

and

Nicholl of

example, highest

sports there

contact usually (1991:

one

minor,

close

‘keep

million

risk

of

in

Wales

football, injury, professional, The

cricket,

(Hume

arts

of

Department

that league

into and

that Carcasona

the

with

all 15

a

sport

of

all

associa contact.

are compen

fit’

injuries.

may second

(36.3),

injuries million United injuries half

injuries

18—19)

et

injury

a water. diving 15 on found

sports. injury,

it

work

injury

with con

that

net- and

sub (6.5 and

al., also and

has

to

per the has

be

of 9.3) imic )w-skiing. 7), n he ajury isks. t ad es extremity ates, our ticipants ighest nd din md ye) y .s utdoor g cii huijsen, rcise, ne r, ncrease ks ury uded and es.

league

result

of

accounted

sport,

study

(1991:

Corporation. rugby

injuries

hospital

vary

and

Sports

Marshall,

study of

writing

off

17

This activities

injuries

Wales

risk weeks)

and

Hospital

43

Heil a

followed

horse-riding,

injury though each

risks

per work;

of

31

third

and

resulted

in

markedly

in

in

is

per

restriction union 1989,

33) non-contact per

in

Council swimmers

That terms per

injury,

are (1993:

clear; as

or

more cent

New

being

year indoor

of for and in

England

were

of

involved cent

found,

four a in

other

1994)

7

cent

relatively the

Emergency

American

by cited result

had there the 9 Both

of from

per all,

of swimming

Lynch

violent

and Zealand

associated

per

while

5)

the of study

outdoor martial from weeks.

soccer

all of

soccer,

risk

health

nation’s

was

11.5

the

cent

found

diving for

in

noted is

and

the recurrent

of physical recurrent

cent activities nearly

non-contact

in injuries

a

and

of

Nicholl

sports highest contact usually there

example,

(1991: minor,

one

close million ‘keep risk

of

in

Wales

football,

professional,

The injury,

cricket, (Hume

of arts

Department

that

league

into

and

that

Carcasona

the

all

15

with

a

of sport

all

compen are contact.

associa

injuries. fit’

may

second injuries injuries half injuries million

United

(36.3),

18—19)

et 15 on a injury diving water. sports.

injury, found

work it

injury

with

con

that

net sub and

and (6.5 also and

al.,

has

per has the

to

be

of

I

What CONCLUSION

cise, assumption to relationships is simple they

ships quences between and important.

sight, rhythmic hand, claim, health.

rhythmic, from tively health move

that

If

In

emerge

No injury

review to and,

between over

By place,

miners, we non-contact routine other rugby

sport

involve,

and,

conclusions,

general,

may

there

non-contact

from

it amateur

which

high

generalisation

workplace

benefits

On make any

is 60 for most

types

and .

associated

single

non-competitive

and and

clearly of

from replete

appear .

the

that

years

does

non-competitive

measure,

oil

degree, health. injuries 1968 .

between

appears

as

these

heat

football

moderate

catastrophically,

it

the and

health?

drillers, other

and

substantially

we ‘sport

milieu, sport

the seem

without

is

necessary

then,

and matches

with to like.

stresses

distinctions, to

levels

have

The

probably professional

with under

of

data

hand,

to

be professional

sport,

can

to

contact injuries

and

is

1978

Do

or

can

team

relate exercise its

including

radically

third good

be

seen,

this,

a

of

construction

reviewed

adequately

between

such football

exercise the

the

own player

Young we to

overwhelming

exercise

exercise . sport,

outweigh

sports

primarily

may

they

differentiate

reasonable .

for

sport,

point

rather draw data

blindness,

it

control .

as

has

unique

football

may

the

incompatible

the

one’s

death. sport

are

include

(1993:

cramp,

for where

with elite

in

support

and a

to about

is

such

so 1990

different

risky

be

encapsulate

significant

likely

site

either this

that

the

competitive

to

of

health’?

is

and

forms

the

health.

possible

the

paralysis .

Sport,

to

evidence

373) North body

as

a

arthritis, between

the

workers, exhaustion

the

season .

health

and

chapter.

to we

violent

the mass

health

distinctions .

suggest

the football,

relationships

reported

have

patterns

findings.

individual of

may

movements also The

labor-intensive

Three

health

widely

America,

and

to

regularity

sport

‘industrial

represented

costs. the

and

indicating

sport, exercise

concussion,

reconcile rather

costs, and

can

also second,

need The

beneficial

that

points and

ice-hockey, complexity

and

even

of

taken-for-granted

29

being

Thus,

compare

hazardous

However,

between

be

and

first

participant,

different that:

to social

in

in

stroke

player

between

or

and

ideology

are,

correct

related

death

what,

disease’. that would

differentiate

the

the particularly

as

the

severity

on

is

impact settings

fractures,

sport,

to

we relation

with

that

form

regular,

the

contact related

case first

deaths

of

soccer,

conse

at .

a

work

as

in point

exer

seem

move .

rela

first

one

the .

No for 31

the

no

the his

of

on we

in

of

a of of competing regular much public increase are chapter,

considerably ,

tiort

less

policy

and

begin

in

we

constraints

persuasive

and

through

the

moderate

examine

in

to

health

relation

health

less

mount.

pain

in

persuasive

to

exercise

some

risks.

relation

to

train

Similarly,

and

sport

of

longer

The

may

injury

the

to

in

and

health-related

elite,

relation

be

implications

as

health. and

also

overwhelming,

we

or

more

move

professional,

to

increase,

competitive

intensively

of from

arguments

these

with

but

mass

sport.

and

such

conclusions

sport,

a

sport

in

concomitant

to

In

arguments

favour

and

continue

the

to

next very

elite

for

of