Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Th

egenesisofinternationalmass migration Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Th egenesisofinternationalmass Th eBritish case,1750–1900 Mnhse Uiest Press University Manchester EI RICHARDS ERIC migration Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document y Lgtig Source Lightning by Limited Printed inGreat Britain Premedia Best-set Toppan by Typeset websites is,orwillremain, accurateorappropriate. third-party internetwebsites referred tointhisbook,anddoesnotguaranteethatanycontentonsuch Th 2018 published First hardback 9781526131485 ISBN Data A cataloguerecord forthisbookisavailable from theBritish Cataloguing-in-Publication Library Library British www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk Press University Altrincham Street, Manchester M17JA Manchester by Published accordance withtheCopyright,Designs andPatents Act 1988. Th 2018 Richards Eric © Copyright epublisherhasnoresponsibility forthepersistenceoraccuracyofURLsanyexternal erightofEric Richards tobeidentifi ed astheauthorofthisworkby himin hasbeenasserted Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document stuff Alice wasaskedtogive anaccountofherselfin Wonderland. Th impatiently, ‘No, no!Th eadventures fi rst…explanationstakesucha dreadful time’ …Th enthe Mock ‘What Turtle retorted, you have theamusement ofrecognising thetraitsandidiosyncrasiesthatyou For themselves intoasmallvariety peoplesort oftypes,and themostpart, ? …ifyou don ’ t explainitasyou goon?’ Carroll,(Lewis ofluggagethemostdiffia manisofallsorts culttobetransported. demanded thatshe‘Explain allthat’. But theGryphon interrupted anticipate. (W. Somerset Maugham, , 1776) Smith, Wealth ofNations , (Adam , 1865) in Wonderland , Th e Travel 1955) Books , is theuseofrepeating allthat lc Adventures Alice ’ s e Mock Turtle Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 6 rts eirto ad h Mlhs model Malthus the and British 17 oftheoriginsmodernemigrationand A generalview 16 Index 1 pad dutet: et ae ad wldl ad the and Swaledale and Wales west adjustments: Upland 11 Th 5 1 Th 0 1 Th Highlands Scottish the 4 departures: 1 Remote London and Kent 13 , 12 h Biih se, 1750–1900 Isles, British the Map: locationsassociatedwithselectedsources ofemigrantsfrom Preface Th 6 Ws Cr ad ot Tipperary mobility North mass and of Cork West activation the and Midlands turmoil English 9 Agrarian the and Shropshire in 8 Migration 7 Th south times rural modern the of and start Sussex 5 West the and discontinuity the 4 Before exit of 3 Islands 2 1 Th 1 rts case British eune o migration of sequences Erpa extension European e eNorth Americantheatre Asrlsa case Australasian e Iih case Irish e discontinuity e e migration mystery mystery migration e Contents viii page 248 225 279 259 150 207 165 136 120 105 192 180 73 87 55 38 20 1 x Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document modern populationtransferandturmoilaround theglobe? of all,intheBritish Isles. international migration.Th inscale,anditwasapioneeringmovement,it wasnew arehearsal formodern settlement, offamilydreams, ofindividualaspirations,imperialstrategies.But globallabourforces,migration, thecarriersofnew agentsdispossessionand New Worlds afterabout1770?Th ey were the vanguard ofmasseconomic theBritish largenumbersofpeoplebegintodepart IslesWhy didvery forthe story ofmodernisingsocieties. story at anawkward andunwieldy question,mostoftenhiddenwithinthecomplicated ings ofmodernhistoriographyandhistoricaldemography. It isasynthesisaimed from thedispersedfi account, whichisessentiallyanargumentconstructed required? Th isimprobable proposition isthe problem atthecentre ofthe present Was thatno explanationis natural,simpleandstraightforward itsoperfectly that beguninBritain andIreland. much modernmigrationincountrieswhichhave followed apatternsimilarto notice. Yet, ofcourse,itwas anepicproject and,itisargued,aprototype forso little politicalreverberation, littleintellectualconsideration,andhistorical and theirwaysoflifeacross theglobe.Th entire continents,spreading their genes,theirculture, theireconomicsystems, for therest oftheworld.Th eseemigrantsandtheir progeny ineff 11, 12,13,14, and15)somebroad-gauge considerations ofthewider countries, campsitesonthelonger road togeneralexplanation(2,4,6,7,9,10, 16 and17)are interspersedbetween regions chaptersdevoted toparticular and in quitediff Th What activated thesegreat exchanges ofhumanity, theprecursors ofsomuch Th What generatedthisoutward from the off thrust -shore islandsof ? eleavingoftheBritish Isles, inparticular, hadmomentousconsequences efollowing chaptersare deliberatelyunalikeinscopeanddensity, anddeal erent degrees ofgeneralisation.Th us thematicchapters(1,3,5,8, ese fi rst massinter-continentalstirringsbegan,most Preface eexodus wasachieved withrelatively ect re-peopled nd- Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ‘Visible Immigrants’.‘Visible Ialoneamguiltyofanyremaining errors. intheseriesofseminarspublished undertherubric who have participated Michael Ekin Smyth, RalphShlomowitz withfellow andparticularly enthusiasts Jeanette Neeson, David Soskice, Robert Fitzsimons, Ngaire Naffi in2014.Ihave alsobenefi ttedfrom discussionwithAndy Bielenberg, Islands, andthegenerosity oftheCarnegie Trust Professorship Centenary in the University of Toronto, Wuji University, theUniversity oftheHighlands and London, theAustralian National University, Case Western University inOhio, benefi causes ofinternationalmigration. explore modernhistoricalknowledge toseekanunderstandingoftheultimate with theproblematic questforunderlyingcauses.Th tional chronological narrative theplanistojuxtaposeactualmigrantbehaviour 1 On theinterplayof‘structural analysis’ and‘micro narratives’, seethesuggestive questions regarding humanity ’ s modernmobilisation. Preface commentary ofBernardcommentary Bailyn, I have received from theAustralian vitalsupport Research Councilandhave tted from visitstotheInstitute ofHistorical Research intheUniversity of (e Yr: np, 96, Preface. 1986), Knopf, York: Voyagers (New tothe West Brighton, South , September 2017 Note t o N e primary purposeisto eprimary 1 Ratherthanaconven- ne, Heidi Ing, Heidi ne, rc Richards Eric ix Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Peninsula 1750–1900 Locations associatedwith selectedsources ofemigrantsfrom theBritish Isles, Doolough Doolough Mizen 0 Schull Schull Galway Galway Baltimore Baltimore CORK WEST CORK WEST Skibbereen Skibbereen km km GALWAY St. Kilda SLIGO SLIGO TIPPERARY TIPPERARY IRELAND IRELAND DONEGAL DONEGAL South Uist North Uist Clonlisk Clonlisk HEBRIDES OUTER 200 200 HEBRIDES Ardnamurchan Ardnamurchan NORTHERN NORTHERN Isle of INNER Lewis Newry IRELAND IRELAND Balinlass Balinlass DUBLIN DUBLIN Skye Dublin Jura Jura Handa Laxford Cardigan Cardigan Loch Laxey Foxdale & Laxey Foxdale & Kirk Michael Kirk Michael Pen Llyn Carmarthen Carmarthen William William Isle of CORNWALL CORNWALL Fort Man Highlands s d n a l h g i HighlandsH ASSYNT ASSYNT Scottish h s i t t o c ScottishS SCOTLAND Llanbrynmair Llanbrynmair SUTHERLAND Kippen Kippen Jurby Jurby Ramsey & Douglas & Ramsey Douglas & Stromness Stromness ISLANDS ORKNEY Kirk Andress Andress Kirk Andress BADENOCH BADENOCH Bala Bala WALES Whitchurch Whitchurch MONTGOMERY- MONTGOMERY- George George Oswestry Oswestry Liverpool Wrexham Fort Fort Merthy Merthy SHIRE SHIRE Bridgnorth Bridgnorth Tydfil Tydfil Guernsey SHROP- SHROP- SHIRE SHIRE Jersey Reeth Reeth Swaledale Swaledale Wensleydale Wensleydale GLOUCESTER- STAFFORD- STAFFORD- Highley Highley ENGLAND SHIRE SHIRE Hodson Hodson SHIRE SHIRE Ironbridge Ironbridge WILTSHIRE Madeley Madeley Sutton Maddock Sutton Maddock Worcester Worcester Coalbrookdale Coalbrookdale Chichester Chichester Petworth Dorking Dorking SUSSEX Hull Aldingbourne Aldingbourne London ISLANDS Sullington Sullington Tarring Tarring Storrington Storrington Clavering Clavering Lindfield Lindfield KENT Gravesend Gravesend Benenden Benenden Thanet Isle of Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document domestic servants weredomestic servants ‘dispersed andwent tothefactories’. Th life’. It wasatimewhentheoldestatesoldoff andsoonthefarm had ‘belongedtoagenerationwhichsaw, by chance,theendofathousandyears’ British life:‘soon rural thevillagewouldbreak, dissolve andscatter’. Laurie Lee of hischildhood. theendofanera With poeticlicensehecharted acertain a Gloucestershire villageofthe1920s,inwhichhemournedlossworld Cider withRosie memoirevocation oflifein containsamarvellous Lee ’ s Laurie mysteriously murdered by locallads. farmer. On hisbumptiousandtriumphantvisitbacktothevillagehewas local dispersalandemigratedtoNew Zealand where hesucceededasaprosperous the valley andlookmore totheworld’. One villageboy hadleftearlyin this lathes,tothewareventually:the towns,‘We tothefactory off begantoshrug emigrants, yet it is the second-most immigrant country intheworld.Itemigrants, yet itisthe second-most immigrantcountry hasa andeven more in thoseoftheIrish.century common refrain British inthelettersofordinary families in themid-nineteenth and even indiff erent continents. isscatteringofkithandkinwas already a Th friends, are likelytobedispersedindiff erent suburbs,towns, counties,countries, of itskinsfolkandcontemporaries.Sisters andbrothers, children, cousinsand (though lesscommonlymarked by murder). dispersionandemigration ofEnglishof auniversal,rural even generic,story hazards ofemigrationin melodrama. nobody atall. crossing oftheRubicon by millionsofotherpeoplebefore orsinceinterests Caesar ’ s crossing thatpettystream, theRubicon, isafactofhistory, whereas the Australia, where Inow live, isaspecialcasebecauseofitsremoteness formost familyinmodernsocietyisconsciousofthewideningradius Virtually every 1

Th e migration mystery emigrationmystery Horizons Cider with Rosie wasarelatively lateversion 2 1 He thuspersonifi edthe rewards and eywere off to

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document of peopleinalldirections. so generalthatitmayneednohistory, anendlesspredictable seamlessspreading and perpetualshiftingofpeoplethrough eachsucceedinggeneration –behaviour between countries.Mobility seemslikeadefi we seemmore mobilethanever, forever dislocatingandrelocating withinand origins through toitslong-termstretchings Andnow totheendsofearth. explanation. was, andremains, agenericphenomenon,anditsnature andoriginsrequire ingly unconvincingnostalgia. Australians live infi highdegree ofurbanisation.Mostinternal andexternalmobilityavery much diff erent from other western-style countries,marked by itshighlevel of are extremely mobilebetween itsmainpopulationcentres. But Australia isnot offoreign-born highproportion peopleamongitspopulation,and very 2 Th more thanhalfoftheworld ’ s populationlived inurbanplaces. ing andspreading patternforothercontinentsandtherest ofhumanity. By 2008 Buttensions andchallengestopoliticalsystemseverywhere. itisalsoacontinu- of dispersionandconcentration,aparadox ofmodernlifewhichcreates endless per centoftheBritish populationlive directly off British peopleleftthelandinprevious twocenturiesandnow lessthan5 But asagroup intheBritish Isles ourfamilieswere lateintheirdispersion– most have leftthe land,we are concentrated intowns andcities, andwe are dispersed. detail, butthepatternisreplicated inthecommongenealogiesourtimes. We daughters now move inthree continents.Th inits isparticular isfamilyhistory In thenexttwogenerationsourradiuswidenedmuchfurther, andmyown hard times,buthischildren alsoleftfortowns andjobsbeyond thehome county. Second World War. My the othergrandfatherwasafarmlabourer; hesurvived enhancedbyleaving forurbanjobs;theircollective the mobilitywasfurther retreated tothenearby town. Most ofhisfamilywere thengrowing upand lost intheGreat Depression andthisgrandfatherhisdamagedfamily World War. A familyfarm,closetotheRiver Dee notfarfrom Wrexham, was my great uncleshadgonetoSouth Africa,Australia andCanadabefore theFirst farm labourers, withfamiliesoffi North Wales mygrandparents, untilthe1930sand1940s,were farmersand this essentialpattern,butarelatively lateversion ofthewestern model.In rural twirling apparently withoutrestraint. emigration isnotseamless,thatit containslargeshiftsoveremigration history timeand prise acentralcharacteristicof modernlife.Th econtentionofthis bookisthat Humanity seemsalwaystohave beenamobilespecies,from itsearliestAfrican Th Th My own of trackthrough ispart thetwentieth andintothepresent century eAustralian migrantexperienceisareplica ofthegeneralwestern template ere and theycom- are, ofcourse,countless variations onthissimplestory ve bigcoastalcitiesandlooktothevast inlandwithincreas- 4 Mobility seemslikeanon-variable inhumanaff ve andeightchildren oneachside.Some of e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ningtraitofthespecies,aconstant theland. 3 Mass mobility airs, Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document migrate are easilylisted. questions becausetheanswers are already obvious. Th eprime reasonswhypeople tions, inthepastorpresent. In somewaystheseare indeeduninteresting within andbetween countries,orindeedtheoriginsandcausesofsuchmigra- their bestinterests. ratherthanthesimplematterofpeoplepursuing politics ofcontrol andinertia, intermsofthe impedimentstomovement,useful totelltheentire story the the pathofsuchspontaneousandrationalmigrations.Indeed itmightbemore narrative, and itishardly surprising,despitethemanyobstaclesthrown across in response tothe exposedbettermentsonoff er. Modern timesare fullofthis ment. Citiesgrow, empires andpeople shift are economieserupt, opened; new lands andresources methodsfacilitatemove- are transport madeaccessible;new technologiesareother places,new created inothertowns andcountries.New benefi incentives, ortoavoid somenegative prospect. Th ey move when relocationis ordinarily move from hometotakeadvantage ofrevealed or opportunities home andabroad –inallitsvarieties, issurely matter. astraightforward People something ostensiblyquitesimpleandcommonplace.Afterall,migration–at Elevating modernmobilityintoa‘mystery’ mayseem unnecessarilydramaticfor probed inthisbook. disturbances oftheworld,ultimatemystery Th continents, includingeven Australia, edgeoftheworldmobility. tothevery ofitwastransformedintooceanic migration–toother trifugal force –andpart Ultimately someofthismovement extendingcen- intoafurther wasconverted and longdistances,inallmannerofformations,butmostfrequently asfamilies. galvanised millionsofpeopleintotheactuprooting. Th disposition ofhumanity. At itscentre wasamysteriousgyrationwhichsomehow and there have beencountlessothermillions ofslaves forcibly migratedtoserve more than11million peoplewereslavery forced from Africatothe Americas has ever seen’. thattheworld widespread globaldispersionofpeoplefrom onesmallterritory unstoppable. Asthe across more thanhalfoftheglobe,itsonward progression continuingand ago, primarilyintheBritish Isles; thesubsequentroot systemhasspread itsway historical roots. Th place, andthatthemodernscalevelocityparticular ofmobilityhave very Th emigration mystery eseinternationalmovements were exotic manifestations ofthecentralgeneric Th Th If thisissothenthere are puzzlesremaining few aboutwhypeoplemove ere was,inessence,adisjunction,turningpoint,great change,inthe ere are manywhoare coerced –suchasslaves andconvicts:intheageof cial andsuffi cientlycheap.New employment emergein opportunities 5

eseroots were fi Economist declared, British emigrationwas‘the singlemost ye o migration of Types rst signifi rst cantly manifestedabout250years eymoved bothshort 3 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document since theymainlyexcluded anyvolition amongthosecoerced. west, even inrecent times.Th ecausesoftheseemigrations were unambiguous ian colonies,through to1868.Andthere were otherfl ows ofconvictseastand Independence 160,000British andIrish convictswere totheAustral- transported 60,000 were senttotheAmericancoloniesbefore 1776;andafterAmerican sixteenth tothelatenineteenthcentury. From theBritish Isles aloneabout continue tothisday. European convictswere alsoshippedoverseas from the of thewidenarrative ofinternationalmigrationandslave migrationswhich of migration,theideaMalthusian infl escapeis particularly during andaftertheGreat ofthe1840s. Amongallthereceived theories the fares toadistantplace,theclassicexample ofwhichwasthegreat Irish exodus choice. pressure ofcircumstances makesthesemigrations appearlessthanentirely afree in recent times, especiallyfrom AsiatotheMiddle East.Th esheerprimitive East AsiaandSouth America.Th e trade in‘bound’ contracted labourhas swelled and largenumbersofChinesewere contractedtoCalifornia,Australia, South Fiji, theCaribbeanandMauritius; Pacifi c Islanders were takento Queensland; tosuchdestinationsas became contractedemigrantsinthenineteenthcentury emigrants toNorth Americawere ‘indentured servants’; millions ofIndians mostBritishwith possiblerepatriation: andGerman intheeighteenthcentury overseas undercontractswhichgave themfree passagesasindentured labourand people, mostlyfrom conditionsofextreme poverty, have translatedthemselves happens undermanylevels ofpressure. Historically, largenumbersof very ‘free emigration’ masksmanyvariations. territoriesofEuropeannew expansionandso-calledcivilisation.But theterm eminently, intoentirely by commonfolk–thatis,theemigrantssurgingforth a reconstitution oftheknown world.It waspropelled, diff erentially andpre- – theEuro-domination ofmuchtheglobe.It was,withoutmuchexaggeration, movementsfurther laterwreaked similarconsequencesacross othercontinents possessed, appropriated andsettledthedistantwest Atlantic continent;and recoverable ofthemodernexperience.Th past,thestart esepeopleinvaded, were spiritedwillinglyacross theoceanatbeginningofourtimes, forced labourtoitsgulags. much ofEurope andespeciallywithintheUSSRwhichsystematisedfl attheendofSecond migrationsundertaken involuntary World War across German labourcampsinthe1930sand1940s;totheseshouldbe addedthe atrocities suchastheforcedinclude twentieth-century labourrecruitment into distant mastersandmistresses (withinandbeyond Africa). 4 Th Similarly, peoplefl Coerced andconvictism,takesmyriadforms migration,beyond By contrast,millionsoffree peoplefrom theeasternAtlantic, from Europe, eesuddencrisessuchasfamine, iftheycansomehow raise e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 6 Th eyare alargepart uential, namely uential, 7 Th ey should ow of Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document from continentalEurope towards , whichprovided alesswell-known –intotheAmerican,AfricanandAustraliancategory continentsandeastwards great empires ofsettlementwere description and magnetsformigrantsofevery of free movement peopleleavingandenteringmanycountries. Th forordinary openeduptomigrants,andallinaremarkableenticing opportunities context pools ofpotentialmigrants.On topofthiswastheaccessibility‘new lands’: of expatriationreduced costsandincreased thesenseofsecurityamong saferandcheaperlines the great ageof migrationinthenineteenthcentury: tion. Th economy. recruitments oftheglobalised ofscarcecertain labourtospecialisedparts andstilllubricatethefl which operatedintothelatetwentieth century sidised passagesacross theglobe–notablytoAustralasia andBrazil, someof and Australia. Similarly, powerful incentives were provided intheformofsub- schemesinbothNorthof destination–commoninnineteenth-century America emigrants: forinstance,theoff a changewhenitwasonoff tion astomotive –indeedmore atissueiswhymore peoplehave notmadesuch rationalfashionanddonotseem to requirebehave inaperfectly closeinterroga- preferable tothoseathomeandofprevious employment. Th most obviously totakeadvantage ofconditionselsewhere whichare seenas home anddestination.Th next generation–dependingonthediff erential ofincomesandprospects between force ofeconomicadvantage –forbetterlivingstandards, abetterfuture forthe of many sorts of manysorts a theatre ofsocial,politicalandreligious experimentation(aswell as‘Eldorados’ ideologiesandwaysoflife:emigrationhasbeen which topursuetheirparticular fl of emigrationusuallymilitateagainstsuchrationalmobility. people avoiding theconsequencesofpopulationoverload, even thoughthecosts Th been young single males, and very young,been youngrecently singlemales,andvery marriedcouples. of emigrantshaveto gainacceleratedindependence.Ahighproportion always youthful ‘animal spirits’ –thesheeradventurism andexcitement ofleavinghome plexion offamilydisorder orrestraint. Not leasthasbeentheexuberanceof avoiding wives orhusbands, mothers-in-laworfathers-in-law, com- andevery indefi consolidated intheNew Worlds. Andthelistofinducedmigrationextends eeing wars,religious contextsin andpolitical persecutionorelseseekingnew emigration mystery International emigrationhasalsodependedonthebasicfacilitiesofmigra- Sometimes speciallures andincentives have beensetinfront ofpotential Th ofmigrationthereIn have alsobeenmanycategoriesofrefugees thehistory emostuniversal factor propelling emigrationhasalwaysbeenthegreat nitely toincludepeoplewhowere service, bentonavoiding military e development of railways and shipping was crucially important in important e development ofrailwaysandshippingwascrucially 8 intheearlycolonialerabefore), particularly conformitybecame istheuniversal driver ofemigration.People move er. er of free or very cheaplandorprofier offree orvery tintheplace ese migrants 9

ow of ow e 5 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document roots. Th emosttelling marks ofthisunderlyingdiscontinuity were twofold, has beenanaccelerationinthe paceofchange,whichhasdistantandcommon with mostprevious history. Andthestark argumentofthisbookisthat there continuity –modernmigration isdiff driven by similarforces atwork inrapidlymodernisingsocieties. to thecities–buttheyalsoemigrate.Urbanisation andemigrationhave been tion almostalwaysentailsbothurbanisationandmigration. Rural peoplefl the process of‘modernisation’ whichaccompanies industrialisation.Th movement ofpeopleoff of thelandandintocities andabroad isattheheart measurable movements ofpopulationswithinChinaandIndia andacross Asia. counterpoint tothe‘go west’ syndrome. Added tothiswere largebutbarely very 6 Th two decades. Lagos, Casablanca, andmanymore, especiallyinChina,duringthepast MexicoDjakarta, City, Delhi, Seoul, Mumbai, Manila, Sao Paulo, LosAngeles, the astonishingcreation ofmega-citiesinourown times–citiessuchasShanghai, the move andurban conglomerationsinothercontinents.Th between rural numbers –especiallycompared numbersofpeople now totheextraordinary on tions suchasAustralia, myown distantandhospitablehaven. the stabilityofpoliticalrelations between nations,notleastfordistantdestina- has thewidestsignifi in alldirections withincountriesandacross theworld.Th Th chimera. becomesa seems littlereason themystery topondermigrationanyfurther: times. Migration seemstimeless,aninvariable humancharacteristic.Andthere off than theongoingtransitofpeoplefrom theland. of outofwarcrises,butthesefl ows tendtobemore sporadicandsmaller historic transition from a rural toanurbanspecies’historic transitionfrom arural in2007 or2008. Nations’ velocity and scaleofmodernurbanisationisprobably unprecedented. Th aboutthemagneticattractionoftownsis nothingnew andcities–thoughthe origins.But largenumbersofpeoplecut awayfrom theirrural therewith very ing countries.More thanhalfoftheworld ’ s totalpopulationisnow urbanised, folkintourbanconglomerationsinrecentlyof allintheexitrural industrialis- e story of mobility continues today: very largefl ofmobilitycontinues today:very estory ows ofpeopleare onthemove andreasonableers astraightforward explanationofmigrationinmodern Proposing againsttheideaofendless thephenomenoninthis formruns Th But Australia small player intheglobalgametermsofabsolute isavery Th isanextendablelistwhich,takentogether, andwithmuchmore detail, emodern worldisseethingwiththesheermovement ofpeople,butmost World Population Report announcedthathumanity wouldmake‘the 10 Most publicattentionismonopolisedby theemergencymigration canceforthedistributionofworld ’ s populationandfor og views Long erent inscaleandscope incomparison e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational isswelling phenomenon e United e transi- 11 Th ock us is Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document population as‘one ofthe hingesofhistory’. urban Britain, memorably characterisedthesevast intercontinental transfersof during theearlydecadesofnineteenthcentury. H.J.Dyos, thehistorianof those fl universal modelofindustrialisation.Far more peopleemigratedtoAmericaand was initiallypeopledfrom thecore oftheBritish process whichlaterbecamethe interlocked withthechangesonothersideofworld.ColonialAustralia towards urbanandoverseas destinations. According toAmericanhistorian, question aboutthewayinwhich peopleare released from thelandand shifted mechanism establishedandset inmotion? activation oftheunderlyingsystemremains amystery. How indeed wasthe originsbutthe terms ofcausationitismost likelythattheprocess hadrural which somehow fedintointernationalmigrationfl andunprecedentedextraordinary shiftinthelocationandmobilityofpopulation able butalsodefydefi nitive measurement. Most fundamentalistheideaofan Many ofthesepropositions abouthistoricaldiscontinuitiesare notonlydebate- origins overtake genesisofthestory. therural societies.Onlydeepest root after 1850 didurban systemsofthosepioneerrural time andevolved intothepresent world ofmigration.Its stirringsbegan in the people wholeftEurope inthelongnineteenth century. unprecedented surgeininternationalmigration–mostofallthe53million namely theexplosive growthand,equally, ofcitiesin thenineteenthcentury the Th was theprototype ofmodernmobility. ofmassmigration.Ithistorical discontinuityandconstitutedtheauthenticstart ofwesternsimilar outpouringsfrom Europe. otherparts It wasafundamental beginning ofmodernmassmigration.It mostlypre-dated, by several decades, earlier originsbutwhichmoved uptotopgearinthe1820sand1830s– – intooceanicmigration.Th iswasthe Britishand Irish Diasporawhichhad bedrock oflifewere alsoexpressed movement intheextrusive ofpeopleoverseas the revolutionsTh andtransport. inagriculture, industry were connectedwithanexplosive populationgrowth, whichwasassociatedwith eighteenth century. Th tendency whichwasfi the . Th tothecitiesisamoderngeneric eshift from thecountryside andto cedents –theagendaofthisbookleadsbacktoeighteenthcentury emigration mystery requiresSolving amystery ahypothesis:here itentailsafundamental generic A centralquestionishow thisrecurrent process hasshiftedover historical Th Th eworldhasfundamentally changed andthesearch foritshistoricalante- eAustralian caseissignifi ows hadalongerhistory, buttheytooexhibited thesameacceleration eseoriginsinislandsoff theshores ofnorth-west Europe rst seriouslymanifestedintheBritish Isles inthelate cantbecauseitsown development coincidedand Th eAtlantic shift 12

ows by thelate1820s.In ese changesinthe 7 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the Anglo-Celticoff sphere ofpeople from Africa,from the European mainland,andabove allfrom circumferences …and,intheend,massive transfertothe Western Hemi- and colonizations,thecontinuouscreation frontiers ofnew andever-widening derungen thatinvolved anuntraceablemultitudeoflocal,small-scaleexoduses ‘outward from theiroriginalcentres ofhabitation–thecentrifugal stretched across theAtlantic Ocean. He imaginesimmensemovements ofpeople convulsed intointercontinental fl they cometograpple withthegreat changes whichunderpinthe array structural Mississippi. linked oceanicsystem,from Luanda totheHebrides, from theElbe tothe caused themassive mobilisationofpeoplesfrom oneendtotheotherof century. According toBailyn there wasagreat transformationwhich structural idea oftheentire Atlantic worldbeinginuniqueturmoilthelateeighteenth work ofanotherinfl current term’. peopleofGermany asthemass of therural terminology whichmatchedthatofBailyn, describingtheparallelmobilisation explanation buteven thelimitsoflanguage.Eric Hobsbawm hasemployed and demographicexistence. tic System’ shakenby seismic changesaff foundationsofeconomic ectingthe very ‘deeper elements’ whichgenerated‘mysterious socialstrains’. Th iswasthe ‘Atlan- of subterraneanlayers residing beneaththehumanstructures ofthetimes, forces’ thatimpelledvast movements ofpeople. between Europe, AmericaandAfrica.Bailyn speculatedabout‘grand tectonic three inter-connectedcontinents:itproduced massive transfersofmigrants of peopleonbothsidestheAtlantic, rearranging populationpatternsinthe largemovements ofanoceanicsystemwhichconnectedvery part was acrucial questions facingmodernhistoriansandsocialscientists. foundationsofalleconomiclife:itremains oneofthemostcompelling the very waspropelled from amillenniumofinertia’,in whichthecountryside aff Winifred Rothenberg, thiswasexplicitlya‘longandmysterioustransformation 8 Th migration whichtheyare abletodescribein such richdetail. whentheyreach forexplanationsofthegreatvocabulary saga-likenarratives of point isthathistorians–including Bailyn –have lapsedinto acuriouslytheatrical poraries were notfullyorclearlyaware of, attimeswere notaware ofall’. Th ments across hisAtlantic system,by whichhemeantthose‘events thatcontem- termed ‘latentevents’ that‘conditioned andsetboundaries’ tothesedevelop- Historians andmetaphorwhen have thusresorted toalanguageof mystery Th Movements ofpeopleonthisscalechallenge notonlytherequirements of Th e case for the existence of this mystery isdeepenedandenhancedinthe ecasefortheexistenceofthismystery usthecolonisationofAmericas,notablyinlatereighteenthcentury, 14 Bailyn ’ s languageisrichinmetaphorandfullofgeologicalimagery, 17 But Bailyn inhisspeculationstoinvoke went whathe further uential Americanhistorian,Bernard Bailyn. He presents the shore islandsofEurope.’ ows ofhumanbeingsover that aterritory e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Landfl ucht ofthepeasantry, ‘the then 16

15 Th eentire Atlantic basinwas 13

18

Völkerwan- ecting e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document failed andthose‘who didnotbreak theirtieswiththehomeland’; North America,believed thatemigrantlettersgive undue emphasistothosewho least, ahierarchy ofcausestodealwiththeneedshistoricalexplanation. eventually possesseduniversal andmassive consequences.It suggests,atthevery causesofmigration.Thof contributory ere isasearch forlocaloriginswhich Th personal worlds. from peoplewhowere barely literate,provide adirect many familyhistories.Emigrant lettersbetween homeanddestination,sometimes expansionofgenealogy whichoftenilluminatesmigranttrajectoriesinso dinary form ofdocumentationisatitsmostgenerous anduninhibitedin theextraor- multiplying bodyofpersonalandfamilystoriestheemigrantexperience.Th theories ofmigration.Th behaviour,account, secondthegeneralnarrative ofmigratory andthird thegrand comesinthreeMigration mainschematicforms:fi history rsttheindividual migration. boundaries. In this essential mixture were theultimateoriginsofinternational were eventually intheireff revolutionary ectswithinandbeyond theirnational communities responded increasingly horizonspressures, tonew and which family andthespeciallocality. In theBritish Isles, individuals, familiesandentire generated theactofemigration, even the great transoceanic migrations. testimonies are andunrevealing surprisingly inarticulate aboutwhatactuatedor impulses, anduninterested inself-interpretation. Asagenre, thesepersonal of theirgreat decisions toemigrate:theyare typicallyshyabouttheiractivating behaving amongmigrants,theyare oftendisappointingaboutthepropellants over, whilebothsources off ermuchinsight intothegeneralwaysofthinkingand the biasismore likely tofavour thesuccessfuland,ofcourse,literate.More- immigrants. Here theadministrative details ofthepassagesare prominent: the the destinations,conditions atreception, andthesubsequentlives ofthe detail. It deals withthevoyages, theconditions, thecircumstances, thepersonnel, middle-level narrationwhichdescribes theprocess ofemigration,ofteninfi unrepresentative andhighlyselective. But individualexperience isby defi nitionatomistic: individualtestimonyisoften and alsotherepercussions ofthoseactionsintheonward career ofemigrants. successful inreconstructing theindividualexperienceofactemigration, migration. Bothofthesemethodsdirect migrantdocumentationhave been ofinternational story garnered todocumentlargeswathesofthetwentieth-century emigration mystery Charlotte Erickson, thehistorianofBritish emigrationtonineteenth-century Th Th eseunexplainedforces were manifestedandactivated atthelevel ofthe e second primary category of migration history hasabroader remit, the ofmigration history category esecondprimary 19 In additiontheoralrecollections ofemigrantshave been oen irto migration Modern emostuniversal accountofemigrationistherichand 20

entrée intothesedeeply 21 othersthink ne is 9 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the extraordinary flthe extraordinary ows ofpeople across theglobe. how thesystemsoperated, how sometimestheyretarded andsometimessmoothed emigrantfl character ofparticular migrants. Such mechanismsandbasicapparatusofmigrationdeterminedthe were achieved, theirtimingandtheshiftingofdestinationssources of terrain ofinternationalmigration–describinghow thegreat fl and thecategorisationofemigrantpopulations.Th agecohorts, in familiesandasindividuals,femalemale,urbanrural, the panoplyofmeansandformsemigration,grouping ofmigrants, immigration. It alsoinvolves thecompositionandorganisationofemigration: the politicalframework,oftencriticalindeterminationofemigrationand America. Th tistical datainlargetranches andcorrelations galore. empirical work whichinevitablyleads tomassesofnumbersandvariables: sta- mists, demographersandgeographers. But itis also hometoagreat corpusof mobility –which,ofcourse, induces muchtheorising,especiallyamongecono- movements ofhumanity. Here theendeavour istolocate theessentialoriginsof migration andattemptstoreveal thefundamentalpropellants ofthesegreat Th enon initsfullestscaleandthewaywhichitwasactivated from itssources. in aggregates and abstractions–thisistheeff the mainmodesofmigrationhistory. resistible thanothers. Describing theseapparatus,andthevariations, isoneof maintained andfunded–how somepeoplefoundthemmore attractive or isaboutthewaythesechannelswere discovered,emigration history constructed, to establishtheself-reinforcing mechanismsofemigration.Similarly much these conduitsbecamepositive generatingsystemsintheirown right–helping tion happens.For channels were instance,oncecertain foremigrants, constructed Such considerationsalsoprovide oftheexplanationastowhyemigra- alargepart international migration,explaininghow itwasfacilitatedandmadepossible. bean andtheAmericas. or Fiji; andmostofallfortheslaves andconvictsemigratedforcibly totheCarib- wall; forfarmersfrom Aberdeenshire; fortheonward migrationstoNew Zealand, devised forcrofters from theScottishHighlands; forcopperminersfrom Corn- indentured labouroutofLondonintheeighteenthcentury. Other schemeswere migrants over fourcenturies.Systems were toconvey, constructed forinstance, the recruitment andshippingsystems,theorganisinginstitutions, thebureaucrats, 10 Th is type of emigration history operatesacross theentire horizonis typeofemigrationhistory ofoceanic Th In modernmigrationhistoriography, thethird level ofendeavour dealsmainly At thislevel, inthiscategory, we are probing someofthebasicessentials empresarios ese mechanismsworked indiff erent combinationsformultitudesof istheinfrastructure ofinternationalmigrationandmustinclude 22 andthe padrones whofamously recruited Italian migrantsfor ows, andare inworking out utterlycrucial e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational tocaptureort theentire phenom- esemattersoccupythemiddle ows ofpeople Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document along andthenfeedingtensofmillionspeopleoutacross theglobe. cal data,notunlikeaclever well-greased steam-driven Victorian engine,clattering on eachside.It wasatheoretical reinforced construction, withelaboratestatisti- generated sequencesofmigrationinresponse tosupplyanddemandconditions cycles, evolving ininteractingformationoneachsideoftheAtlantic –andwhich economist Brinley Th omasdiscovered a reciprocating mechanismofeconomic mental conditionswhichactivated thegreat waves ofemigration.Th Th the Old World, seekinghaven inthe New, meaningtheUnited States. version asthatofmigratingEuropeans, intheirmillions,being‘Uprooted’ from continental migrations.Oscar Handlin famouslydepictedtheNorth American been focusedontheAtlantic theatre, theearliestandbiggestofinter- motion, hasproduced grandpanoramicversions ofthestory. Andmostofithas Harvard economistJeff rey Williamson andhisassociates simpler, andnotablydeterministic,isthestandard modelemployed by the the sameproblem. Th intersects: there isnodialogue,connection, andyet theydealwithbasically economist andBailyn thehistorian,are bothatHarvard, theirwork never although twoofthemostinfl thinkers. It issymptomaticofthefractured characterofmodernknowledge that mutual benefi there wouldbea naturalandsatisfyingresolution ofeconomicdiff erences tothe which impedetheprocess ofconvergence. In butimprobable world aperfect subject toshocksandexogenous crises(suchaswarandbankingcatastrophes) at alltimes.Th a convergence ofinternationalwagelevels andinducerate-reducing diff incomes where better wagesbeckoned,andtherefore alwaysworking toproduce international labourforce, alwaysprompted tomaximise toseize opportunities between the Old World andtheNew. Migrants are here depictedasapotential rationallong-distanceresponseemigration asaperfectly todiff erentials ofincome return ofmanythemaswell). of tensmillionspeoplefrom onesideoftheAtlantic totheother(and ment ofanyexplanationtheunderlyingcausesinvolved inthetransmission isindeedthepriorrequire-emigrants came.Linkingthetwosidesofcurtain curtain’ from theworldswhence whichseparatedthegrandimmigrantstory of itsAmerica-orientedobsessionandtobreak through theimplied‘salt water turmoil.In essencehetriedtowrenchmigratory thequestionofemigrationout linking thetwosidesofAtlantic intoaconnectedexplanation ofthis emigration mystery Fak Th Frank Meanwhile theeconomistsandeconomichistorianshave soughtthefunda- Th It iscuriousthatthere persistsacontinuingdisconnectionbetween theselarge inking onthisscale,againstabackground ofmillionsmigrantsin istlethwaiteintheearly1960sre-shaped thesubjectby insistingon t ofthemergingeconomies. emechanismoperatesacross alldecadesandcenturies,butis eirideasofmotionstandinoppositepositions anditisa uential peoplementionedhere, Williamson the 24

26 –amodelwhichsees e Welsh erentials 23 25

Even 11 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document as theveld ofAfrica’. wages. Many England ‘as ofrural travellers, itwas claimed,foundparts deserted some oftheirmemberstoemigrate,thereby creating upward pressure onrural pools ofagriculturallabourers, tradeunions were especiallywhenthenew urging farmers andlandlords were beginningtoexpress alarmabouttheirshrinking many commentatorsinthelastdecadesofnineteenth century, whenBritish most decadesofthenineteenthandtwentieth centuries.It wasthelamentof tion. But ifdiff universal diff erentials whichseemsoentirely criticalintheseschemesofmigra- problem ofwhatsettheenginesinmotion,mostespeciallygenerated tion totheirorigins,showing alongtheway. thestepsundertaken in thegenealogiesofindividualfamilies,travelling backwards over theiremigra- into thetowns and villages ofanow world.Th lostrural istraceable e broad story lanesfrom withpeoplemoving cottages beginnings: theystarted alongcountry Th migration puzzle. not connected ultimatelytothevast fl ows ofemigrantsout Britain, noralso transformationinthelives was ofalmosteveryone surprising ifthisstructural years: from thelifeoffi eldstothelifeofcity’. It wouldbemore than 1909 C.F.G. Masterman describeditas‘the largestsecularchangeofathousand obvious connectionbetween thethree levels ofmyschema. oddspectacle,perhapsespeciallytoanantipodean.Norvery isthere much 12 Th Isles, before somewhat itspread itsroots totherest ofEurope andbeyond. of aggregated statistics andtheorising.Th connect themicroscopic studyofspecifi cdocumentedcaseswiththemacro level intooverseaseventually erupted migration.Th eintellectual challengeisto Th families thattheunderlyingshiftsinstructures ofsocietywere fi sequences atacompoundrateintomassive relocations ofpopulation.It wasin analysis atthelocallevel, involving changeswhich,however, accumulatedcon- familyeconomies.Th within rural precise propellants, even inthemostmicroscopic analysis,remain mostlyobscure. mobilise millionsofmigrants? diff migration, thecriticalpriorquestionmustaddress thedeterminationof ese great changes in migratory behaviour, esegreat changesinmigratory itwillbeargued,possessedsmall at iswhere decisionswere madewhich,inenormouslyaggregated forms, erentials. What causedthewideningdiff erentials which were required to Still more mysterious,amidthesetheoriesandmechanisms,istheprior Th Th International migrationoriginatedinspecifi ere wasacontinuousdiminutionoftheBritish agriculturalpopulation. In e fl ightordriftfrom thelandinBritain andIreland waswidespread across erentials ofincomeandprospects were the

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his f causation of Chains 28 Th isoneofthemysteriesatcentre ofthe e processes ofoceanicmobilisationrequire e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational eprototype waslocatedintheBritish c andlocalisedconditions,often 27

of primum mobile rst confronted. 29 But the Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document at the very centre oftheperceivedat thevery relocation of population.Until about1840 worked –statistically, logistically andinthemindsofpeopleattime–is out-migration inmanydiff erent patternsandatdiff erent velocities. How allthis Th and release operatingtoinhibitoraccelerate theseeminglychaoticmovements. were erratic,unpredictable andsporadic–withsimultaneousforces ofinertia totally unprecedented rateandscale. employment atatimewhenthepopulationwasgrowing opportunities ata more effinew agriculture cient inthemodernisingeconomybegantoshrinkits unprecedented growth ofnumbersfarinexcess labourneeds.Th ofrural urbanisation. were integralandessentialtotheactivation ofmoderneconomicgrowth and regions, feeding urban growth andemigrationtoo. evacuations whicheventually anddecisively reduced thepopulationsofallrural the changewasinformofmore gradual,intermittentandunco-ordinated distress (including , But anddispersal)inmanyparts. mostly the radicalre-organisation offarmingmethods–oftenwithgreat turmoiland increased by leapsintheyears extraordinary 1750–1860.It wasconnected with with industrialgrowth and massmigration.Here agriculturalproductivity present day. became themodelofmodernmobilityreplicated across theworldto outfl nels intointernalandexternalmigrationsystems,includingoverseas diasporic labourers andpeasantriestheiroff was connectedwiththecontinuousmigrationofpeopleoff British Isles, there riseinagriculturalproductivity. wasarevolutionary Th ofthe some simplepropositions. Afterabout1750,aswitnessedinmany parts variations, acrossimportant theworldthrough tothepresent day. migrationand has beenreplicated,the prototype ofmodernrural-urban with changeinthemechanismsoffundamentalchange.Thof rural e Britishcasewas throughout thefollowing account.It does,however, theoriginalpriority assert tion, government policyandcommunications,allofwhichfi of migrationisnot,course,toexclude otherfactorssuchastechnology, educa- out oftenfamilieshave migratedinthree generations’. tions carriedwiththemtooverseas destinations.Masterman believed that‘Nine psychologyin thevery ofmigrationandexpectationsthatthosegenera- Th emigration mystery ese twofundamentalprocesses (agrariananddemographic) produced net Th At the sametimethere wasfundamentaldemographicexpansion–amassive, Th Th ofthelikelymechanismswhichactivatedA synopticview thesystemsuggests To accord thecentralrole totheagrariantransitioninoriginalpropulsion ows. Moreover thishistoricalexperience,fi rstactivated inthe British Isles, esedislocatedpeoplesthenfl ese workings of rural societyunderradicalchangeproduced eseworkings outfl ofrural eBritish Isles was the prototype owed, willinglyornot,through myriadchan- spring. Th case ofagrariantransformationassociated eseoriginal agrarianmovements 31

theland,usually gr repeatedly gure ows which e much is 13 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document rural folkdominatedtheoutfl rural 14 Th homelands. which powered changesintheir theexoduses, thehumanwitnessesofstructural it wastransformedintoanoverwhelmingly urbanphenomenon. townsfolk. Th rural phase,before egenesisofsuchmigrationwasformedinits character oftheoutfl the cumulative urbanisationoftheBritish populationbegantochangethe temporaries. Meanwhile ourgeneralunderstandingof migrationisstillgripped andtheircon- mesmerised participants whichcertainly sort humours ofevery Migration wasfamouslysubjecttosurgesand declensions,tofrenzies and the extreme localvariations inthereactions toagrariananddemographic changes. the diffopportunities, erentials, the responses, the resistances, thetime-delaysand present questisdirected tothevitalrelease-mechanisms, thepressures, the emanated. Th themarks oftheoriginal centrifugalforces fromchain –shouldcarry whichthey diff much replayed ofEurope inotherparts indiff contextsofthetimes.Moreover,the migratory itwillbeargued,theprocess was British population,andtheevidenceofconsequenceswasdisplayed across Th emigration isoftenthemostteasingproblem. their confusingpermutations.Making thefi chain ofcausationtowards themigrationofmillionsBritish peoplein became more available inAmericaandAustralasia. Th ese were linksalongthe the great re-alignment ofland availability: asitbecametighterinEurope it clearer, buttheoriginalcausesare mainlyunattended.It wasprobably related to but whichhasnever beencloselyexpoundedorexplained.Th e consequences are of mobility, whichaltered thehorizons ofBritish peopleonthemove. home andabroad) wasreinforced bysocialpsychology theemergence ofanew ferentials (between andthetowns, regions, betweenand countryside outflthe creation ofmigratory ows. In addition,thewideningofincomedif- than acentury. Th leled expansionofpopulationintheBritish Isles, atrebling ofnumbersinless mass emigrationoutoftheBritish Isles. Th ere wasasimultaneousandunparal- by 1830,theseeconomictransformationswere alsofeedingthemovements of of agrarianandindustrialaccelerationinthelateeighteenthcentury. Alittlelater, ese structural transformationsunderpinnedthemassive redistribution esestructural ofthe erent chronologies. Th e receptionofmigrantsabroad –the fi nallinkinthe Th Th All thismigrationwasanunspecifi edturmoilmanifestedacross a vast terrain, ere wasnothingautomaticaboutanyofthesetransitions, andmuchofthe eenhancedmobilityandrapidurbanisationemergedvitallyinthiscontext eemigrantswere thefi isconcurrent demographicrevolution in wasequallycrucial ows from Britain, andincreasingly itsemigrantsbecame ows ofemigrantsfrom theBritish Isles. Th Th ewideninggyre nal expression oftheunderlyingpropellants e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational erent combinationsandfollowing nal connectionwiththeactof ereafter Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ment ofthemigrantsandtheirsubsequenttravails. by simplenotionsof‘push’ and‘pull’ andby densedescriptions oftherecruit- Th (before spreading ofEurope across manyparts for dislocationbeganinthevillagesandlocalcommunitiesofBritish Isles status ondeparture. But ourworking hypothesisisthattheoriginalimpulses because migrantsrarely gave direct expression totheiractualandpsychological volition, escape,desperationandadventure. Th work is,ofcourse,isslippery of, forexample,theprevailing degrees ofduress, expulsion,coercion, initiative, ultimate, generic,activating sources oftheemigratingmasses? transformation?Mostage ofrural ofall,were thesesubterraneanchangesthe 1788 relate changesoccurringintheBritish tothe grandstructural Isles inthe elsewhere thecriticalquestionis:how didtheinitialfl ows offree migrantsafter fl did theearlymodestfl ows ofpeopleacross the into Atlantic become converted tion towards migration? What creates thepre-disposing conditions? Andhow the questionismore directly practical:whatindeedpotentiatesahomepopula- over after1750.Ratherthanseekingauniversal lawofmigration, thecentury change andtheirconnectionswiththeworld-wideoutfl in alltheirdensedetail,idiosyncrasyandhumaninterest. even from Britain alone,canbetoldintermsofthemillionsfamilyhistories, ofmigration, ing largeprocesses tonecessarilylargecauses.Afterall,thestory tissue, leadsintotheswallowing cavern ofunicausality–even worse,ofattribut- andcontexts.Th istics, composed ofmillionslives withalltheirindividualitiesandunique character- Th future. widening gyre ofmigration(includingeven asfarAustralia), past,present and claim thatitconnectsacentralquestioninmoderneconomicgrowth withthe tion covering manydecadesandvariants. A longerbow isdrawnwhenwe longitudinal accountofthegreat processes by meansofaccumulateddocumenta- tested againsttheevidenceatthatlevel. Th ehistoricalapproach canestablisha exposes the conditions out of which migrants departed, the mannerinwhich exposes theconditions outofwhichmigrants departed, individual andfamilyexperience tocreate a series ofmodelsmigration.Th ultimate destinations.It locatestheclassicpathwaysoutofBritain through involves identifyingthestagesinemigrants’ originsto transit from rural experience tothelarge-scale transitions aff oods ofhumanity(laterencompassingmostEurope too)?For Australia and emigration mystery e great hazard whichis inthisapproach isthatofhomogenisingastory Th Th Ultimately themigration questionisthatofestablishingtheconditions epresent accountconcentratesonthecategorisationofmigrantsinterms eprogramme here istofi ndawayoflinkingtheprecise detailofthelocal esearch forrecurring patterns,forconnecting Campsites ecting entire societies.It particularly 32 ). Our proposition needstobe ows ofBritish people is 15 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document form. with North AmericanandAustralasian destinations,necessarilyinprogrammatic spread ofthesechanges tocontinentalEurope andthe interconnections created work. Beyond casethere theparticular isinterspersedsometreatment ofthe in the1820s.Such studiesoff which gave risetoatwenty-year typesoffarmerstoOhio migrationofcertain and publishedsources andprovides agoodcase studyoftheprecise circumstances economy anddemographyoftheIsle ofManwell documentedinprimary isvery processes from closely defi nedlocalitiesinthe British Isles. rural us,the Th century. Th emethod,therefore, isto create aseriesofexactchains events and between CornwallandSouth AfricaandSouth Australia inthelaternineteenth and 1830s;between the Yorkshire Dales andtheUnited States inthe1840s;and and with Victoria inthe1850s;between theIsle ofMan andOhio inthe1820s instance between theScottishHighlands andNew South Wales inthe1830s, the sequences? changes translatedintooceanic migration? What were thepatterns,varieties, to buildtowards thegrandquestionofoceanic movement. How were thegreat tralia comprisedadistinctbutwell-defi ned variant. Localstudiesare employed international migrationand,subsequently, hyper-urbanisation–ofwhichAus- migrants to the seaports. Mostlymigrants tothe seaports. theevidence isessentiallycircumstantial: here which thelargerforces (e.g.population growth) were responsible fordelivering localities inthesource districts.Th e greatest challengeistodiscover thewaysin causation. their worldswere activated tothisend,andsomeofthegeneralunitinglines 16 Th denominators. voidable caseofIreland. Th ey provide ofcases,seekingsomecommon aspectrum the Welsh Uplands (Montgomeryshire), aswell astheoverwhelming anduna- semi-industrialised localities(the West Ridingof Yorkshire, Tayside), London, some remote zones (the West Highlands, Tipperary and West Cork), some Channel Islands), sites(West somesouthernrural Sussex, Cornwall,Shropshire), mentation. Th been selectedfortheirvariety ofconditionsaswell astheirrelatively richdocu- as well astoAustralasia. Th ere are innumerablecandidatesandthosechosen have migrations from districtswhichproduced prolifi cemigrationsto America North the broader British context.Th So there follows aseriesof‘campsites’ –pilotstudiesofspecifi cmigrationswithin more discursive treatments ofthegenericprocess whichisthequestofstudy. concretemethod ofthisbookisthatinterspersingparticular chaptersbetween Th Within theseselectionsthere are someespeciallyinteresting connections–for Th Th ebigquestionistherealignment ofpopulationacross theglobetowards e starting hypothesisisthattheanswers liewithinthe documentationof estarting ere are alwaysgeneralandlocalconsiderationsinthisagendathe eyincludeanumberofislands(theIsle ofMan, St Kilda,the 33

er more penetration ofthegenericprocesses at eseconstitutecloselylocalisedinvestigations of e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document grand shiftsinthestructures ofBritish life. historical change. We detailsofactuallives juxtaposedwiththe needtheearthy most oftensilentwitnessestotheirown history, yet theywere thecarriersof we trackthemfrom theirown andlistentowhattheysaid.Th hearths Th in the1820s–exactphenomenonminiature we seektoexplain. provide ourfi rstconcrete examplesoftheacceleratedemigrationfrom Britain intheIslestarts ofMan andtheChannelIsland ofGuernsey. Such insularcases it mayseemalsolikeasearch forhistoricalphlogiston.Nevertheless thesearch shore Europe. islandsofnorth-western Th isultimatelyaholygrail–though invoked by Bailyneighteenth century –themysteriousforces letlooseintheoff 7 Th 7 6 For ofthenumbersinvolved, seeBernard asummary Bailyn, ‘Consideringtheslave Economist , 26December 1992,p. 34,quotedby CharlotteErickson, 5 4 M. Livi-Bacci talks ofmigrationasafundamentalentitlement:‘migration isahuman Independent , 27June 2007; e e S 3 Cider withRosie Lee, (London:Hogarth Press, 1959),pp. 262–3,269,279, Laurie 2 Carr, What isHistory? E.H. (London:Penguin, 2008),p. 11. 1 9 Imperial Expectations andRealities: El (ed.), Varnava Andrekos On thefrequency ofemigrationafterthedeathawife,husband orparent and example, for See, 8 emigration mystery Bt fi But emigration. and 1820were Africans.Th is,ofcourse,waspriortotheonset European mass context inwhichthree-quarters ofthepeoplewhocrossed theAtlantic between 1500 severely criticisedinrecent times,notablythenotionsof‘the White Atlantic’ ina Th andmemory’, in trade: history 24–5. pp. West , (Ithaca, NY: CornellUniversity Press, 1994),p. 10.See alsoBailyn, Migration (Cambridge:Polity Press, 2012),p. xandalso pp. viiiand124. prerogative andsoanormalconstitutive elementofanysociety’. tions oninternationalmigrationtodaymakethisalmostimpossible’. [to North AmericaorAustralia] relieved thepressures onEuropean cities… Restric- the fi rstwaveoverseas ofurbanisation[inthe earlynineteenthcentury], migration 113–17. Charlotte Erickson, similarly thedesire toend amarriage,familyscandal,orsimply‘dissipation’, see emigration from the1840sto1870s’, Rowan Strong, ‘Pilgrims, paupersorprogenitors: religious ofBritish constructions Dorados, Utopias andDystopias (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015),and 1871–1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). for example,Matthew P. Fitzpatrick, e Anglocentric andEurocentric versions ofthemigrationnarrative have been e ejection of minorities from nation states has a long and unsavoury history. eejectionofminoritiesfrom nationstates hasalongandunsavoury See, nally there were subterraneanseismicchangesinthe thosestructural

, . 25. p. Leaving England , Sometimes anArt (New York: Knopf, 2015),pp. 6–8. Guardian , 28June 2007.Th elatterargues that ‘In Purging theEmpire: Mass Expulsions inGermany, Notes History 100(2015), 392–411. A Short History of A Short History Leaving England Voyagers tothe ey were 17

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 18 Th 10 Th 0 1 19 Th 9 xx. 1 p. Voyagers tothe West , Bailyn, See 18 Th Hobsbawm, Eric 4–5. 17 pp. Peopling , Bailyn, 16 15 Th Bailyn, Bernard 14 He refers to‘deep-lying culturaltectonicsthatunderminedthefoundationsof From Market-Places toaMarket Economy: Th Rothenberg, Barr Winifred 13 Guardian ‘Th the , 17Jan. 2007. Dyos, in H.J. Satterthwaite David 12 by reported As 11 20 Th 0 2 22 Th 2 2 Invisible Immigrants: Th Erickson, e Adaptation of English and Scottish Charlotte 21 2 Ocr adi, Th Handlin, Oscar 23 2 Fak Th Frank 24 2 Bily Th Brinley 25 Xin Meng andChrisManning, 1987), p. 122. 167. p. an Art , whole ofAtlantic civilizationandledtoprofound transformations’. Bailyn, 8. p. 1992). mation ofRural Massachusetts, 1750–1850 (Chicago: University ofChicagoPress, Press, 1982),p. 18. David Reeder (eds), in Contemporary China (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999). ‘tidal waves’ ofinternal migrantsiswell discussedinDelia Davin, and Indonesia (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2010).Th escaleandcharacterofthese , p 484–507. pp. Qiaopi , ing thelives ofemigrantsthrough theirletters:theoverseas Chinesecase’, in Memory ofthe World (Wuyi University, 2014),especially Gregor Benton, ‘Document- sons. See, forexample, Ding LixingandZhengZongwei (eds), from thegreat ChineseDiaspora, openinguppossibilitiesofcross-cultural compari- patterns that run through muchof the material’.patterns thatrun See W.A. Armstrong, in and Political Science,1972),p. 6. Immigrants inNineteenth-Century America (London:LondonSchoolofEconomic Conn: Grolier Academic Reference, 2004). Encyclopaedia ofthe Victorian Era . vol. 2,editedby James Eli Adams etal.(Danbury, In Search ofthe Better Life (Stroud: HistoryPress, 2011),p. 207. tieth centuries’, ington: Indiana University Press, 1985). Press, 2ndedn,1973). Almquist & Wiksell, 1960),p. 45. John Bodnar, revision oftheaccount,whichplacescapitalismatcentre stageintheentire process: ere are currently reported tobeabout200millioninternalmigrantsinChina.See einternationalstudyofsuchdocumentationnow encompasses correspondence echallengeofindividualtestimony, collectedinlargeanthologies,istodetect‘the esewere agentsrecruiting forMexico and Texas inthe1820s.See Graham Davis, istlethwaite,‘Migration from Europe overseas inthenineteenthandtwen- omas, e Victorian cityinhistoricalperspective’, inDavid Cannadineand Th e Transplanted: ofImmigrants AHistory inUrban America (Uppsala: 11e Congrès International des SciencesHistoriques: Rapports Migration andEconomic Growth (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity e Uprooted ePeopling ofBritish North America (London:I.B. Tauris, 1987), eAge ofEmpire, 1875–1914 (London: Weidenfeld &Nicholson, Exploring theUrban Past (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity (Boston: LittleBrown, 1951).See alsothesubsequent Th eGreat Migration: Rural-Urban Migration inChina e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Chinese Qiaopiand Internal Migration e Transfor- Sometimes (Bloom- Chinese Th e

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 32 Th 2 3 Th Masterman, C.F.G. 31 Th Ausubel, Herman 30 29 See, forinstance,theforensic by Graeme detectionundertaken Davison, 28 accountoftheproblemA straightforward ofexplainingmassmobilityiscontained LeavingEngland Erickson, , p. 3.It isaproblem notunlikethedilemmaat Cf. 27 2 Se ioh J Hto ad Jeff and Hatton J. Timothy See 26 Th 33 Michael Frayn, inmore philosophicalmode,employed asimilarmethod:‘We can ’ t emigration mystery . 76. p. 2016). Unwin, tions: Fortunes ofMy Family inAustralia ’ s Golden Age the Institute ofCommonwealth Studies, 1984),especiallyp. 19ff Labour Migration: Historical Perspectives (Hounslow, Middlesex: Temple Smith for in theexcellent Introduction toShula Marks andPeter Richardson (eds), translation (London:Collins,1972–73). Th and teenth century, where hisfamousthree strata( core ofFernand Braudel ’ s stupendouswork ontheMediterranean worldinthesix- market. movements, and supply-and-demandconditionsintheevolving internationallabour andoff2005), whichtakesthelongview ersexplanationsofinternationalfactor Economy: Two Centuries ofPolicy andPerformance (Cambridge,Mass: MITPress, any particular system,whereverany particular a path seemstooff er, togetthelieof land’, with wideviews. What I ’ m proposing isthatwe shouldgothiswayandthat,without vantage sites,afew points butweparticular canchooseafew look ateverything, villages forcities’, forthecities’.countryside See Sarah Tisdall, ‘Silent blightastheyoung leave the as ‘a silentblight,asteady, almostunremarked haemorrhage ofpeopleleavingthe North , Portugal, , , Slovakia andGreece) hasbeen described Naffi Human Touch (London:Faber &Faber, 2006), p. 8,forwhichreference Iowe Ngaire eMediterranean andtheMediterranean World intheAge ofPhilip II , 2vols. English erecent populationstothecitiesofEurope migrationofrural (forexample,in e y thanks. my ne la longuedurée ) never seemtointerconnect inanyuseablefashion.See F. Braudel, Guardian Weekly , 28Aug. 2015. e Late Victorians (New York: Van Nostrand, 1955),p. 11. eConditionofEngland (London:Methuen, 2ndedn,1909), rey G. Williamson, conjonctures , les l’histoire événementielle , Global Migration andthe World (Crow ’ s Nest, NSW: Allen& . International Lost Rela- Th 19 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document intentions. oceanic relocation. Th eircorrespondence istheclosestevidenceoftheirinnermost Emigrants wrote homeandtoldoftheir reactions totheirgreat actoftrans- letter declared: of otherManxmen, wassoontransmittedbacktotheIsland. Atypicalemigrant available inAmerica.Thnews ofhissubsequentrapidsuccess in e Ohio,andthat Prospects inthe1820swere dismalandhehadheard ofmuchbetterlandeasily peasant stockfacingtighteningconditionsandincreasing pressure ontheland. lost histwo-year-old daughter. –of Kelly wasamiddlingfarmeroftheoldsort and tenotherManx people.During thevoyage, marked by severe weather, he inJulyemigrant port, 1827,accompaniedby hiswife,father, sister, fi He hadleftforOhio intheUnited States by wayofLiverpool, therapidlyrising fi their mainfeatures inrelatively manageableform.Th e Isleof Man,notsosmall, national infl conditions, simplerforces atwork, andare commonlyinsulated from wider infl not. Emigrant letterswere ofthemechanismsmigration,andincreasingly part monitoring andmoderatingtheelementofriskindecision toemigrateor Ohio. Social networks were inthemaintenanceofemigrantfl indeedcrucial Kelly wasatthecentre ofacommunicatingnetwork linkingtheIsle ofMan and ts the bill partly becauseitisneatly located, equidistantfrom England,ts thebillpartly Scotland, uential asliteracywidenedinthefollowing decades. Th all very satisfiall very ed that we cametothiscountry, andluxuries. thislandofliberty we are sure you couldmakeagoodliving.Allhere are making agoodlivingand It wouldgive usgreat here. joy If you toseeourcountrymen wouldjustcome, Islands attractsocialanalystsbecausetheyseemtooff erlesscomplicated omasKelly wasanemigrantfrom Doolough, Jurby, ontheIsle ofMan. uences. Small islandsare especiallyinteresting becausetheyshow Islands ofexit Rrl origins Rural 2 ve daughters ows, 1

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document mark. population, wastheextensionofcultivation upthesidesofhillsto100foot response imperatives, andtheaccumulatingpressure towartime ofarising agricultural improvement. During theNapoleonic Wars themaineconomic Man andwasnotnotedforitslevel of wasnotanadvanced farmingcountry 52,381 by 1851.Th iswasthecentral demographic reality. But the Isle of the numberofpeoplemore thandoubled,to40,081in1821andthen the curtailment ofslavery,the curtailment especiallyinthe1830s. source of prosperity –moreover market forherringwas damagedby theexport departing so many quarters oftheBritish somanyquarters Isles.departing beyond theisland,yet theybecameassimilatedintothemuchlargerexoduses themselves inunprecedented numbers,ostensiblyunaff unaff Wales andIreland. Th ese ruralbasemainly Manxpeopleemigratedoutofa Islands ofexit 1726, 19,144in1757,and24,9421784. their own witnessto theirtrans-Atlantic departures. Th signifi enterprise. Emigration from theIsland hadalonghistory, butswelled most with thesea-routes andpossessedastrong traditionofseafaringandmaritime some miningandfi factors. shingassecondary were well connected fl operations ofmigratory Man provides relatively conditionsinwhichtoexaminethe straightforward tion before ofthegreat 1850:theywere changes.Th ontheperiphery selves –thevoice of themigrantscanbeheard over theAtlantic waves. exposed inclosedetailandwere documentedby someoftheemigrantsthem- in British emigration inthe1820s.Here theconditionsformigrationwere version ofthewidespreadand mechanismsofemigration,aparticular surge population on thelandhadgreatly decreased. tourist industry’ By (intheearlytwentieth ofthe century). then theproportion cultural employment, theIsle ofMan was largelysaved by the highlysuccessful tomakeup for thefallinagri- population increases: urban industry ‘Without industrial development hadoccurred sectorwasnotabsorbingthe andtherural that emigrationwasacentral factorintheManx becauselittle experience,partly emerged inthelastdecadesofcentury. Th egeographerR.H.Kinvigobserved Channel Islands) asit becameincreasingly dependentonthetouristindustry middle decadesofthecentury. Eventually theManx economy(likethatofthe mining employed largenumbers butwasalsofi epeopleinvolved duringthattransformative decade–theemigrantsbore Fishing, especiallyforherring,haddeveloped strongly butwas avolatile Th According toLockwoodthepopulationofIsle ofMan was14,426in Most oftheislandsBritain were largelyunaff ected by direct industrialisa- eIsle ofMan istherefore pointinthequestforengines anidealstarting ected by industrialisation.Here farmingpeoplespontaneously uprooted cantly inthe1820s,momentwhenTh omas Kellymigratedto Ohio. 3

ows inacontextwhich remained with primarilyrural, 2 From thelateeighteenthcentury 5

ckle initsemployment inthe 4 Lead,silver andcopper ected by circumstances eIsle of 21 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document rounding therisingpopularityofMethodism across theIsland. attempts tocollectatitheonthepotatocrop, whichaddedtotheturmoilsur- local problems. Th ere wasriotingontheislandin1825asaconsequence of conditionsmayalsohavetable toitsswollenpopulation.Short-run exacerbated emigrants] were poor, andalmostwithoutexception theyencountered theague from Liverpool days. Apparently wasaboutthirty-seven ‘most ofthem[the district. Th arrival, followed inthenextyear by anotherseventy familiestothe Warrensville tithe of1825’. claimed thattheemigrationof1826‘took placeinconsequenceofthepotato though noneoftheseadverse conditionsassumedcatastrophic proportions. falling crop prices;andthere were parallelproblems inthefi – shingindustry risingrentsseveral andintensifyingcompetitionfortheland, poorharvests, rapidriseofpopulation;there were conditionswiththevery tightening ofrural emigration. In theIsland contextinthepost-Waterloo years there wasageneral children. conditions andperhapsdiminishingprospects fortheirgrowing numbersof men ofsmallcapital,tenantswhofacedincreasingly competitive agricultural of theeconomy. Th eytendedtobesmall-scalefarmers,notsomuchpeasantsas were derived countiesoutsidetheindustrialmainstream from rural lotte Erickson, contendedthat,before 1840,mostBritish emigrantstothe ofBritain.general inotherparts Th family networks. But theyalsofi ttedamore broadly basedmodelofemigration circumstances whichincludedlandscarcity, fallingprices,religious tensionsand Reserve inOhio. offia party fty emigrantsfrom theparishofKirk Michael directly to the Western their patternsofimmigrationandsettlement. ants livinginCuyahoga County, Ohio. Th eydisplayed considerablecohesionin Ohio. By 1883there were asmany4,000Manx immigrantsandtheirdescend- and thentravelled, mainlyby wayoftheErie Canal,tothe Western Reservein sustained formore thanacentury. Th people toOhio, where theemigrants developed strong connectionswhichwere began inthemid-1820s.It wasessentiallyaconcentratedoutfl Dramatic andsuddenexoduses ofseveral hundred peoplefrom theIsle ofMan spoke directly oftheirpredicaments. 22 Th Th Th Th Th e long-run features elong-run oftheIsland ’ s economywere therefore lessthanhospi- edeclineoffi shingandtherisingcongestioninfarmingsetscenefor eManx emigrationsofthe1820swere clearlypropelled by speciallocal e fi rst Manx settlementwasassociated withtheCorlettfamilyin1822 8 Th e fi eManx emigrants toOhio closelyconformedtothispatternand rst Methodist washeldatNewburgh service in1826.Th 7

9 In 1826three more familiesarrived,farmson buyingnew ax outfl Manx e infl eManx peoplemadelandfallinNew York e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational uential historianofemigration,Char- ows ow ofManx 6 One report e passage Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document suggestions abouttheirinnermotivations. own motives. Th eirletters are commonly prosaic atbestandyieldonlyhints theemigrantsrarelydata are interrogated themselves fragmentary: abouttheir defi chose toleave theIsland were prompted by more immediateandoftenless tion wasoftenanelusive process. Th e relatively smallnumbersofemigrantswho degrees ofurgency. How thesewidercircumstances were translatedintoemigra- the oldmould.Th Th than assinglefamilygroups, of representing theunmediated voices ofthepeoplethemselves. Cottage’: here theAmericanletterswere read aloudtoallandsundry. to theIsland thatoneoftherecipients’ houseswasnicknamedthe‘Ohio and feverscountry’. incidenttoanew Eventually somanyletterswere sentback Islands ofexit Island. tithelawin1817whichcausedriotingonthe and theimpositionofnew years earlier, hadbeentoLondonprotest againstthehighertaxes ofwartime parish andthepopulationdeclinedeven inthe1820s.His own father, afew his foursonsandtwodaughters.Th farmers facingadverse conditions:Corletthadfounditdiffi ‘emigrated forentirely economicreasons’. Emigration wasattractive tosmall Atlantic. He wasneitherespeciallyambitiousnoridealistic:heseemstohave his scattered farm.But hethensoldthelandtoenablefamilycross the Britain. William and,astheeldestson,hadinherited Corlettwasforty-four peasant model,already reduced toasmallminorityacross mostofmainland scattered acres. instripsamountingtoforty Th a localfarmerandalsoremained intheparish. fromolder womanwhohadinheritedproperty herfather;buthis sistermarried remained inthe parish: brother Th omasstayed onasa weaver, havingmarriedan a carpenterandwent toLiverpool.migratedManchester. Anephew Only two family home.One brother hadgonetoLondonbeatailor;andsistermarried is especiallyinteresting: theyhadalready mainlydispersedawayfrom the to Ohio, theencouragementcontinuinginto1840s.Th e fateofthefamily pendently; another sonbecameaclergyman; twoothersonsbecamecarpenters. in order toraisemoneygetland,atwhichpoint hewasabletosetupinde- next generation.In Ohio oneofCorlett ’ s sonssoughtemployment inthecanals large familyinOhio, clearlyshowing theurgentchallengeofproviding forthe him inAmerica.But thegeneralpatternofdispersal wasmaintainedinhisown eCorlettsprovide aclearexample:theywere amodestmiddlingfamilyin Long-term changesswirledabouttheManx communities,creating diff Erickson saysthattheManxmen emigratedincommunitynetworks rather Th Th nable conditions,sometimes exposedintheiremigrantletters.Asalways,the epurposeofCorlett ’ s letterswastoattractothermembersofthefamily omasCorlettwasunable topersuademore oftheextendedfamilytojoin eyhadbeensmallfarmersfor fi ve generations,theirlands 12 goodlinesofinformation. andtheyhadvery ere hadbeennoindustrialgrowth inhis 11 But theyhave theultimateadvantage ey represented thetraditional cult toprovide for 10

erent 23 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document and, later, workers and miners. construction of departureslocalitiesontheIsland from certain people,fi amongrural compared withthepromise beyond theAtlantic. by theirown vitalcalculationsofprospects fortheirown children athome context, theywere stirredmore by opportunities, intoemigration,partly perhaps consciously tothelargertrends. But somehow, inamore localandimmediate transitions occurringaround themontheIsle ofMan, notreacting directly or ingly towards urbanlife.Th ey were ruralpeople,butnotaware ofthegeneral the localpressures beingrelieved by theemigrations. thosewhoremained someof found betteropportunities, end ofthecentury: Manx economybenefi ttedfrom themigration,whichindeedcontinuedto for emigration’, attractedby Ohio ’ s richfarmlands. Van Vugt arguesthatthe the originalimpactofearliestreports whichunleashed‘the pentupdemand William Van Vugt, ahistorianofBritish migrationtoOhio, gives emphasisto tion. Th minds ofthepeoplewhocomposedasmallsegmentvast oceanic migra- Th letters backandforth. and connection.Th correspondence, persuasionandfamily-basedchainsofmovement advertising, by thefi rst-contactmigrants. iswasfollowed bytheusualparaphernaliaof Th capital. Th nents oftheAtlantic system,arelocation ofpopulation,technologyandmodest of Man. It rationalreciprocation wasaperfectly compo- between twoparticular between incomeandprospects inOhio compared withthoseavailable intheIsle migration involving calculationofthewideningdiff astraightforward and benevolent societieswhichmaintained aremarkable measure ofcohesion. the Cuyahoga, thecapitalof Manx intheUnited States, settingupchurches towards the Western ReserveandtheirdescendantsmadeCleveland, Ohio, and careers, thoughstillseekingthetraditionalsecurityofland. Th 24 Th appear to be well-assorted withreferenceappear tobewell-assorted to sexandagethere isapparently 1827, reported thearrival of200Manx peopletheprevious week: ‘Th Methodists, somespoketheManx language.Th enthusiastically encouraged fellow-Manx peopletojointhem. Many were Th esemyriaddecisionswere formedinthecottagesandfi eldsathome,inthe ustheCorlettshademigratedforlandbutfoundthemselves following other ere was a pronounced degree ofclustering andsolidarity. Th eoriginal groups Th In termsofthemechanics migrationthere emergedapronounced sequence In themid-1820sabout200Manx farmersandfamiliesfoundtheirway eCorlettswere afamilyintransit,takingzigzaggingmovements unknow- eir lettersare oftentheonly remaining cluesoftheirinnerdramas. emechanismwhichsetthefl ow going required someinitialrisk-taking emovements oftheseManx peoplewere registered intheir ho beckoning Ohio e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 14 e It wascommonplaceeconomic Cleveland Herald , on3August 15

13

ese people shermen erential 16

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document not writtenfor purposesorforadvertising. of Man thenwe wouldagaincometothisplentifulcountry’. Th eseletters were man judgeforhimself,let every but ifwe who have come here were intheIsle obvious implicationwasthattheopposite conditionsappliedinOhio. ment from theirties(includingleases anddebts)intheIsle ofMan. Andthe and luxuries’. Th emain problem ofthe prospective migrants wastheirdisengage- gave precise detailedinformationabouthow totransplant‘this landofliberty the Isle ofMan …It makesnooddswhetheramanberichorpoor’. Andhe times asmuchhere inAmericaperdayandprovisions are thriceas cheap, asin immigration. were publishedinhishomecommunityandbecamethecatalystforfurther Th children, whotogether withtwootherfamiliessetupinCleveland inthe1820s. One suchManx migrantwas William Kelly, alocalschoolteacherwithtwo people wastherefore setinmotion. beckoning andmore favourable conditionsavailable inOhio. Th etransferof a societyunderpressure. Andits peopleresponded positivelyofthe tonews ence. Th manyhintswhich were consistentwiththeideaof elettershomecarry diagnosis oftheunderlyingfactorscanonlyberead intotheaccountby infer- low wagesoflabour refl ectedthegeneralpressurerural sector. onthe 1820s. was aff ofagriculture ectingsuchalargepart across thewholeof Britain inthe products –someofwhichrelated tothecyclical depression inagriculture which pressed andsqueezed by thehighlevels ofrents andthefallinpricesfortheir prospect ofpossessingland.Evidently thefarmerson Island were being availability athomeandinOhio, andthereturns ontheland–andfuture present. At bottom,thecriticalconsiderationwasaccesstoland,itsrelative Ohio, andthelettersfrom succeedingmigrantsbackhomewards –were all the availability ofshippingviaLiverpool, thefl ows ofinformationbackfrom the Manx documentation.But thefacilitating conditionsare easilyrecognisable: the simultaneousreducing demandforlabourandlower profi greater populationonlimitedlandresources –expressed in elevated rents –and them inCleveland asearly1830. siderable immigrationofEnglish peopleinthe1820s–andthere were 1,200of no possibilityofthembecomingpaupers’. Th e Manxinflpart ofacon- owwas Islands ofexit ey leasedfi ftyacres from theConnecticutLandCompany. Kelly ’ sletters William Kelly toldhiskinsfolkontheIsland: ‘It to comeout, isworthwhile Early inthepiece,Kelly wrote backhomefrom Ohio: ‘A mancanearnthree None ofthesecircumstances were madeexplicitintheletterssenthome:any Th eexactstimuliforthesequasi-communalexpatriationsare notexplicitin 18 More speculatively, itispossible to detectthelonger-termeff ectsofa yls f letters of Cycles 17

ts forfarmers.Th 25 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document America, shouldwe doit?’ rich. Our fi fteen year leasewillsoonexpire. Should we itorgotofaroff renew are boundless,thatthesonofapoormanhassamechanceas Man: thetalkwasthat‘the landischeapthere; thatthefi eldsare andacres fertile 1831, reported from thelocalmarket inJurby ontheeasternsideofIsle of another Manx migrant. means ofemigratinghere …Th epoorest mancanpurchase landhere’, reported of emigration:‘we have notthe oftenlamentthatsomanyofourcountrymen poor, ifhecangetthere’. Th ecritical problem wastheactualcostanddislocation letters sentbackfrom Ohio. ‘It makes nodiff report of‘almost apanic…by amiddleclassgoingtoAmerica’ –activated by ing people.Many relatively prosperous peopleleftforAmericaandthere was from Douglas andtheyalldeparted inertia forOhio by wayofLiverpool. with foursonsanddaughters:theyovercame theirdoubtsandtheusual to Ohio. ofthefl the bulkoflabouringclasses,atleaststart from their poorerthis commandofassetsthatsetthemapart neighboursand possessed theminimumresources thesetrans-Atlantic steps.It toundertake was at work: menwhohadaccumulatedsomeassets–substantialtenant farmers– main model.Th better-off context foraland-richone.It meantthattheinitialemigrationfavoured the ‘home’, botheconomicandemotional.Th the mainimpedimentwascostofpassageanddisengagementwith 100 acres mostexcellent landfor336dollars.30acres ofthisland isimproved’, Wales, aswe willseeinlaterchapters. andemigrationwere frequently ofEngland and linkedin otherparts odism allaboutthem,devoted to‘the gloriousmelodiouswork ofsalvation’. painted theadvantages. Th ey were especiallyrapturous aboutthesignsof Meth- this istheplace’. Social standingandstatuswere tothesemigrantsasthey crucial stand forarmsfreedom, andreligion’. andliberty He exclaimed, ‘My boys butafreenot onecalledmasterormistress, people,and ready orservant, to fuel –intelligenceespeciallyvitaltoworking people.He wasemphatic:‘there is believe’. Th isletterwashighlypractical – regarding provisions andthepriceof conditions inOhio were sogoodthat‘the peopleintheIsle ofMan will not occupied 90acres, whichhesoldoff favouring departure, andtheapparatusofmigrationopeningupon prospect. 26 Th Th A strikingaspectoftheManx emigrationwasthecompositionofdepart- Th William Tear alsoreported theprecise conditionsofre-settlement: ‘A lotof William Tear andfamilyarrived inMay 1826.On theIsland Tear had e generalmotivation wascaptured inaconversation aboutAmericain iswastherefore rationalmigrationwithoutextreme aperfectly pressure; , theyoung and theunattached–thoughfamilymigrationwasstill esewere economicmigrantswhosawthewideningdiff 20 Th eselective mechanismsofemigrationwere evidently 19 Th iswasthemomentofdecisionforonefamily , thensailedtoOhio. He reported that e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational emigrantsexchanged aland-scarce erence …thatamanisrichor ow ofemigration erential

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document in Ohio. – someofwhomwere land evidentlypersuadedtopaytoomuchfortheirnew Hence relatively prosperous peoplewere prominent amongtheearliestmigrants papers andcarefully examinedforinaccuracy. of asodhedge’ inoneinstance.Letterswere alsopublishedintheManx news- carried thegreatest authority. Th land wasthelure: ‘Th epoorest mancanpurchase landhere’. ‘for acivil,enlightenedandreligious the mostpart, society’. But, mostofall, level offarmers athome.Th has from 20 to30acres oflandintheisland’; thatis,hecouldsoonrisetothe given unambiguous advicethattheycouldlive inOhio aswell as‘a manthat coopers, preachers, brickmakers,dressmakers andcooks. farmers butthere were alsofi shermen, labourers,weavers, shoemakers,servants, this group were mainlyfrom theKirk Andress oftheIsland: part manywere Th population pressure slowly diminishedduringtherest ofthenineteenthcentury. as folkbackintheIsle ofMan. rich asaLord years’. inafew Moreover Yankees were notsoproud andhaughty I arrived’. Th cangetas e promise waspalpable:‘infactanyperson byindustry and wageswere good.‘Work very isplenty;Igotemployment thenextdayafter Islands ofexit evidently akeymechanismintheactivation ofemigration. the greatest joy toseethemhere’. Th iswasoneofmanysuchenticing letters, have notthemeansofemigrationhere, anditwouldgiveof ourcountrymen us a further trialoftheemotions,asexposedinonereport oftheleaving: a further constituted, ineff ect,a‘burningoftheirboats’. emomentofdeparture was Th not easy:itoftenrequired the sale ofaninterest inapieceoflandandthis of thefamilytobringthemtowards emigration.Disengaging from home was Similarly themere infocusingthemind accesstoageographybookwascrucial equation: she,‘unlike manyotherwomen,begantofavour it,andurgeiton’. Ohio. In onecaseamotherfi gure wasthemost responsive elementinthe they complainedoftheslow uptakeoftheencouragementoff expatriation andthetensionstheyaroused inthehomepopulation. For instance, e1820sstandoutas aconcentratedmomentinthe more generalised seeping far off again. Astonishedthatpeopleaswell off along someoftheway, someweeping, never expectingtoseeanyoftheirfaces Th Th Th Th Th eneighboursfeltasifitwasthefuneraloftheirfriends.Th ecompany went efamiliarcycle oflettersbegancommonlywithafather ’ s letters,which eemigrationwassoonnolongerconfi nedtothebetteroff :labourers were eIsle ofMan wasonlymarginallyaff ected by theseemigrations–though e reminiscences ofManx familiessuppliedmountingevidenceoftheir unknownnearbeingoutsidetheworld. landof America, whichwasvery ere were notithestoaggravate them, andOhio was eletterswere read –from toeveryone the‘top 21 Tear saidthat:‘we oftenlamentthatsomany astheywere wouldthinkofgoingtoa 23 Th ered by kinin e migrantsin 22

27 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document productivity onthehomefarms. absolute numbersdependentonManx agriculture withoutimpedingrising an agriculturaladjustmentby wayofemigrationwhichhelpedto reduce the oftenre-told across theAnglo-sphere:a story amodestandselective evacuation, movements. Emigration fedtheneedsofexpansion ontheOhio frontier. It was pressure intheIsle ofMan, notdramatically, tointernal andalwayssecondary beyond theAtlantic: end ofthecentury. Signifi before. Meanwhile thetotalpopulationofIsland rose continuouslytothe twenty-one parishes,sixteenreached theirmaximumpopulationsin1851or of theincrement ofthepopulationincrease outoftheIsland. In fact,ofits 28 Th scriptions hadlittlepurchase intheseconditions. evidence ofthisproposition, nore-fi was alwaysrefi infl was noreplenishment population.Th ofthedeparted omas Robert Malthushad – ofwhichtheOhio elementwasthebestknown. In districtsthere the rural experience). Consequentlyinternalmigrationranparallelwiththeexternalfl reduced oftheManx proportion population(mirroring thegeneralBritish centres ofDouglas andRamsey. Agriculture andminingabsorbedamuch people with thirty tofi people withthirty for generations)tofacilitatethefi Th off at homeonthe Island. Th eyfoundtheir rentsrising,prices reducing,alternative context,inwhichthereit waschoiceboundedby aparticular were fewer options security. Th ey were following their ownprioritiesandmakinga free choice. But onewhich promisedon toanew toreproduce theirhome standards withbetter varied, theywere folkfrom theoldland-based society, essentiallyrural moving independence andfollowing theirreligion. Th esepeoplewere (which mayhave sellingsmallproperties beenintheirfamilies than thelaterones.Th iswasacommoninitiating pattern. vacuum which uentially arguedthatemigrationcausedastrictlytemporary Th A Manx in1827characterisedthemigrationasatransplantation newspaper any future periodbeerected onit. land becleared, fenced,andregularly laidout,sothat anelegantmansionmayat improvementduring theprocess ofnecessary there, mayawaittheissue,untilhis a mostvaluable purchase; himselfandfamily andhavingtherewith tosupport daily wants,spare £400or500may, by crossing over totheUnited States, make families attheirdecease.Agentlemanwhocan,over andabove hisimmediateand who are provision desirous ofleavingacomfortable forallthemembersoftheir Persons whohave asuffi ofeasyfortunes, ciencyforthemselves duringlife,but Th eAmericanemigrationofthe1820sand1830soperatedtoreduce rural esepeople,above allelse,valued thepromise ofholdingland,sustaining lled by aresurgence ofreproduction –buthere there wasno ftyacres. Th cantly, mostoftheincrease wasrelocated inthe urban 25 e fi rst –itwasthe‘middle class’ of 26

lling oftheManx vacuum. Malthus’ pre- rstsettlersforOhio were better somewhat e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational oughtheiroccupationswere 24

ows Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document part ofthemomentousexodus whichtook manydiffpart erent forms inthesedecades. apparently withoutclearconsideration. Yet theindividualmigrantdecisions were in themakingandmoment ofescapeforsomewassudden,even precipitate, of forces onbothsidesoftheAtlantic. Some oftheseforces hadbeenfi century. But, inthelargerpicture, thesepeoplewere ofawiderarticulation part set off in substantialnumbersfor ofthenineteenth Ohio inthesecondquarter there were alsorandomfactorsatplayinthe contextinwhichtheseManx people 1842, whenthere wastalkofan‘emigration epidemic’; example, 100inApril and26inMay 1837;69inMarch 1841;190inApril options forthosewhowere suffi and onthemainland,even inAmerica,were beginningtooff where needoftheirlabour. thelandhadlessproportional Towns ontheIsland the marks ofasocietythathaddoubleditspopulationintwogenerationsand employment labourdiminishing.Th volatile, andthedemandforrural Islands ofexit landholding classeswhowere economicallysqueezed’. and by the1830semigrationtoOhio became‘a safetyvalve forthenon- constraints oftheisland’. Subsequently thescopeofManx emigrationwidened farmers seekingafreer environment, especiallyfrom thesocialandeducational thinking. Th dominated theirthoughts.Rents, prices,wagesandtitheswere foremost intheir immigrant Manx fallen onbadtimes. Midwest. In 1851theMona ’ s Relief Society wassetupinCleveland tohelp going toAustralia ous labourinparticular. By 1848there were alsosmallstreams ofManx migrants Ohio were more sustainedandseemtohave attractedsmallfarmersand industri- to Salt Lakewhich accounted formore thanfi ftyfamiliesintotal. elinkswith Th in April 1850.In the1850sand1860sthere wasaMormon-inspired migration spring and was especially noted in the north oftheIsland.spring andwasespeciallynotedinthenorth visions of independence and comfort realised’.visions ofindependenceandcomfort departure from theirnative soil,andhopethattheyfi ndinthefar west, their ofsincereare pity, deserving ofthelatterclasswe regret thecauseoftheir lies’. Th which theirutmostlabourscarcely suffi ces[athome]to procure fortheirfami- [were] inspired withapossiblehopeoffi ndinginadistantclimemaintenance lures andimprobable incentives. Emigration agentswere atwork but‘others the ‘emigration epidemic’, Americanlandspeculators were accusedofsetting the Island tothesettlersinAmerica. that year alocalbusinessfoundgoodtradesupplyingseedsandimplements from of smalllandowners andfarmers,butincludingsomemechanicsaswell’ andin Th Th Th ere were individualemigranthousehold; alwaysspecialconditionsinevery eManxgroups reportedleavingforAmerica– particular newspapers eseemigrationswere notalwayspopularontheIsland. In 1842,during e Manx Sun commentedbiliouslythat‘Th efools whoformthefi eseemigrantsofthe1820shave beendescribedas‘alienated small 29 andNatal. In 1849theywere describedas‘consisting chiefl ciently suggestibleandmobile,butlandstill 31 30 Th Many were joiningrelatives inthe emainemigrationseasonwasearly 32

27 28

andanother100went ese were e better er fty years fty rst class 29 y Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document shrunken prospects ofsuchfamilies,probablyshrunken exacerbated by thecontinuing generations;thepressureto accommodatethenew wastransmittedintothe population hadgrown tosuchanextentthatthere were farms simplytoofew the populationinrelation totheavailability offarmland andemployment. Th the exoduses from theIsland wastheunderlyingdisturbanceinbalance of were manysymptomsofpressure sector. intherural Th emostlikelycause of oftheIslewere thepeakmomentindemographichistory ofMan andthere – by their own volition ofcourse–inatimepopulationpressure. Th in asinglegeneration,lostthepietytodoso’. American Manx no longerhave anyinterest in going“home”. For myself, Ihave, conspire toputanendthosesentimentaljourneys.Now, nodoubt,the occasions buttheyhappennolonger–theDepression, thewar, thejetliner, all renowned scholar, Manx-born literary in1995regretted that‘Th ese were moving home totheIsle ofMan, withspecialvisitstoDouglas Bay. Frank Kermode, the Americandescendants 1920s and1930salinerwasregularly chartered tocarry migrants madeCleveland thecentre ofthe‘World Manx Association’. In the in various practicalandsymbolicways.Eventually theconcentrationofManx Cornish case. ‘trace element’, following migrantsacross theworld.It wasmuchenlargedinthe Frank Th ofmigration:itwasskillactingasa istlethwaitecategorisedthissort intheAmericanmid-west. Decadesexpanding counterpart agothehistorian industry,a particular between adecliningsectorintheIsle ofMan andits emigrate tothemid-west statesofAmerica.It wasaclassiclabourtransferwithin in mid-century. Th iswasaclearexpulsive force whichpersuadedmanyto munities ofFoxdale andLaxey, maderedundant by fl specifi emigrants are rarely soneatlycontainedinsuchtightcategories.Th ere were other Th 30 Th attractions ofmanyfavoured emigrantdestinations’. ity’ wastheirfamilyand‘the quality ofsocialrelations wasoneoftheforemost lectually, emotionallysubnormal’. AsK.D.M.Snell has shown, their‘fi country. Th ey the overturn ‘Hodge’ stereotype ofagriculturallabourers as‘intel- rational, calculatingandintelligentunderstandingoftheir decisiontoleave the until thelaternineteenthcentury. lettersdemonstrate a Many oftheirsurviving mainly agriculturalfolksincetheymadeupthelion ’ s share ofthepopulation when‘piety’century wasindeedmuchrevived. strength ofgenealogyandthesurgeroots tourismattheendoftwentieth eManx emigrationstoOhio were clearlynot confi nedtoaspirantfarmers – It istemptingtoregard from theIsland theseemigrantsaspeopleextruded Th It wasinevitablethatthepre-1840 emigrantsfrom theBritish Isles were econnectiononceestablishedinOhio possessedamomentumsustained c transfersofpeople–mostnotablyfrom thelead-miningcom- 33

ouain pressure Population e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 34 Kermode underestimated the 35 uctuations intheindustry

rstprior- e 1820s e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document his cousinsto Racine. He reported backtohis aunt,mostemphaticallyabout arrived inNew York inthesummerof1840andproceeded toOhio tofollow enterprise. enterprise andwhowere ofcolonialmaritime quicktoseize opportunities emerged aminiature network ofGuernsey peoplewhowere involved inshipping world from theirshippinginformation.In thecolonyofSouth Australia there links, eastward through India towards theAntipodes.Guernsey this peopleknew Guernsey hadreached asfarAustralia and,derived mostlyfrom theirseafaring matched by relatively low rates.By emigrantsfrom birth themid-century the French Wars. In thefollowing decadesthere wasrecurrent emigration, in 1815–19,coincidingwiththerun-down ofthenaval garrisonattheendof the basisforgrowth elsewhere. small islandandconcentratedinthetradecentre ofSt Peter Port. was Quarrying was typicalinEngland, butfasterthanthatofFrance. It wasadenselypopulated farming andfi tural labourers. Much employment spread on theislandwaspart-time, between and mobilityingeneral.Th the attraction of gold rushes intheNewthe attractionofgoldrushes Worlds. potato famine,andtheislanders appeartohave responded more positively to newspaper, the consolidation offarmsintolarger, more effi Islands ofexit can only be told in the broadest terms, in its most likely construction. can onlybetoldinthebroadest terms,initsmostlikelyconstruction. systematic evidencetosustainastatisticalcorrelation ofthesevariables; thestory 150 acres. estates: mostofGuernsey wasdistributedintomiddlingyeoman farmsof10to England. Th ecriticalcontrastwiththe Isleof Manwastheabsenceof great dominated by smalloccupyingfarmers,more intheFrench modethanthatof that century. It alsopossessedanunusualeconomicstructure –anagriculture complicated by simultaneousimmigrationandemigrationatvarious timesin denser. Guernsey doubleditsnumbersbetween 1821and1901,butthiswas grational career. Here thepopulationwasabouthalfthatofIsle ofMan, but Another island,Guernsey intheEnglish Channel,experiencedaparallelemi- tions thathadcreated thecontextoftheirexpatriations. of theirlives. Th Th in theeconomywhichpossessedanycapacitytoabsorbincremental increases. eseemigrantswere theby-products framework ofagreat changeinthevery Th Th Th ere was anechooftheManx accounts.Th usN.Le Prevost from Guernsey eseafaringelementinGuernsey lifeenhancedthechancesofemigration, eManx peoplewere leavingatatimebefore theemergenceofnewersectors 37 38 Partible inheritancereigned andthere were farfewerpurely agricul- Emigration from Guernsey swelled againin1851–61andthelocal shing and otherpursuits.Th epopulation moregrew slowly than eproblem isthattheywere notaware ofthelargertransforma- Comet , talkedofan‘emigration fever’. But there hadbeenno ere was an emigrationof1,200islanderstoAmerica ursy emigrants Guernsey cient units. cient 39

36 But there isnoclear 31 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document America before 1840. farming familiesfrom outsideindustrialisingregions amongtheemigrantsto years 1900–14. English emigrationintheperiod1825to1930occurred intheextraordinary pattern identifi nomenal rate’. island, seeingapracticallyblankfuture before them,are emigratingataphe- exodus intheyears 1901–11:now itwasreported that‘the young menonthe modest growth. Th parishes wasmuchreduced duringseveral decadesandafter1881there wassome population growth wasquitestrong. Th most ofthenaturalincrease. In Guernsey inthesecondhalfofcentury and whichhadsiphonedoff had beensporadicthroughout theprevious century farmers whoprospered trade.Th inthenew drove commercialised anew agriculture whichencompassedeven the small supplying tomatoestotheLondonmarket now created anexternaldemandand Britain, farmingbecame muchmore lucrative from the1870s:greenhouses man isasmuchrespected astherichest. of churches and,perhapsmostofall:‘In Americathere isnodistinction–apoor fordaughters,thearray touched onotherpriorities–suchaswork opportunities them comestraighthere [tothePrairies] withoutstopping elsewhere’. He men whowishtoquittheirmothercomeAmericapurchase landlet His messagebecameapaeanofpraise:‘My dearaunt,ifthere are anyGuernsey comparison, heremarked sardonically, ‘God blessGuernsey withallitsslaves’. the priceandavailability ofland,thesoilqualities,wageratesandlow . In 32 Th in theirtrajectories, thoughthefi nalshapewasrathersimilar. Both islands,in Th trees. specialness untilthelargeragendasare obscured behindtheforest ofindividual becomes aninvitationtocelebratelocaldiff chronologies andimpacteduponsocialclassesdiff ties andregions … indiff erent waysandtodiff erent extentsandwith varying of war, industrialisationandtheagricultural revolution aff historian Bruce Elliott hasarguedthat‘factors suchastradecycles, theimpact populationwasalwaysresuming.decline oftherural shifting localcircumstance evidentlyaff eemigrationrecords oftheIsle ofMan andGuernsey displaygreat contrasts Guernsey, despiteitsspeciallocalcircumstances, conformedtoageneral Guernsey ’ s contextofemigrationwasunusual.In contrasttotherest of Special localfactorsare theenemyofgeneralexplanation.Th 42 ed by Dudley Baines, whopointedoutthatone-third ofall 43

In theGuernsey accountthere were fl issurprisingtrend washaltedandthenreversed inalarge 41

erda parallels Hebridean e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ecting thetrends, thoughtheultimate 40 e decline of the population in rural e declineofthepopulationinrural Erickson notestheprevalence ofsuch erence andvariance, toextollocal is curtailed theemigrationwhich iscurtailed erently’. ows andcounterfl ected diff ected locali- erent 44 Such anemphasis e Canadian ows,

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ation, thoughunderquitediff case. the pressure ofcircumstances (notablyfrom theirrespective landlords) ineach allow detailedinvestigation ofthepropellants oftheseemigrations,andexpose 1847/8). Eachepisodewassmallenoughandsuffi communities ofSt Kilda(toPort Phillip in1852)andofHanda (toCanada in suddencollective emigrationaff the mid-nineteenthcentury: origins. Th Th of Scotland,bothlocatedonouterperipheriesthemainmigrationsystems. the mid-nineteenthcentury, from theOuter Hebrides coast andthenorth-west on thedeeporiginsofmassemigrationfrom theBritish Isles. other islandstorieswithintheAgeofEmigration, eachthrowing light varying isfarfrom unambiguousinitsmeaningsandthere wereisland story myriad terms.Th sectordeclinedinproportional tions; inbothislandstheoldrural contexts ofunprecedented populationgrowth, lostpeopletooverseas destina- Islands ofexit claimed that the people begged for assistance to emigrate; the folk memory claimed thatthe peoplebeggedforassistance toemigrate;thefolkmemory Th was severe andledtotheremoval oftheentire populationinthe following year. and able topaytheirrentsgood heart regularly. But thepotato famineof1846 prospect offi shing. In 1839thepopulationwasseventy-fi veandapparently in tenants onsmalllots,growing cattleandsheepthe potatoeswithafew by ashepherd only. But in1828theislandwas re-populated withabouttwelve it was cleared forsheep,families. At theturnofcentury andtheninhabited Kilda, theywere more adversely aff ofSutherland.families inthenorth-west Not socut-off from theworldas St until thefamoustotalandfi their hermeticworld. Yet there waslittlefollowing emigrationfrom St Kilda opportunity,a new perhaps infl uenced by informationaboutprospects beyond logical turmoilintheirminds,buttheemigrantsseemtohave freely decidedon rent increase orinducementby thelandowner. Th In thiscasethere wasnoevidenceofpopulationpressure, famine,landscarcity, Phillip inAustralia (athird oftheirnumberdiedenroute, mainlyof measles). population decidedtotakeadvantage ofanoff held inbalancewithlittlechangeover manydecades.In late1852athird ofthe bird-basedsubsisted onanextraordinary economy, thecommunityapparently year ofthenineteenthcentury.in every On St Kildaapopulationofabout110 miles outintotheAtlantic, were cutoff from themainlandformanymonths ey further highlighttheperennial eyfurther puzzlesbedevillingtheaccountofemigrant edegree ofpressure exerted by thelandlord wasdisputed–thelocalfactor Another islandalongtheHighland littoralhadasimilarexperienceofevacu- Th For contrast,briefmentioncanbemadeoftwootherislandexperiencesfrom Handa hadexperiencedaseriesoftransitions.In 1726itwashometotwo etinyislandsofSt Kilda,ontheouteredgeofcontinentalshelf, thirty esetwoislandcommunities were sitesof‘precipitate emigration’ in nal evacuation oftheislandin1929. erent conditions. Handa washometoaboutfi ected by thepotato famineofthelate1840s. ere mayhave beensometheo- er offree emigrationtoPort ciently well documented to documented well ciently ected theinsular fty 33 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document il survey. will the outward movements hadbeenconstrainedandsporadic, asthenextchapter late eighteenthcentury, even before thevital‘discontinuity’ inournarrative. But bees, andperhapscontaininganinnerlogic.Th lives ofindividualsoreven communities.It wassometimes likeaswarmingof and unstructured, frequently subjecttowhimsandenthusiasmsorcrisesinthe of thisstudy. variance, setinoppositiontograndoverarching generalpropositions, thegrail edly. Even inthesecloselyparalleledexamplesthemodesofemigrationwere at the mechanismsandpropellants oftheirrespective migrationsdiff both totallydepopulatedandtheirpeoplescattered totheemigrationworld.But migrants inthemid-century. ofBritishconnected migrant-seekingdestinationswithpotentialreservoirs in theiremigration)andfacilitatedby prevailing emigrationschemeswhich the landlord (thoughsomeofthepeopleHanda apparently requested hishelp to amore remunerative use.Th on theislandwasthuseliminatedinonefellswoop, andthelandwasredeployed had beenevacuated andturnedover toasheep farm:theproblem ofdestitution with reluctance ontherest oftheSutherland estate.By 1853theentire island to persuademostofthepeopleemigrate;thosethatdemurred were re-settled from thelandowner andcompetitionfortheirland.Here thelandlord helped Montreal andtoPictou in1847. Th maintained thattheywere removed toaddHanda toamainlandsheepfarm. 34 Th 3 British troops were stationedontheisland,andtheirwithdrawalatendof 2 thereDuring hadbeensomeimmigrationfrom England, the eighteenthcentury 1 utd n Mnmn oe o ae ony, County’, Lake to come ‘Manxmen in Quoted 1 e Handa peoplewere amongtheemigrantssailingfrom LochLaxford to Emigration wasoftenunpredictable, sporadic,unplanned,temperamental Eventually thefateofSt KildaandHanda wasmuchthesame:theywere On Handa, incontrasttoSt Kilda,there wasmuchmore evidenceofpressures war wasanotherdepressant onthelocaleconomy. See Jack William Birch, to about12,000. the populationspokeEnglish; by 1874thenumberofManx speakershaddeclined 1656 there whocouldspeakEnglish hadbeenfew onthe island; by 1817athird of LanguagesoftheBritish Isles Past andPresent which enhancedthecontinuingAnglicisationofisland.See W.B. Lockwood, (Painesville, OH:LakeCountyHistorical Society, August 1962),p. 1. the the University ofBristol, 1964),p. 20,following A.W. Moore (1900).Th of Man: AStudy in Economic Geography (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press for Manx Advertiser totheeff ectthat‘Many farmers,especiallythesmallerones, were iswasacaseofinducedemigration, initiatedby 45

Notes e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational (London:A.Deutsch, 1975),p. 137.In eyhadbeguntoswarminthe Historical SocietyQuarterly , 4:3 ered mark- ey quote Th e Isle Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Islands ofexit 10 Th 0 1 14 Th 4 1 Invisible Immigrants Erickson, , pp. 103–4;onpost-emigrationmobilityseeEric See 106. 13 p. Invisible Immigrants , Erickson, 12 11 individualschoseoneformofemigrationoverCanny remarks: ‘Why anothermust 1 Se . Th S. See 16 British Buckeyes: Th Vugt, e English, Scotsand Welsh in Ohio, Van E. William See 15 1 Ltes rm h Manx Advertiser the inthe1820s,reproduced in from Letters A 19 (ed.), Belchem J. in 1830–1991’, History, ‘Economic Winterbottom, Derek See Howe, Henry 18 in passengers’, and ships of ‘Lists See 17 4 Th 4 9 bd, . 104. p. Ibid., Invisible Immigrants 9 Erickson, , introduction andchap. one. Charlotte See 8 Moore, Manx Worthies A.W. (Douglas: Broadbent, 1901),p. 208. 7 Never toReturn Creer, (Douglas, Isle ofMan: Manx Heritage Founda- Hampton See 6 Th Kinvig, R.H. See 5 , . 79. p. of Man , employment, emigratedtoAmerica,especiallybetween 1825and1837’.Birch, andthey,ruined, withanumberofthelabouringclass,beingunabletoobtain National Trust, 1955),p. 198. tion, 2000),p. 53ff . David Craine, 154–5. State oftheIsle ofMan (London,1811),quotedinBirch, cipitant ofemigrationtoAmericaby G. Wood, Grabowski (eds), Wales: AnchorBooksAustralia, 2014). the Wing: Mobility before andafterEmigration toAustralia Richards, ‘Restless andunsettled’, inMargrette KleinigandEric Richards (eds), Move from home’.moment whenemigrantsdeparted Nicholas Canny, remain speculative, becauseappraisalsofmotivation were seldomstatedatthe and misrepresentation. printed inthe 1882). See also‘Manxmen cometoLakeCounty’. Some oftheseletterswere fi Annals oftheEarly ofCuyahoga Association County University Press, 1987),pp. 126ff . See ‘ThW.S. Kerruish, e Pioneer Manxmen’, in 1790–1900 (Kent, OH:Kent State University Press, 2006),pp. 87–94. pattern). employment atLaxey andFoxdale inOhio (inthecommonCornishmigratory pp. 211–12,whichrefers tothe impact ofthepotatofailure andthelossofcommons. New oftheIsle History ofMan (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2001),vol. 1, vols. (Northwalk, OH, 1896). Mass: Belknap Press ofHarvard University Press, 1980),pp. 695–7. Cuyahoga County , 1:4(Cleveland, 1893). Quarterly , no. 4(LakeCounty, OH,1962); e suppression of smuggling in the late eighteenth century wasregarded esuppression ofsmugglinginthelateeighteenthcentury asapre- e sequenceofearlymigrationsisoutlinedinDavid D. Van Tassel andJohn J edeclineoftheManx mineswasclearlyanexpulsive force andminersfoundnew (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994),p. 282. ermstrom,

Manx Advertiser inthe1820sandwere forerror minutelyscrutinised Th eIsle ofMan (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1975),pp. (loigo: Indiana e Encyclopaedia ofCleveland(Bloomington: History (Cambridge, Harvard Encyclopedia ofAmerican Ethnic Groups

aann’s Isle Manannan ’ s History oftheManxHistory People whoCame to Annals oftheEarly Settlers’ of Association An Account ofthePast andPresent (Isle ofMan: Manx Museum & , 2 Historical CollectionsofOhio , (Spit Junction, New South , . 20. p. Isle ofMan , , 1:1(Cleveland, OH, Th eHistorical Society Europeans onthe Isle On On rst 35 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 36 Th Manx Advertiser 15Feb. 1827. 27 6 2 In apapergiven in1999,publishedonawebsite editedby Frances Coakley, oftheIsle History of Man Moore, , 2vols. (Douglas, 1992reprint [London: A.W. See (2002). 16. 25 Historical Collections ofOhio chapter Ohio’, below, in See Settlers ‘Manx 24 Kelley, E Darlene 23 Th of Recollections 22 Manx Advertiser 21 , 15Feb. 1827,citedinStead, 0 2 William Tear, 18Nov. 1826,toFriends andRelations intheIsle ofMan, in‘Manxmen 2 Se .. el, Remembered Days Kelly, (Adelaide: Rigby, W.S. 1964);C.R.Kelly, See 29 Manx Sun , 19March 1842. 8 2 33 Th 3 3 Coakley, Manx Sun Frances , 19March 1842. by edited 2 3 website Manx Notebook . the Coakley, on See collected 31 is data primary of deal great A 30 36 Th 6 3 history’, countryside or history, rural history, ‘Agricultural Burchardt, Jeremy 35 Not Entitled: AMemoir Kermode, (New York: Farrar, Frank Straus &Giroux, 1995), 34 42 Th 16. 2 p. 4 Immigrants , Invisible Erickson, 41 British Immigration totheUnited States 1776–1914 Vugt, , vol. 2(London: Van 40 Guernsey 1814–1914:Migration andModernisation Crossan, Rose-Marie in Quoted 39 LeMessuriers ofPort Adelaide: Five Generations of Tregenza, John instance, for See, 38 Ibid. 37 T.F. Unwin, 1900]). America . come totheLakeCounty’. Quoted in 1950 by membersoftheGreater Ohio Manx Society). America , compiledby Mildred Steed (LakeCountyGenealogical Society, gathered in , www.isle-of-man.com/manxnotebook/ . Notebook , AManx Notebook , from whichsomeofthisinformationisdrawn. Farm Family ’ s (Adelaide: C.R.Kelly, 1988). cal Journal 50:2(2007),p. 470. 261–2. pp. Welsh andCornishminersattractedby similarconditions. ishing communitiesnearMineral Point in Wisconsin, associatedinevitablywith Pickering &Chatto,2009),pp. 87–90. (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007).For listings,seeKreckler, in thecensusesofearlytwentieth century. connections, were well represented intheincomingpopulationofAustralia asshown Société Guernesiaise, 1996).ChannelIslanders, probably favoured by theirmaritime David W. Kreckler, Enterprise in Transport and Timber (Port Adelaide: LeMessurier Timber Co., 1991); quoted inDerek Winterbottom, ‘’, 211. in the instance, received refugees from Europe andanumberofIrish paupers–asreported istlethwaite,‘Migration from Europe overseas’. Th eimmigrantsestablishedfl e elimination ofsmallfarmsafter1815wasreported inthe e ChannelIslands experienced complicatedpatternsofmigration.Jersey, for Jersey Times inMarch 1851 –the‘greater were part womenandchildren, omas Tear (17April 1888),quotedinibid.,p. 91. Guernsey Emigrants toAustralia, 1828–1899 (Peter Port: La e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational whoCame to oftheManxHistory People , . 129. p. oftheManxHistory People , Guernsey Emigrants . Manx Advertiser , Merrindie: A A Manx Histori- our- Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Islands ofexit , pi ad a 2009. May and April Am Bratach , in File’, ‘History Bangor-Jones, Malcolm See 45 Upper in settlement and immigration English of patterns ‘Regional Elliott, Bruce 44 Emigration from Europe 1815–1930 Baines, (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1991). Dudley 43 Kingston: McGill-Queen ’ s University Press, 2007),p. 178,fn11. Jane Errington, North America (Ottawa: University ofOttawa Press, 2004),quotedinElizabeth and ’, inBarbara Messamore (ed.), History Society, attracted by oftheAustralian theadvertising colonies.See ChannelIslands Family J.S. Mill visitedJersey andreported thatmanyislanderswere emigrating,much weeks whentheirwives andprogeny shallhave explored theland’. Th ree years later without moneyandluggage.Thfew ehusbandswilldoubtlesscomeina Th Emigrant Worlds and Transatlantic Communities (Montreal and e1851Census ofJersey (1990),pp. 12–13. Canadian Migration Patterns: From Britain and 37 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the country alsorefl the country and theinteractionintegrationofregions. Th e movement ofpeopleacross and tothegeneralvitalityinterchange ofsociety, totheselectionofspouses reasons –especiallyintheadaptabilityoflabourtoneedseconomy non ofmassemigration.Th emobilityofthepopulation wassignifi present quest. bolt from theblue?Th eanswer will relatetothelikelycauses,criticalin cumstances before thechange. Was massemigrationagradualprogression ora in the1820s,butscaleofdiscontinuityrequires ameasure ofthecir- Th outwards undoubtedlyincreased after1780andthen acceleratedandfurther then burstoutintotheNew Worlds. the modernisingeconomies as theyexpandedwithintheiroriginallands,and a restless turmoilofhumanityresponding of tothedemandsand opportunities notion thattheentire worldquitesuddenlybecame aseethingmassofmobility, along theirwideningandhasteningradiiproduces ahistoricalillusion–the Migration becameakeyexpression of acceleratingmodernity. Tracking migrants western world intheearlynineteenthcentury, especiallyin Victorian times. internal migrationanditsmechanisms.Modern inthe massmobilityerupted worldofemigration.Th –itwasanew century is probably relatedtochangesin of British emigrationjumpedupwards ofthenineteenth by thesecondquarter strainedly across theworld. levelscould risetonew ofoutward migration,andultimatelytospread unre- quo . It maybethatthepopulationatlargebecamemore moveable before it ebeginnings ofmassemigration,we contend,were locatedintheBritish Isles A radicalshiftinthevelocity andvolume ofgeneralmobilitywasa And there isconsiderablebasisforthisperception –mobilityinEurope and It isclearenoughthat,despiteprecursors andprecedents, thescaleandreach Before of thediscontinuityandstart ected levels of upheaval anddissatisfactionwiththe modern times Biih origins British 3

cant for many sine qua status Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document mobility: next). Th growth andthebeginning ofthe (e.g.attheendofseventeenth century commonly there wasadeclineinmovement duringtimesoflow population investigation. emigrants). Th notably thedissentersandpeoplewhomoved outoftheparish(including deathsandmarriages,there ofbirths, are omissions– parish registry crucial absentees from theparishionalrecord. In theconventional church data,i.e.the documentationisfraughtwiththeproblemderived of from such fragmentary parish registers usedtomeasure population trends. Th emeasurement ofmobility the pre-census era,mostlyrelating totheunavoidable reliance onimperfect generally held back intimesofeconomicand demographicrecession. In thelong limited andcontrolled. Hence thepicture emergesofapre-industrial population or fallingpopulationtended toholdthecommunity and theLawsofSettlement were more thoroughly codifi ed.A regime ofstagnant there wasadecreasingteenth century frequency ofmovement, fewervagrants, and theeconomywere stagnatingandmobilitywasrestricted: inthelate seven- population responded toitseconomicandsocialenvironment’. returned Such to,their birthplaces. conclusions suggest‘the waysinwhichalocal in oneplaceforlonger;havingmarriedandsettled,many remained in,or In agreater ofthepopulationstayed proportion thelateseventeenth put century time. to measure theprevailing levels ofmobilityandthechangesover historical change. EarlymodernEngland hasattracteddetailedandambitious eff and planners. their realities foractualmigrants,isacentraltaskhistorians,demographers these shifts,discovering theirpatterns,dimensionsandmoods,documenting evidently alterandare transformedby specifi places, thepropensities andtheprecipitants, andtheactualformsofmobility, changing chronologies, shiftingcauses,andconsequences.In diff erent timesand remained places,literallyunmoved. intheirbirth Mobility hasmanyfaces, moment, were alwaysinaminority, andmostofthepopulation,inanyyear, encompassed more ofthepopulationthanever before. But migrants,atanygiven Before times ofmodern thediscontinuityandstart population equilibriumordeclinewouldundoubtedlylessenthese pressures. of thelocaleconomicenvironment orintoalternative formsofemployment; competing forlocaleconomicopportunity, andthusmore wouldbesqueezed out Rapid populationgrowthwouldproduce toomanypeople in thecountryside Nevertheless, dataavailable, David fromSouden thefragmentary fi Th e signifi 1 Th eoppositedemographic conditionswere associated withheightened ere are, however, monumentalproblems ofgaugingsuchmattersin cance ofthediscontinuitydependsonsituationbefore the e latter are, of course, the very peopleatthecentre elatterare, ofthepresent ofcourse,thevery c circumstances. Making senseof , mobility statuquo , in 2 Th e population nds that nds orts orts 39 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document a narrow compass. of mobilitywascircumscribed, mainlyaturning-over ofthepopulationswithin adults married andestablishedfamilies,they settled.Th phaseofthelifecycle, inadulthood’. curtailed Oncewas atemporary theyoung teens, onyearly contracts.Th whomovedamong adolescentservants outof theirhomevillagesinearly parishes orvillages.It wasachurningofthelocalpopulationand most notable tion wasapparently replaced withinasingledecade.Most went toadjacent the parishofCogenhoe,inNorthamptonshire, forinstance,halfofthepopula- disappeared parishregister from anyparticular inthecourseofacentury. From ily reduced inradius. mittent andnotincompatiblewithlocalpopulationturnover, perhapstemporar- ofpopulationtrends, thesephasesofdemographicrecessionhistory were inter- 40 Th only crops andlandusesbuttheentire economyofFrance. rural ratesin1708–9.Thand even worsemortality eawfulconsequencesdamagednot cold causedthedeathofatleastamillionpeopleinFrance from 1691to1701, resulted intheworstwintersforhalfamillennium.Disease,andsheer starvation by aglobalcoolingofperhapstwodegrees centigradewhich,in1708and1709, tions oflife.Th eso-called‘Little IceAge’ wasaclimaticcrisis probably caused western Europe inthelateseventeenth century, whichshapedthebasicfounda- Climatic factorswere probably criticalinthepopulationexperienceofmost immobile stateofexistence.Th way, butmostofallby itsdemographiccondition. to 1450,andofcoursefrom 1630to1730’.It wasaworldconstrainedinevery populations, aswasdemonstratedby thegreat declineinpopulationfrom 1350 whole centurieseconomicactivitywasdependentondemographicallyfragile general stateoftheworld,includingBritish Isles, before moderntimes:‘For Th stir inthe1750sandthereafter. ingly mobile:‘a fi startling nding of recent socialhistory’. wassurpris- accepted thatthepopulationofEngland intheseventeenth century attention totherecurrence ordisappearanceofsurnames.It isnow generally intricate detailedresearch, basedontheevidencefrom parishrecords, with much community’and staticrural hasbeen countered by themodern fi aspectoflife,includingtheinclinationtomigrate. every and economicrecovery wasnotfulfi andaff lledformore thanhalfacentury conditions intheBritish Isles mayhave beenlesscalamitous butdemographic ehistorianof Th For pre-industrial England the‘myth oftherelatively isolated,self-contained e turnover ofcommunitieswasreal enough–mostsurnamestypically la longuedurée , Fernand Braudel, clearaboutthe wasperfectly 7

3 Th isworldwasrestrained untilgreater changesbeganto is was the life of farm servants, and‘such iswasthelifeoffarmservants, mobility ere are confl ictingvisionsofthisdistantpast. ale mobility Earlier e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 4 It wasafragileandrelatively eleastmobilewere the 6 form But theprimary 5 Th ndings from ndings e climatic ected Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document sheer poverty anddesperation,causingpeopletomove considerable distances. land acquisitionwasarecurrent butdiscontinuouspropelling force, aswell as aggravated circumstances, longbefore industrialisation.Th wereand English plantersintheseventeenth enteringIreland, century oftenin large-scale migrationsofpeoplewithintheBritish Isles: largenumbersofScots especially amongprofessional people.Aswell, there were rare andexceptional We are alsomadeaware oflonger-distancemobilityintimesdistress, and the oldeconomywassurprisinglyresponsive andimperatives. toopportunities population.Thold rural e record circulation demonstratesthat ofshort-distance of demographicandfamilystudieshasbeentoemphasisetheunfi associated withindustrialisationhasbeenmuchmodifi ed. Generally theoutcome to control it. Ireland issomuchtakennoticeofanddisliked’ andthateff were orts beingmade ofScotland: parts William Brereton remarked in1635that‘their swarmingin of somereligious unrest, were evidentlycreating turmoilinthecommunity subsistence, andpawnstotheweather. Poverty, risingrents andalsoasuggestion historians have labelled‘mortality crises’, aworldclaspedinprimitive levels of – drivingpeopleoutandacross thecountry. Th iswasasocietyaffl before. increased unprecedentedly andcreated farmore younger off was hugelyexacerbatedwhen,inthelateeighteenthcentury, thepopulation by ,ruled andtheplightofsecondlatersons(anddaughters) even itsupper reaches. Younger sonswere alwaysatadisadvantage inaworld tion, arecurrent themeinemigrants’ letters boththenandlater. on theland:itheightenedconsciousnessaboutwelfare ofthefuture genera- Th and daughterswere surviving. internal migration.Th expansion could have happened withoutsubstantial immigration from therest from about55,000inthe1520sto 400,000 by 1650.None ofthisurban doubled itspopulationbetween 1563 and 1646.Most ofall,Londonexpanded Leicestergrew by two-thirds,50 percentinlessthanacentury; and Worcester Bristol allgrew inthelatesixteenthcentury, and York and Exeter expandedby rates. rates higherthantheirbirth Yet towns suchasNorwich, Plymouth and restricted inscale,wasthemaincharacteristicofthissociety. minority of‘the casualtiesofsocialchange’. Th is ‘steadyturnover of population’, restless were thevagrant poor–thepeoplewhoconstitutedsubstantial base oflocalcommunities.Labouringfamilieswere more mobile,andthemost middling groups, especiallytheyeomen farmers,andthehusbandmen,stable Before times ofmodern thediscontinuityandstart Th Th Vicissitudes ofdemographyandinheritanceaff stratumoflife, ectedevery Th usthepicture oftheworldasimmobilebefore thegreat transformation ere were clearsignsofpoverty certainly anddistress –indeedofhunger esubstantialgrowth oftowns presented theclearest evidenceofsignifi 10 Th epopulationsurgeafter1750meanteventually thatmanymore sons 9

etowns generallyconsumedtheirpeople,mortality isinevitablycreated pressure fortheprovision eimpression isthat 8

spring thanever ictedby what xedness ofthe cant 41 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document John Lockethoughtwouldmakethepopulationgreater, healthierandstronger. there were ideastopromote immigrationandeven tolegalisebigamy, which earlierandtoproduce moreadvocated children; topersuadepeoplemarry circulated intendingtoencouragetheincrease ofpopulation. benefi itwasatimewhenpropaganda was symptoms ofdemographicnervousness: the numbersofactualemigrantsoutwards. people returning toEngland from thefi rstAmericancolonies were greater than andthenext. ity ofemigrationinthelateeighteenthcentury afterabout1660forseveral decades) for thegreater(though curtailed discontinu- reasserted by Jeanette Neeson. tive eff ectsofenclosure, sometimes down-played by historians,have beenstrongly was tolongeraccessiblemanorial tenantsorotherinhabitants’. overnight, fenceswere erected, ditchesdugorhedges set,todemarcate landthat bobulate theentire community: asHeather rural Falvey pointsout,‘sometimes across several centuries.It isunimaginablethatenclosure ever failedtodiscom- tion growth oflate Tudor andearlyStuart England. paralleled by theinitialpeoplingofAmericancolonies,allfedby thepopula- employment andcommonland.Moreover theseshiftingsofthepopulationwere the Fenlands where settlementswere new establishedby peoplelookingfor nifi were already abletosupplythechangingneedsofeconomy. Th of England andbeyond, whichdemonstratedthatinternalsources ofmobility 42 Th from Ulster. ill-fated Darien venture inthelate1690s,andby thesubstantialemigrations exceptions inthese years, witnessedby thesuccessofPenn ’ s ventures, by the Th year’. had previously been atthedisposalofwholecommunitythroughout the defi decade.Enclosurein every wasfundamentalandfollowed asimpleline.As was likelytohave beenseriouslydisruptive. mobility anddistributionofthepopulationwasnever easilyaccounted;butit of agriculturalreadjustments intherest oftheBritish Isles. Th eirimpactonthe ofEngland, communitiesacross mainlyahead manyparts ally dislocatingrural alterations inlandusewhichbecameinstitutionalisedintothe‘’, liter- the basesofexistence.Th ruralpeople were emostmomentousfor the recurring Th –warandreligion grippedpeoplecentury ’ s lives andprospects indirect ways. iswasobviously amentalityunfavourable toemigration.Even so,there were e changes in the rural world, in certain localities,sometimessuddenlyaltered world,incertain echangesintherural cant regional re-distribution ofpopulationwithinEngland, for instance,into In thedecadesofdemographicrecession (from the1650s)numbersof Th Shifts inlandusealwayshaddeepsocialconsequences,and enclosures recurred ned by Joan Th irsk,itwas: e appropriation toonepersonof land which ‘Th ere were otherchallengeswhichdislocatedsuch peopleintheseventeenth 14 Th is was the cause of the most profound disquiet in all rural communities iswasthecauseofmostprofound disquiet inallrural 16 She declares that itwas‘the fi nalblow topeasants e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 12 In the1670sthere were other 11 It mayhave beenarehearsal 15 ere was sig- Th e disrup- ts were ts 13

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document tion oftheEnglish peasantry. in commonfi eld England’. It entailedthelonganddiscontinuousproletarianisa- Before times ofmodern thediscontinuityandstart and west of thecapital. than twocenturies,fi population mobility, auniversal attractive force whichwassustainedformore growth atlargeafter1760.Urbanisation seemstohave actedasagalvaniser of towns quickenedandtowns grew fastereven thantheunprecedented population rates). (and alsoconsumedthemwithitshighmortality people intoLondonwhichactedasamagnettoimmigrants across theislands ofEngland. MostScotland andinparts ofallwastheperennial movement of ally, there were largerseasonalmovements from Ireland incentral –toharvest interchanges butrelatively circulatory of short-distance unconstrained;addition- between parishes.But there waswidespread fl tional factorssuchastheresidency regulations governing Poor Lawentitlements soned; mobilitymayhave beenrestricted by andinstitu- problems oftransport and perhapsincreasingly so. Th fl circulatory. Acompositepicture hasemergedwhichemphasisestheessential pre-modern population,somelong-distance,seasonal,localand English historianshave longidentifi edanarrayofcategoriesmobilityinthe were suddenlyevicted oftheBritishparts Isles atonetimeoranother. Wherever entire communities pastoral development; thesechangesrecurred over three centuries,aff tive changeswere associatedwiththedisplacementofarablecultivation by associated withgreater dislodgmentandconsequentmobility. Th upheaval. Itchange andfundamentalstructural islikelythatsuchtimeswere in itstimingandlocalimpact.Undoubtedly there were timesofaccelerated ofmodernisingBritain andIreland, history in therural thoughitvaried greatly changes were itwasarecurring repeated theme throughout thenationalstory: came tobedisturbedtheyprovoked thestrongest emotionsandreactions. Such most fundamentalfactorinthelives ofpre-industrial communities. When they he discovered teeming movements ofpeopleacross theentire Atlantic basin, upsurge ofemigrationtoBritish North Americainthelateeighteenthcentury, began towrestle withtheproblems ofunderstandingthe characteroftheearlier toencompass theprocess ofemigrationitself.further When Bernard Bailyn uidity ofthepopulationbefore industrialisation–ofpeopleinlocalisedmotion Th Th As industrialisationgaineditsgripontheeconomy, movements intothe isreadjustment oflanduse,andthewayinwhichitwasdisposed, is visionofacceleratingandwideningmobility hasbeenextrapolated rst in London but then in radically new places further north north placesfurther rst inLondonbutthenradicallynew en masse , theconsequenceswere traumatic. oaie mobility Localised enotionofancientimmobilityhadbeenjetti- exibilityinthepopulation,mainly emostdisrup- ecting most 43 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Revolution was drawndirectly from intheCeltic regions’ the ‘large reservoir of nent enoughin phenomena inoperation. Historiansbut alsodisconcerting. inevitablyseek overarching notionsofthebasic which drove the change. Amassofdetailedlocalexamplesare vividlydescriptive, in practiceisacentralquestion,togetherwiththenature ofthepropelling forces oftheeighteenth century.trialisation inthelatterpart How thiswasactivated intolargershiftsconsistentwiththeneedsofurbanisationandindus- converted It islikelythattheestablishedandwideningpatternsoflocalmobility were within andbeyond theBritish Isles. regardingexpressions ofconcern, alarmandintervention thefree fl tion through thecourseoflateeighteenthcentury, oftenaccompaniedby and external).Manifestations ofbothwere recorded withincreasing documenta- peopling process’, thereby providing ‘a asawhole’. baselineforthestory tion andallowed Bailyn to‘catch onthewingasitwere, onephaseoftheoverall nies. Th given by several thousandemigrantsfortheirdepartures totheAmericancolo- British datasetfortheyears 1773–76,whichrecorded individuallythereasons striking phrase:itwas‘an entire worldinmotion’. Bailyn foundaremarkable worldofmobility,looking forpatternsinthisostensiblynew andemployed a increasingly connectedby swelling fl ows ofinternationalmigrants. He was 44 Th excited tothepoint atwhichpeoplewere fl centrifugal forces ofinternalmobility–thatthesystemhadbecome increasingly of Europe over thefollowing century. tional wisdomandaff ofthepre-industrial world.Thobservers isperception has now becomeconven- exposing ascaleanddimensionofpre-emigration mobilitylittleknown to humanity. Th ey were apeople readiedand prepared forexpatriation. Bailyn was emigrants were spillingoutofacontextalready alive andawashwithmoving ered aworldofmobilitywithintheirBritish andEuropean homelands.Th the more Bailyn pursuedthemigrantsbacktotheirorigins,more hediscov- comprehension ofcontemporaries. symptoms ofwhichBailyn speaksmysteriouslyas‘latentforces’ beyond the outward dynamism,isnever explicit –mobilityandemigrationwere evident already demonstratedby themobility. Th mechanism –thatemigrationwasthenaturalextensionofinternalenergy For example, V.G. Kiernanoff ered thestandard (indeedpromi- view Marxian Here thenwasthecontextforbothlabourmigrationandmobility(internal Atlantic exoduses are thusdepictedasspin-off sorextrapolationsfrom the isvividdocumentationdescribedtheprecise circumstances ofexpatria- Das Capital ) thatmuchofthelabour force of theIndustrial ects ourunderstandingoftherisemassmigrationout rniinl moves Transitional 18

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ying off e ultimatecauseofthisenergy, the therevolving andaccelerating ow ofpeople 17 And e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Canada. which probably facilitatedthewiderhorizon ofhisultimateemigrationto originswhendepressionrural descended.Ultimately hegraduatedintothearmy, shift between jobs,gravitatingtoEdinburgh butrecurrently retreating tohis Lothian village,andbeganhisworking career asafarmlabourer: hebeganto pattern formobilityinthetransitionalage.He wasbornin1811anEast inScotlandprovidesfor examplethecaseofAlexanderSomerville astandard migration. Th of largescaleevictions,are extremely diffi in theoldeconomy. But thesesweeping propositions, except indramaticepisodes intothetraditionalcirculations ofpopulation elementsinserted new disruptive family. in hislocalisedprogression, alwaysconstrainedby theneeds of hisgrowing industrialised, makingmany moves assteppingstones whichseemtohave served but allwithinthisrange.Shaw moved between localvillageswhichwere semi- contretemps withtheemployer, movements causedfurther outandbackagain, an employer whospecifi callysoughtbigfamilies. Exigencies offamily, and born in1772,wasrecruited by aDolphinstone millowner fi ftymilesdistant, employment hefoundinvarious villagesandhamlets.Benjamin Shaw, ason moves, wasaseriesofmanyshort relatedlife trajectory tomarriageandthe village.Apprenticedto theolddomesticindustry attheageofnine Joseph Shaw ’ s with thecareer of aweaver, Joseph Shaw Garside, hisfamilycommitted inrural pattern. One narrative, beginninginthemiddleofeighteenthcentury, began ofEngland. Individual inthenorth storiessuggestaperipatetic nascent industry tracked by thehistorians Pooley of family mobilitywas andD’Cruze: thisstory uprooted peasants’ herded intoIrish enclaves intheindustrialisingeconomy. Irishextruded were thusmigrantlabouratthebottomofmarket, ‘painfully tion, in‘the toil…especiallyforitsinfrastructure ofcanalsandrailways’. Th labour, Kiernansays,wasIreland ’ s maincontributiontotheIndustrial Revolu- towns from theHighlands andIslands aswell asfrom Ireland. Rough manual sion totheHighland Clearances.Th to employers becausetheywere deemeddocile,asalready shown by theirsubmis- Highlanders intotheClydesdale industries, thelatterbeingespeciallyattractive of Welsh workers intothetextilemillsofLancashire, andtherecruitment of induced intothegreat folk-wanderingsofthosetimes.He citedthemovement Kiernan, were people‘coerced by socialoppression ornaturalcalamity’ and and swelled more thoroughly–these,according inthefollowing to century out ofScotlandandIreland. Th the British Isles, industry, whichsuppliedtheunskilledlabourfornew mainly Before times ofmodern thediscontinuityandstart In theresilient Marxist forces version, were brutal atwork by thesetimes, Th Glimpses ofthemobilisationlabourcansimilarlybewitnessedin the new irty-nine movements irty-nine oftheShaw familybetween 1760and1830were 20

elives ofindividualmigrantssuggesta more gradualprocess. Th e fl ows haddeveloped intheeighteenthcentury eywere of‘the allpart inrush’ hungry tothe cult toverify intheactualrecord of us 45 19 e

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document shire, where a new iron industry sprang forth inthe1750s. shire, sprangforth where iron anew industry immediate locality. Shrop- AfamousexamplewasCoalbrookdale, deepinrural labourforce,ties wastherecruitment ofanew oftenbeyond thecapacityof development) oneofthefi to bethenorminmucheighteenth-century distant Highlands. rate ofurbanreproduction eff very century, andimmigrants tendedtobeyoung adults’ andtherefore boosted the thantheywere inthemid-nineteenth rapid rateinthelateeighteenthcentury zones: ‘Thmigration outofrural ecities were absorbingimmigrantsatamore ally heavyburden onlabour market adjustments’. Th iswasachieved byenhanced the citiesandaseriousmismatchbetween thetwozones which‘placed anunusu- as 40percent.Th Britain camefrom migration,andeven intheyears 1846to1871itwasashigh cities. He calculatesthatbetween 1776and1811,60percentofcitygrowth in contrast believes thattheywere impressively mobileandeasilyfl massofredundantvast, inert labour’ whowere fullyimmobile. Williamson by Redfordrebut ofArthur theolderview countieswere thattherural fullof‘a but it was a story ofwell activated localmobilitynevertheless. but itwasastory on thenuclearfamily. Th clearly structuredsettlements,circular network andfocused ofurbanandrural played outinawell-defi nedarea, bounded by the weaving trade,setamida 46 Th fi uncomprehended by contemporaries(even by Malthus untiltheresults ofthe growth ofurbanplaces.Th iswassetin a contextofrisingpopulationlargely of apopulationactivated towards thetowns andfuellingthedisproportionate Th between internal andexternalmobility. coincided withtheaccelerationofemigration.Th decline,thefastestratebeinginyears betweenrural 1821and 1841which drawing theirlabourfrom distantplaces,notablyinthe1790s. they mayhave encouragedreproduction intheprocess. But eventually theywere in thefoundry’. Mostly theDarbys recruited from theimmediatelocalityand to maintainanypeoplefallingintopoverty –being‘outsiders brought intowork Coalbrookdale ironworks withasignifi cantclause–namelythattheyundertook 1734, localentrepreneurs (Ford andDarby) hadnegotiatedtheirleasefor their tion’. of what T.C. Smout describesas‘the longandbumpyroad through industrialisa- rst censusesrevealed thedemographicrealities oftheage). It isapicture of e picture emerging in late eighteenth-century Britain epicture isoneofrisingmobility, emerginginlateeighteenth-century suddenlyexpandedinanyremoteWhere district(whichtended localindustry Th equantitative economic historianJeff rey G. Williamson off ersevidenceto 24 Earlytextilemillowners incentralScotlandrecruited labourfarintothe ere were higherrates ofnaturalincrease areas inrural thanin Pressures buildinginthe1770s e story gives no hintofawayouttheradiallimits, estory ectively. e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 25 Urbanisation wasthereciprocal of isstrongly suggestsanexus 22 21 Even earlier, in 23

ocked intothe It wasallpart rst priori- Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document libria in the rural communities. Th libria intherural of industry andagriculture, andalsopreparedof industry forwar. growing movement, perhapsofturmoilwhilethenationdeveloped patterns new Before times ofmodern thediscontinuityandstart of landhungeracross wideswathesofthecountry. in the1770sandwe cantracethisupsurgeinseveral ways. Ireland ofScotlandto the Americancolonies.But andparts thescalemagnifi Isles atdiff erent momentsintheeighteenthcentury, especiallyfrom northern andtherenew hadbeensubstantialmovements from oftheBritish various parts ogy, internalandexternalmigrationoperatingintandem.Emigration wasnot clear butitwasprobably acoterminousphenomenon,bothinscaleandchronol- country forNorthcountry America. andthedecisionsofmanythemtoleave the experienced by thetenantry accounts were oftenexplicitontheconnectionbetween thisperceived pressure the pressing demandsmadeby landlords, mainlyonthegreat estates.Th wasmanifestedmost obviously incomplaintsaboutrent infl tryside were engrossing corncrops andcausinghighbread prices: in conjunctionwithaspateofemigration.Meantime thericherlocalfarmers in Lancashire, the completionoftheBridgewater Canalin1761wasreported farming sectorsoftherespective districtsfrom whichthemigrantsissued.Th connected withepisodesoflocalpressure, andderived from diffi off indentured labour, apparently more diverse ofthecountry. andfrom manyparts lives undermore favourable conditions.Anotherstream comprisedtraditional were notprepared toacceptthecostthemselves, whowere lookingforbetter by risingrents, andthispressed farmersoutwards –menandtheirfamilieswho a displacedproletariat. Th ere was pressure toincrease productivity, pushedalong emigration theexodus wasledby farmers,notby theindustrialisedworkers or farmers andtheiremployees were beingsqueezed. In thisphaseofresurgent seasonal factorsandweather conditions.But thewidercontextshows thatthe prices andrents through to1813.Th is pressure wasundoubtedlyexacerbated by the populationrose thepressure wasbeingtransmittedintothelongriseinfood ered ampleandexplicittestimony:thereports ofsporadicemigration were all Th the degree astoobligethe higher rankstoholdtheploughthemselves. put toit,theemigrationof lower increase classesofpeoplewill certainly to reasonable pricesasmayenable thepoortopurchase it,andifastopisnotsoon Whilst thisengrossing shallbesuff ered, there canbenohopesof bread atsuch Th Newspaper reports ofthe early1770spresent tellingevidenceofthepressure Th I eff In e intensityofthesecircumstances washighlyvariable andcreated disequi- epositionofemigrationwithinthisbroad panoramaofmovement isless ere were signsofachangingmatrix ofcircumstances inmanylocalities.As ect thepressure wasdirectly expressed inemigration:thenewspapers ushighandrisingfood pricesgave many 26 Th ispressure inthecoun- culties in the in culties 27

ation and ation ese us ed 47 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document for the tenantry toemploy thethreatfor thetenantry ofemigration tosqueeze more favourable had leftLarnetheprevious month: leaving Newry tosettleinCharleston,whowere following anothergroup who fi without forbidding anyone, nomatterwhathisoccupation,toleave thecountry –‘and leavingthecountry artisans lateraproclamation wasissuedinIreland alarming andthatthecontextwaschanging.Alawpassedtoprevent skilled againsttheseexoduses indicatedthattheemigrationphenomenonwas outcry emigrantwholefthershores’.the weaker forevery Th escaleand volumeofthe [became] the drainofmenfrom theland:‘itwasconsidered thatthecountry 1773 andsimilarsailingsfrom Ireland. Th Excited publicityattendedthesailingof200Highlanders aboard the farmers andtheirlandlords. across theentire community, rural butfavoured thebiggestandmosteffi inthedirectioninevitably accrued ofthelandlords. Pressure wasthustransmitted competition forlanddrove uprents, ofteninspectacularfashion,andthebenefi farmers improved returns But andopportunities. theconcomitantincrease in 48 Th must beleftanuninhabited waste’. learned whetherhehasagreed totheseterms; buthemustsoon,orhislands to berefunded, andhisfactortobeimmediately dismissed’. I have not yet you?’ ‘Th eland attheold rents, theaugmentationpaidforthree yearsbackward, ously to‘treat withhistenants’. are thetermstheyaskedofhim,think ‘What One ofthelandlords, ‘Lord F’,hadcomedown from Londonfi ve weeks previ- Aberdeen: emigration. In lateautumn1773agentlemaninStrathspey wrote to afriendin From Scotland,intheautumnof1773there were reports ofincreasing further rst obtainingpermissionfrom thePrivy Council’. In Ireland northern in1773there wasareport ofagroup of200passengers hundred peoplesailedfrom theislandofLewesinJuly. andforty less thaneightortenvessels are off hired thisseasontocarry emigrants. Eight of theMcDonalds ofGlengarry, intheneighbouringdistrictsofFort William. No Two hundred andfi ftyemigrantssailedtheotherday from George, and308 Fort I amthoroughly convincedthat theemigrationwillsoonbegeneralinthiscountry. theirlands. to desert fi the Kingdomappeartobeabated…peoplethere are ingeneralhighlydissatis- a stoptothegrantingoflandsinAmerica,nordoesspiritemigrationfrom It seemsthepeopleofIreland didnotknow thatorders hadbeengiven forputting Reports in1773from ScotlandandIreland were already causingalarm. ed withtheirlandlords, whoare now alarmedattheirtenantscontinuing truly 29

31 It wasalready commonintheHighlands e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational egovernment becameagitatedabout 28

30

in Hector cient ts Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document of theAtlantic hadbeen transformed. upsurge ofemigration,itself a signalthatfundamentalconditionsonbothsides 1783) inthecoloniesputan eff gave respite tothelandlords’ fearsaboutthelossoftenants:war(from 1776to eff which theythensoughttoescape. that thelandlords were screwing uprents andcreating outward pressures from the precipitant of theirdecisionstoleave thecountry. Th unanimousincitingland scarcity andrentalbiguous andvirtually pressure as of suchemigrants.Th tions oftheemigrants.But itremains extremely rare tohearthedistinct voices Scottish emigrants.Th amongallthedeparting had institutedasystematicprogramme ofinterviews in the1790sbutbegantwodecadesearlier:early1770s thegovernment inquiries intotheproblem. Th elandlord apprehensions hadbecome vociferous action by landlord pressure groups. One consequencewasaseriesofoffi able publicstirrings,mainlybecausethegovernment hadbeendraggedinto (with farlessreference totheirreligious orculturalcircumstances). forAmerica,almostinvariably stressingthey departed theireconomicplight testimony ofthecentury. Th eemigrants were questionedabouttheirmotives as in1773whichproduced someofthebest causes oftheexodus –theenquiry ofgovernmentpractical outcomewastheurgentintervention toinquire intothe anxious aboutanylikelydiminutionofrental incomeasaconsequence.Th serious apprehensions regarding thelossofpopulation,landlords beingmost Irelandout ofScotlandandnorthern inparticular, andtheywere givingriseto as early1760,followed by the‘epidemical’ manifestationsofthe1770s. use. Contemporariesconnectedsuchdevelopments withgreater emigrationfrom could cook,dineandsleep)wasintroducedpatternsoflabour tomeetthesenew usually unmarriedmen,were housedtogetherinrough steadingswhere they was thentheonlyseasonalneed. ments; enclosure removed theneedtoherd andthisalsoreduced labour;harvest large teamsofoxen andmen;Meikle ’ s threshing machinereduced labourrequire- improve labourproductivity. For instanceSmall ’ s ploughreduced theneedfor labour-saving by design:innovations were designedto intheeighteenthcentury agriculture improvement prompted migration,especiallybecauserural was expression oftherisingpressures ontheland.In Scotlandthereorganisation of of risinglandhungerandrent increases. rental termsfrom theirlandlords, ineff ectbargaining by emigrationinacontext Before times ofmodern thediscontinuityandstart ective barriercreated by theAmericanRevolution andtheassociated War and But government wasswiftlyrendered by themore intervention unnecessary Th Already, therefore, inthe1770sthere were visibleandlargeleakagesofpeople Migration reports, wasavivid andemigration,according tocontemporary eemigrationstowards created consider- theendofeighteenthcentury esetestimonies,aswe have seen,were outspoken,unam- epurposeoftheseinquirieswastodiscover themotiva- ective stoptothehighly publicisedandvisible 32 Th ebothysystem(inwhichfarmworkers, ey testifi ed tothefact 33

cial 49 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document during thewaryears. Th for emigrationhadbeencreated, andheldback whichhadbeenfrustrated areas.especially inrural It wasastrong indicationthatadeep-seatedpropensity the outfl Th emigration surgedrapidly, immediatelyrekindling thelandlords’ apprehensions. 1793: assoonpeacereturned (thoughbriefl monthsin1803, y)forafew Th Advocate ofScotlanddidthesame’. Th Privy Council,thathecommunicatedhisalarmtotheHome Offi by thethousandandmore applicationsforleave toemigratelyingbefore the were ‘Th applyingforpermissiontoleave thecountry: e Governor General peacehadreturned.the short In bothIreland andScotlandin1801people voyages. 1770s, whenitwasclaimedthatconditionswere muchworsethanontheslave the new andmuchmorethe new stringentPassenger Act (of1803)waspassed. under theinspirationofLord Advocate andEdinburgh MP, CharlesHope, been widelyignored andthere was ambiguityaboutitslegalstanding.Now, each emigrant.It wasproclaimed asa‘kindlyimpulse’, butthislegislationhad much more ‘generous’ formulawhichensured ashippingspaceofseven tonsfor stringent conditions;inprincipletheyrequired and theimpositionofanew tions oftheEmigration Acts were transparent: many intendingemigrants. end by infl atingthecostsof Atlantic passagetolevels beyond the reach of the rents ofthe landlords, especiallyinIreland andScotland.It achieved this grants. In reality itwascynicallycalculated toblockemigrationandsafeguard success, designedtoensure ofthepoor, thesafetyandcomfort benightedemi- 50 Th the emigrationtrade. described ‘circumstances ofsuff eringanddistress …shockingtohumanity’ in Parliamentary inquiriesindeedexposedtheawfulshipboard conditionsand time. Overcrowding aboard andmortality theshipswaswell known in1801. but Machiavellian focusuponconditionsaboard theemigrantshipsof e government wasagainurgedtotakeactionstaunchandeven block e sameconsequenceswere repeated inthelongFrench Wars, in starting be entitledtoa double share ofapprobation. tendency indirectly tocheck theevilofEmigration itselftheywillwithsubmission if themeasures whichthe Committee are forthatendtosuggestpromise alsoa friend ofhumanitybeastepthe highestandmostbenefi cialconsequence–but It cannot bedeniedthateven toprevent thehorrors ofthePassage must,by every Th Already regulations new hadbeenintroduced whichdeterminedmuchmore In theproceedings oftheCommittee Highland Society motiva- thetrue ecampaignofgovernment waspresented asahumanitarian intervention ows. Th ows. 35

isinterludeclearlyexposedthe risinginclinationtoemigrate, 34 Overcrowding onScottishshipshadbeenknown sincethe e alarmover emigrationwasregistered even before ffi O cial resistance cial e offi e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 36 cial response wastoapplyaclever

ce. Th ce. e Lord Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document high rents whichwere drivingthemfrom theland. agricultural occupations mademobilityincreasingly common, especiallyinthe growth. Th rural e dwellers andthe proletarianisation ofmany growth ofnon- another farm,orpulluproots andhead forthetowns in periodsofpopulation community (cottar, orlabourer insteadoftenantfarmer) ormove servant to farms ‘meant thatthepeoplehadtoacceptalower-status occupationinthe diffisubdivision very cultandthe widespread tendency towardsfewer largerand points outthatinScotlandthestructure oflandholdingandownership made notably seasonalmigration,whichacceleratedinthelateeighteenth century. He they settheirown familyunit’. Houston suggeststhatmobilityhadincreased, fi those stagesofthelife-cycle between puberty, whenyoung menandwomen was over distances: ‘Population short turnover wasrapidandconcentratedin Kippen inStirlingshire in1789were notthere in1793’.Mostly themovement cites alowland case–thus‘two-thirds ofthefamilieslistedforvillage argues thattheScotswere more mobile thantheFrench orGermans and ened economy. which galvanised tothedynamismofawak- resources andpeopleinservice to thedispositionoflabourandpopulation,allencompassedinprocess with theforces existence.Anditrelated below ofeveryday ultimately thesurface and itseemsimprobable thatthephenomenonofemigrationwas unconnected not tomentionerraticfl But there were alwayscomplicatingfactorsatwork –suchaswarandtheweather, structures oflife,eventually absorbingtheenergyandfocusofentire nation. ing andfacilitatingtheexpansionofeconomy. Th asurgeinpace,reinforc- andurbanisation,alsounderwent notably intransport (itself greater thananythingever seenbefore). Th e infrastructure oftheeconomy, edented rates,probably outpacingthesimultaneousgrowth ofitspopulation of English andScottishlowland farmsandmanufactoriesnow grew atunprec- economies acceleratedtoward modernratesofeconomicgrowth. Th eighteenth century, oftheEnglish andScottish perhapsinthe1770s,parts Th mind intoasolution,safetyvalve, fortheproblemsage. ofthenew be rapidlyoverturned withinadecade:emigrationwastransformedinthepublic opposed allemigrationattheturnofcentury, aswe shallsee,wassoonto infection. According tothe Before times ofmodern thediscontinuityandstart outsidetheirparental household,andmarriage,when rst went intoservice e back story totheseevents hadbecomeclear;atsomepointinthelate e backstory A glimpseofthechanges isfoundinScottishmobilitypatterns.R.A.Houston Many consequencesfl owed from thesechangesinthebedrock of British life 37 Most oftheemigrantsthistimecontinuedtocomplainabout Scots Magazine the English hadalsocaughttheemigration uctuations inpoliticallife. Th enewcontext 38 Th ese were shiftsinthe e antagonismwhich e production 51 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Loss ofcommonrightsexacerbatedtheproblem. were replaced by daylabourers, whowere whollyunemployed intheslackseason. England. best pursuedinspecifi ccontexts,suchas West rural southof Sussex deep inthe the economyanditslabourforces. Th ese questionswhich are largestructural are revolution whichranparallelto(andalsointerconnectedwith)thechangesin overarching factorwasthecontinuing(but barely comprehended) population needs oftheeconomyandaspirationspeople,migrants.But the of massemigration.Th endemic. Th is probably infl uencedthe propensitytoemigrate. generally underminedanddispersed,underemployment onthelandbecame family inproduction. During industrialisationthisfundamentalpatternwas out, householdswere traditionallyplacesofwork andencompassedtheentire fashion. Lowlands’. 52 Th 1 inDavidSee Souden, theusefulsummary ‘Movers andstayers infamilyreconstitu- 3 Th 3 23. Ibid., 2 6 Th ff 6 o e G e e S 5 4 F. Braudel, ‘Historyandthesocialsciences:longuedurée’, in 7 Th 7 , . 50. p. , Wrightson, 8 Th For womentheeff ects were even more serious.AsAnn Kussmaul pointed tion populations’, Clark andDavid Souden, ucisn 1987). Hutchinson, enteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013). University ofChicagoPress, 1980),p. 32. century’, See, forinstance,A.W. Coats,‘Changingattitudestolabourinthemid-eighteenth rose. Th to asystemintheearlythroes ese of weregrowth. attitudesunsatisfactory backward-sloping oflabour–workers decliningtowork supplycurve more asincome was notresponsive ortohigherrewards. toopportunities It showed features ofthe Hyman, 1982),pp. 40–5. under the Tudors andStuarts (Leicester: LeicesterUniversity Press, 1974). tions withfarawayLondon.See David Hey, prevailing stabilityofthecommunity despitesomeremarkable butunusualconnec- accountoftheremote Shropshirecentury parishofMyddle, whichconfi epre-existing shapeoflabourmobilitiessetthecontextforemergence ere was a persistent notion that labour in the early eighteenth-century economy ere wasapersistentnotionthatlabourintheearlyeighteenth-century is basedonKeith Wrightson, eextentofpre-industrial mobilityinEngland is bestknown from theseventeenth- 39 rey Parker, Economic Review History 11(1958),35–51. Houston connects increased restructuring inadirect mobilitytorural Local Population Studies 33(1984),11ff . More generally, see Peter Global Crisis: War, ClimateChangeandCatastrophe intheSev- e British population was mobilisedfortheemergent (London: Migration andSocietyinEarly Modern England Notes English Society, 1580–1680 (London:Unwin e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational An English Rural Community: Myddle (Chicago: On History 40 Farm servants rs the rms Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 1 Se al lc, Th Slack, Paul See 13 Abandoning America Moore, (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, Hardman 2013), Susan See 126–9. 12 pp. English Society, Wrightson, 11 10 See theexampleofPatrick Gordon ofAuchleuchries, citedinGeorge Pratt Insh, Before times ofmodern thediscontinuityandstart 2 Se are rne, Th Trinder, Barrie See 7. 23 chapter below, See 22 vol. ofCanadian Biography Dictionary , 21 Alexander’, ‘Somerville, Waterston, Elizabeth 20 Colin G.Pooley andShani D’Cruze, ‘Migration andurbanisationinnorth-west 19 V.G. Kiernan,‘Britons oldand new’, inColinHolmes (ed.), SometimesanArt Bailyn, , p. 56.Nicholas Canny hadmadesimilarclaimsforthe xx. p. Voyagers 18 tothe West , to Preface Bailyn, 17 16 15 See J.M. Neeson, ‘Parliamentary enclosure andthedisappearanceof English Th Joan 14 See Heather Falvey, ‘Voices andfacesintheriotingcrowd: identifyingseventeenth- 2 TC Sot ‘Th Smout, T.C. 24 25 From Jeff e J m o r F 5 2 9 . ue rw (ed.),Early Travellers inScotland Brown (Edinburgh: D.Douglas, 1891, Hume P. 9 p 2–4. pp. Odyssey Historian ’ s (Edinburgh: Moray Press, 1938),p. 135. reprint 1970),p. 154. growth. wasmore200 yearsthanmigration inurbanpopulation – andthatfertility important concluded thatthefrequency anddistanceofmigrationincreased onlyslowly over remarkable sagaofproletarian movement (thoughtheyexcluded theIrish). Th UCL Press, 1998),lookedat16,091life stories across aperiodof240years –a Turnbull, in England, 1760–1830’, 11 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003). ties inBritish Society (London: Allen&Unwin, 1978),pp. 44–5. 2011), p. 350. Ireland, 1550–1700: ColonizationanditsConsequences peans’. See J.H.Elliott, ‘Atlantic horizons’, inBrian MacCuarta (ed.), movementsextension ofthelong-distancetravel andmigratory ofmedieval Euro- transatlantic migrationsoftheearlyseventeenth century, whichhesawas‘a logical (1989). Europe, Russian andNorth America , Research inEconomic History, Supplement 5 peasantry, revisited’, in enclosure rioters’,century bridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1967),p. 201. 2015). 1841–3’, in T.C. Smout (ed.), 1973), chap. 16. Press, 2ndedn,1994),chap. 13: pp. 332–56,esp. p. 339. skey (eds), lan, 1979),p. 218. irsk, rey Williamson, ‘Copingwithcitygrowth’, inR.Floud and D.N.McClo- Economic ofBritain History since1700 (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Migration andMobility inBritain sincetheEighteenth Century Th e Agrarian ofEngland History and Wales 1500–1640 , vol. 4(Cam- e strange intervention ofEdward estrangeintervention Twistleton: Paisley indepression, e Invention ofImprovement (Oxford: Oxford University Press, eIndustrial Revolution inShropshire (London:Phillimore, SocialHistory 19(1994),p. 347.ColinG.Pooley andJean Agrarian ofIndustrialisation: Organisation intheCentury LocalHistorian 39:2(2009),137–51. Th eSearch for Wealth and Stability (London: Macmil- (Dublin: Four Press, Courts Immigrants andMinori- (London: Reshaping ey 53 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 54 Th 32 Th 2 3 Ibid. 31 Ibid. 30 Craftsman orSey ’ 9 s Weekly Journal 2 , 9Oct. 1773,issue792. LondonChronicle , 12Oct. 1773. 28 7 2 Kathleen A. Walpole, ‘Emigration toBritish North AmericaundertheearlyPassenger Gale DigitalCollection–theBurney CollectionofNewspapers from the from Derived 26 3 JM Bmtd Th Bumsted, Scotland: J.M. of 35 Highlands Central and Coasts the of Survey the on Committee Select passim. 34 Voyagers , Bailyn, See 33 3 IH Aa, ‘Th Adam, I.H. 38 ScotsMagazine 36(1774),161. 7 3 A History oftheHighland AHistory Clearances Richards, Eric 36 4 An usal ‘Th Kussmaul, Ann 40 ‘Th Houston, R.A. 39 Acts’ (MAthesis,University ofLondon,1929),p. 2. the Rev Charles Burney (1757–1817) whichcontains1270titles. Devine in . 7. p. First Report (Emigration), Edinburgh University Press, 2005),pp. 165–6. (London: Croom Helm, 1985),p. 212. 1770–1815 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1982),pp. 63,99–104. People andSocietyinScotland , vol. 1(Edinburgh: John Donald, 1988),pp. 20–4. also saysthere wasadramaticchange: McCloskey (eds), eaccelerationofagriculturalchangeinScotlandisheavilyunderscored by T.M. Th e Transformation ofScotland:Th (Edinburgh: e Economy since1700 eagriculturalrevolution inScotland’, in ePeople ’ s Clearance: Highland Emigration toBritish North America, edemographicregime’, in T.M. Devine andR.Mitchison (eds), e pattern of work as the eighteenth century began’, epatternofwork astheeighteenthcentury inFloud and , p 24 8. 2–4, pp. Economic ofBritain History since1700, British Parliamentary Papers 80(1802–3),Appendix, Society. Migration and e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational , vol. 2: Arena , pp. 198–205. Whyte Emigration, Protest, Reasons Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document age. Sussex economyinthenew wasmuchclosertothecentres oftheexpansionary tively littledirect eff Th grants, notonlytoNorth America but alsotoAustralia. elements inacommunitywhicheventually becameaprolifi Sussex. In thisfraughtcontexttherole ofmobilityandmigration aff threshing of machines, brought violenceandretributionWest tothecountryside the late1820s.Th e‘Captain Swing’ of disturbances,entailingthedestruction poverty andturmoilwhich shookthefoundationsofEnglish polityespeciallyin of theagrarianexperiencesouthernEngland inthesedecades,decadesof thisregion can indeedstandasproxydivisions inthenationalstory: formuch West Sussex, whichwasreconfirural dilapidation. rmedinits per centbetween 1801and1831.But thisdemographicupsurgedidlittlefor grew rapidly andthecountypopulationofSussex increased astonishinglyby 71 decades sawthemostrapidpopulationgrowth ever recorded inBritain: London Insteadnorth. itbecameanarea renowned deprivation. Th foritsrural It gainedscantbenefi tfrom theexplosionofeconomicdevelopment tothe isolationandpoverty intorural inthe early nineteenthcentury.slipped further there forced wasarapidconsolidation andrationalisationoffarms: bankruptcies, and farmerswere dischargingtheiremployees. Aftertheexpansionofwartime fi tithes were highonthelistofcomplaints.At theendof French Wars all failures, disorderharvest andprotest aboutfoodmonopolies andinfl nnil confi nancial eIsle ofMan wasclosetothesea-lanesofBritish World, butreceived rela- Th West Sussex wasaclassiczone onthereceiving endoftheincreasing economic Turmoil Sussex inrural hadbeen rifeattheturnofcentury, marked by oughonlyfi muchof ftymilessouthofLondon,nevertheless West Sussex, West Sussex south andtherural dence evaporated: bankswere foreclosing, poorratesmounting ect from its industrialandcommercial powerhouses. West Trol n Sussex in Turmoil 4 1

c supplierofemi- atedprices; ected all ected ese Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document was already observing neardestitutionamongthelabourerswas already of observing West Sussex: themselves’. rapidlymultiplying,andincreaseare fasterthantheyare very abletofeed brought severe weather fl badtimesof1817. uctuations,most notablyinthe very or industrialiststoemploy andfeedthedemographicincrement. Nature also the British Isles: numbersrose regardless everywhere ofthecapacityfarmers tected by tariff demandforfoodstuff was maskedby enhancedwartime lation growth were notyet clear, andunderemployment intheagriculturalsector it affrural districtssuchas ected Sussex. Th Young registered thecriticaltransition,butslightlyaheadofitsdeepestcrisis,as poverty amongthelabouringclasses,thoughnotyet incatastrophic proportions. reaping goodinfl prices. widespread atedwartime But hewasalready observing reporter Arthur Young, whotoured Sussex in1813whenfarmerswere still expense ofkeepingandmaintainingthepoorwasever more burdensome. county) there wasaloominglocalcrisis:theywere burdened by titheswhilethe Sussex. For of West thefarmersandgentry Sussex (theworst-off rose asemployment contracted. Sussexall inrural –butmostofallfortheagriculturallabourers whosenumbers sales, anddispossessionfollowed inrapidsuccession.Th 56 Th of thetypicalSussex labourer andhisfamily: gathering crisis,someofwhichwasexpressed insignalsofenhancedmobility. reported theworsenedstateofpoorandregion atlarge.Th ere wasa A decadelatertheradicaljournalist William Cobbettalsotoured theregion and In 1813–longbefore thecrisishadbecomefullymanifest–Arthur Young Th Arthur Young madethepointinbluntestterms:‘the peopleinthiscounty Nature, intheformofhumanreproduction, wasinfamouslyprodigal across broth andskimmilk. month, andonSunday, on whichdaywe hadacupoftea.Other dayswe had of thework onthefarm,sowere indulgedwith atasteofroast beefaboutoncea bacon alltheyear littleofthat. round, andsometimesvery We children didmost Talk aboutever tastingbutcher ’ s meat!It wasoutofthequestion. Cabbageand from insuffi ciencyofearnings,trainedtovice. their dress insuffi andtheirchildren cient,theirminds uneducated,uninstructed; community … Too manyoftheirhousesare theresidences offi much below thatconditionwhichtheymayreasonably expectinsowealthy a humanepersonwouldwish,and this classofpeopleis…inferior to whatevery oneoftheworking people lookedbackonthecondition Later inthecentury e districtwaswell documented,mostpenetratinglyby theagricultural 3 Th s andtheblockingofforeign imports. ey were alsooutgrowing employment inrural opportunities 6

2

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational e defi 5

nitive consequencesofthepopu- esewere hard times for pro- s, thecountryside lth andvermin; part ofthe part 4

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document large entourageincludinghisown labourforce. the biographerafterevent, butHenty abletotakewithhima wascertainly land’. lifeinanew go withhimtoanew Th isis,ofcourse,pure speculation by family tomigrate,hisshepherds wouldthankfully andstockmenservants land–‘Hein thenew that,ifandwhenthetimecamefor himandhis knew Th lands’, andgonealsowastheirself-respect andtheirsecurityfrom hunger. When peasant ’ s age-oldrightstograzefrom acowwaste geeseandcutturves andafew lot ofthe‘landlesspeasanthadlongbeenoneuttermisery’; gonewere ‘the term futures. Th eysoughtalandgrantand contemplatedtheprospect of his great migrationin1828. He in soldhisproperty West Sussex andhad commandofatleast£10,000for and Van Diemen ’ s Landandinsteadreached towards Swan thenew River colony. West Sussex andtherural south years. 1831. Small ofotherSussex parties migrantsalsoreached Swan River inthese bodies ofcapitalistmigrantswhowere drawnby theeasyavailability oflanduntil in Western Australia. Th ey moved towards Australiaratheraheadofthemain headed fortheextremely remote andimprobablecolonyofSwan new River of theHenty familyof Tarring in West Sussex who,attheendof1820s, proprietor classes:oneofthemostadventurous andrisk-takingversions wasthat enhanced by thediminishedlocalreturns after Waterloo. It aff ectedsomeofthe by ‘ anew psychology’, asearch forlandandbetterpastures, all Canada. But alsoemigratedtoAustralia afew –peoplewhowere aff prospects. some, theexperiencesofwaritselfhadturnedtheirmindstoalternative facedmuchloweredworkers andgentry pricesandshrinkinghorizons: and,for circumstances of West Sussex were notconfirural labourers. nedtothe Farmers, When conditionsworsenedaftertheendofFrench Wars thechallenging of allthemiddlinglandowners (liketheHentys) work force. andtherural Sussex oftheoldcommunitywere inwhichallparts lookingforescape,most tralia. unattractive; manyofthisclassemigrated,includingasurprisingfl personnelwhofoundconditionsofpost-warfarmingdeeply former military and owned inSussex. asubstantialproperty He of wasoneofaspecialcategory of seven sons andadaughter. Henty hadbeeninthearmyFrench Wars of thesocialsolidarityoldpaternalistregime Sussex. inrural omasHenty decidedtoemigratehehadnoanxietyaboutasupplyoflabour As emigrants,theHentys were thinkingofthe entire family andtheirlong- Th One optionwasemigration,mainlytoNorth Americaandespeciallyto One ofTh omas Henty ’ skeyadvantages intermsoflabourwashis ownfamily estandard biographyoftheHentys paintsapicture depression ofrural in 9 Henty madeapproaches, withoutsatisfaction,fi rstto New South Wales e options New 8 Th ismayhave beenameasure ow toAus- ected 7 Th 57 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document out thedistrict. and theUnited States were publishedinaslimvolume whichcirculated through- and oftheultimatepropellants amongindividuals. are theclosestwe are likelytogetthe ground-level ofemigration particulars prompted themtoleave Sussex andotherplacesintheseyears, such documents act ofemigration.Althoughtheyspeaklessdirectly aboutthemechanismsthat grated. Th eselettersexposedtheirpersonalexperiencesaboutextraordinary some ofthebestavailable evidencedirectly from thepeoplewhoactuallyemi- manner inwhichtheywere editedby theirpublishers.Nevertheless theycontain Such documentswere alwaysdubiousintheirauthenticity, andalsointhe to emigratewasthepublicationoflettersfrom emigrantswhohad gonebefore. agrarian community. unambiguous expressions ofthetighteningcircumstances circling aboutthe Th on poorrateswouldeaseifenoughpeoplelefttheirparishes,even toemigrate. ers seekingtodiminishtheburdens ofpoorrelief. Th the United States. Th eseschemes were led bylocalphilanthropists andlandown- to promote theemigrationofpoorpeoplefrom Sussex, mainly toCanadaand Th as well inAustralia. Th e Hentys eventually sailedfor SwanRiver in June1829. sons withtheiralternative chancesinIndia. He believed hewouldsucceedtwice multiplying theircapitalintenyears. In hiscalculationsHenty madecompari- 58 Th great dynastyincolonialAustralia. event ofa allbutoneoftheHenty success,part sonsemigrated,withvarying William, stillinSussex, thathe‘would beablockheadnotto emigrate’. In the and breeders ofsheepandhorses.In 1837Th and elsewhere, anddidremarkably well. By thelate1830stheywere great whalers looked eastwards andbecamepioneersinPortland inthePort Phillip District, outcome, the West Australian experiment wasnotsuccessfulandsoonthey stores forthefuture settlements’. Th ey were entitledto84,000acres. But,inthe expense’. Grevatt whohad‘sold hisfurniture andwent from Sullington athisown cheap …we are about4000milesfrom home’. Th ese were thewords of George and have agreat manyprivileges…It isvery pleasantandeverything isvery men andwomen:‘the buthired are help, notcalled servants girlsinthiscountry problem andthereon itsrural pushtoencourage migration. wasaconcerted emigration.Thfurther eirpublicationindicatedthat West Sussexwasfocusing any wayexcept forspellingerrors. Th ey were ofan clearlypart orttostimulate eff eschemesentailedsubsidiesfrom localparishfunds.Th ese reactions were eyhired the In 1832lettersfrom West Sussex peopletransmitted backfrom Swan River One ofthemosteff ective methodsofpersuadingthepoorandinsecure Much more commonintheyears before 1830were initiatives taken certain From Michigan foryoung cameletters whichdescribedjobopportunities 13

12 Caroline , ‘taking anumberofartifi cersandtheirfamilies, Th eemigrants’ letters,itwasclaimed,hadnotbeenaltered in 10

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational omasHenty toldhisthird son, 11 ey knew thatthepressure eyknew

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document sure not to send any lazy folks as this is not a country for lazy folks’.sure nottosendanylazyfolks asthisisnotacountry …forherewell furnishedandisnowcomfortable isplentytoeat…Be very sixpence. Afterlittlemore thanayear heowned acow andhogs,‘and ahouse emigrants recollected thathehadarrived inAmericawith onlytwoshillingsand urge thecommonpeopleofSussex tomigrateforeveryone ’ s benefi Th Religion andaccessibilitywere alsohighonthelistofpriorities: tions. Th to land,whichwasprobably thegreatest singleincentive propelling theemigra- are there’. He responded intheclearest terms:‘they are takencare ofhere, aswell asthey in theUnited States –‘isthere isanyrelief fordistressed families’ inMichigan? people. Th ushehadbeenaskedspecifi callyaboutthe treatmentofpoorpeople Wardens …forEver’. up allthathisMessuage orCottage Garden andPremises …tothechurch local Vestry by which,inreturn forhelpwiththepassagemoney, he‘did give for apassagewithhiswifeandsixchildren: hehadmadeanagreement withthe children. William Isted ofLindfi eldhadsoldhishouseandgarden inexchange composed ofseveral families,somewithninechildren, somewithfi West Sussex andtherural south eadvicefrom Michigan wasbluntandpractical: Th here tolive withoutwork. people say, aboutlettersbeingforged,foritisnouseofyour thinkingtocome I couldnotgetalittlepieceforSunday ’ s dinner… you mustnotmindwhat If you wanttolive, comehere, forIcanhave meatthree timesadaynow, where water. byterians, anduniversalists, androman catholics.…you cancomeallthewayby We have churches ofseveral kinds,baptists,methodists,episcopalians,andPres- a deedofthelandtousandourheirsforever. Indian corn…Land canboughtbeforsixshillingssterlinganacre … We have is cleared itwillbringcrops ofanykind,wheat,oats,barley, potatoes,or rye, hardvery toclear, butwhenit sort, there issomuchlargetimberonitofevery Th Another prominent preoccupation inthemindsofemigrantswasaccess One oftheSussex writers exposedthecentralprioritiesinmindsofthese of60emigrantshadleftAldingbournein1831–32forNewA party York, elandthatwe buyisourown, andourheirs’ forever …thelandisgood,but eletters were generallyencouraging, exercises inpersuasion engineered to eSussex emigrant inMichigan reported that: 14

t.One ofthe v o six or ve 59 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document emigrants: shipping forpoorpeople.Th them deepinthepsychic andsocialfabricofthesendingdistricts. was muchreinforced andmodifi and thedestinationofmigrantswasprimeengineemigration,butthis and working peopleinAmerica.He reported backtoSussex: He wasastonishedattheradicaldiff erences insocialbehaviourbetween farmers American emigrantshadbeensentfrom Storrington withthehelpofparish. poor rateswasapowerful incentive interests. tolocalproperty One ofthe emigrants, ineff ecttopaupers. eexpected reductioninthe burden onthe Th two lords’. to eatanddrink… We have eachgotusapairofboots,andwe feelhappyas I know whohasgotthebesthome…IlikeAmericabest;forhere isplenty ‘not wanttopersuadeyou tocome,butcomeifyou like,and stopifyou like; added theirown caveats. Typically oneemigrantfrom Sussex insistedthathedid thatisneedfulforbody and soul’.of everything forAmerica: ‘Th earliest ofthosewhodeparted prospective migrantsfrom Sussex, wascaptured words inafew by oneofthe bourn nearChichester, againrevealing aclearsetofpriorities: isfree’.country In February 1833,John wrote Harvey from Lysander toAldin- work willdowell by hislabourandbeasindependent afarmer…forthis 60 Th Another correspondent totheproblem ofproviding wasalert forthecostof room atthetablefor wholefamilytositdown, theirchildren sit by till the Master and Mistress and all thefamilyisatonetable,and ifthere isnot Th It isclearfrom theselettersthatthesimplewagediff erential between Sussex man illuseshischild,theywilltakeitawayfrom him,andsendittothehouse. dies andleaves theirfamilies,theyare senttothehouse,andtaken care ofifany want anywithoutsickness,butifwe are sick,there isahouseforus;orifman You allthoughtwe shouldhave notparish[assistance],northere isnot,nordowe we allsatatonetabletogether…forthelabouringmanwassaltofearth. Sometimes alocalSussex andprovided parishintervened assistancetopoor better off ,if you cangethere. I willpaydoubleinterest ifanyone willdoyou thekindness…you willbemuch passage over, andIwillpaythematitscost,assoonyou gettomyhouse,and know ofanyone comingtoAmerica?Ifgetthempayyour you do,you try I amsure thatyou wouldgetabetterliving,andeasier…Dear friends,doyou Writers ofcausingtoomuchexpectationandthey oftheseletterswere wary Another migrantreported from New York that‘any manthatishandy atsuch egeneraltoneoftheletters,publicationwhichwasdesigned tolure 16

is wasalwaysaseriousbarrier forprospective ed by lessmeasurableconsiderations,manyof e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational is is a very fi isavery necountry, plenty 15

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ever saw’. were atfi rst, sincesomeofthemhave beenshot,theyare thegreatest thieves I sensible,theyarewomen notsoblack,theyare notsotroublesome very asthey too,butalsoreported: ‘Th almost starved caught inanepidemicoftyphusfever inwhichtheirchildren haddied.Th in Sussex, in1829.Th eyfoundanawfullackofaccommodationand were soon the severe diffi cultiesthathadfacedthemigrantswhoarrived from Sullington, failure initsearlyyears, were more mixed. One letterbacktoSussex reported migrants. Th e from reports SwanRiver, closetototal acolonywhichcame very migration totheAustralian colonieswasaugmentedbyfl anew Emigration from Sussex toremote Australia wasriskier. In thelate1820sconvict seemed tooff much enhancedby assurancesofsocialandreligious benefi powerful emigrationfrom propellants Sussex. ofrural Th ey were factorsevidently ofeconomicbetterment,weresubsidised passages,andthenear-certainty [from Sussex] well’. …are doingvery colonyabadname.Butnew there was‘now nomore distress. Th e Gallopfamily indeed distress at fi rstandsomeidlepeople went backto England andgave the cheap [Women muchwanted]’. be raisingthemoney… Wages are enormousandthenecessities oflifevery ‘emigration hasitsfriends…Australia cantakeany number; thediffi was unusuallyclearmindedabouttheprospects ofemigrationtoAustralia: claimed: the new provinceclaimed: thenew ofSouth Australia (1836)explicitly excluded all had beendominant since1788.Now therespectability ofemigration waspro- economy whichoutgrew thelabour supplyprovided by theconvictsystemwhich cially withthecreation settlements andtheexpansionofantipodean ofnew was, theynever [would]stayinoldEngland’. to someoftheseepistles:thusoneconcluded,‘If peopleknowed whatAmerica Th West Sussex andtherural south e use of unorthodox spellingoridiomaticformsaddedasenseofauthenticity euseofunorthodox Another, lesscritical,letterfrom Fremantle in1831confi Authenticated andcredible informationaboutAmerica,theprovision of Th By foremigration inAustralia thelate1830s,opportunities widened,espe- belly. our use,andplentyoffi as we dohere, we housetolive have in,and agoodcow food,acomfortable for … IthankGod mywifeandInever inEngland foundourselves socomfortable they wouldassoonshakehandswithaworkman astheywouldwithagentleman workmen were there isnodistinctionbetween served; theworkman andhismaster, eDuke ofRichmond,notingthefi ndingsofthe Poor LawCommission, er. ring withoutbuyingfuel,we don ’ t gotobedwithahungery 18 vn Australia Even

e natives are littleblackmen,the 17

rmedthatthere was ts whichAmerica ow offree culty will culty ey 61 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document teenth century. Suggestibility, however, didnotmeanthat thepeoplefully resort by conditionsinsouthernagriculture ofthenine- inthesecond quarter Sussex in these years gave voice toan enhanced suggestibility, driven inthelast in the homecounty.opportunity Th was theacquisitionoflandand arelease from thepoverty, burdens andlackof planning andcareful organisationonthebest principles.Th Hack (1805–84)whoemigratedfrom Chichesterin1837. colonyofSouththe notableearlypioneersinnew Australia wasJohn Barton emigration. deriving itsrevenues from landsaleswhichwere channelledintoafundfor colonywasabletofithis new nanceassistedpassagestoworking emigrants, convicts andsoughtthebestofBritish emigrantstock.Most critically, however, 62 Th Capitalists, manufacturers, farmersandtradesmenalsofacedtheirown problems: emigrants. culation ofthebasicdiff Australia. Th erapeutichealthconsiderations were anadded elementinthecal- Quaker andhishealthproblems ofhismotivation mayhave towards beenpart problem of rural povertyproblem ofrural inthedistrictandacross thenation. in thecountry. Emigration wasonlyoneofmanycurrent solutionstothe Australia acknowledged thedeepandprevailing scepticismtowards emigration pressures andadvocacy. Henry Watson ’ s lectures inChichesteronbehalfofSouth was inasituationofextreme competitionforemployment: so numerous astoeatupeachother, ortoshoulder eachotherintothesea’. restrain theinclinationsofyoung menandmaidens…lestwe shouldbecome forsooth,to the biblicalinjunctiontoreplenish that‘itisnecessary theearth) criticaloftheeconomists,especiallyMalthuswas particularly whosaid( at ‘the recommenders ofspadecultivation’ andtherepealers ofthecornlaws;he Emigration wasthebestsolutionbutitawhichrequired great apprentice hisson,isperplexed by fi ndingalltradesequally overstocked. is puzzledtoknow where hecaninvest itwithoutlosses,anotherwhowishesto the competitionissogreat thattheirspiritsare lowered …A manwhohascapital he isbadlyclothed,scantilyfed,andhishouseindiff remuneration, andhisconditionisoneofpainfuldegrading poverty –that in exchange forfood andraiment:hehadtherefore towork harder forless so great thathehastosubmitlow wages,labourbeingallthathehastogive West Sussex wasevidentlyalive totheseopeningsinthemid-1830s.One of Th But Watson wasaware oftheawfulpoverty allabouthim,whenthelabourer epublicityinSussex foremigrationalsoshowed mixof theextraordinary 19

erential between homeanddestinationformanysuch elettersandpropaganda emanating from e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational erently furnished. erently ecentralaspiration 20 He wasawealthy 21 Wto scoff Watson 22

against ed Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document means ofconfronting thelaboursurplus’. when both‘emigration andallotmentswere complementary, notcontradictory North Americawhichcaptured someofthecircumstances oftheiremigration. emigrations andoncemore associatedwiththepublicationoflettersbackfrom glad togetridofthem.’ the poorcreatures; theywere sobadlyoff enough, thatthiscame‘from aselfi shmotive, togetridofthem,notbenefi men ’ latersaid,bluntly s allotmentsandemigrationtoCanada.Asupporter something isnotdonetostopit’. Egremont indeed promoted bothworking labourers have eatenmeup…andtheywillsooneatyour lordship up, if his titheandtoldtheEarlofEgremont in1831atPetworth: ‘my lord, these the 1820s.Th were earlier),andeventually involved about1,800people. enterprise wasaspecifi labourercondition oftherural wasatthecentre ofthetrouble, andthePetworth in West Sussex gave intenseurgencytoalleff to orts reduce localpressures. Th agricultural counties andthatthesetwocounties showed higherratesof uptake suggests thatSussex andKent grantedmore parishassistancethanmostother for emigrationtoCanadaon thisbasis. the entire economy. rural middleofagreat transition,indeeda‘discontinuity’very whichwas overtaking them tothispass–theydidnotnecessarilyunderstandthatstoodinthe comprehended theongoingchangesinframeworkoflifewhichhadbrought West Sussex andtherural south enforced toNew emigrationby transportation South Wales. were three brought tocourt, were sentencedtodeath,andseventeen were given close focusandalarmedthenationatlarge.Fifty-two oftheSussex protestors long aftertheCaptainSwing events whichbrought conditionsintheregion into southernEngland,was aninitiative not whichcoincidedwiththecrisisinrural designed tocreate afl owing channelofmigrationfrom West Sussex toCanada. It Egremont (1751–1837),thewell-known andimmenselywealthy philanthropist, Th biggest andbestco-ordinated organisationwasknown asthePetworth Project. crisis. Localinterests girded themselves toengineeracommunalresponse: the attention onthepossibilityofusingemigrationasamajorsolutiontorural Th iswasaschemeoftheearly1830s,underaegisGeorge Wyndham, Earlof eemigrantletters, togetherwithworseningconditionsinSussex, concentrated Th Th Th Charlotte Erickson ’ s detailedresearch intoemigrationratesin1831and1841 eemigrationsolutionhadbeenrife,especially intheyears attheendof ePetworth schemeextendedover theyears 1832–37 (thoughitsorigins esewere strategiesusedintandemSussex inthediffi eRev. Sockett wasdistressed by theburden ofpoorratesleviedon c response tothesecircumstances. 25

hlnhoy intervenes Philanthropy 26 thattheywishedtogo,and we were Egremont launched hismajorscheme 24 Th cultpost-wartimes 23 esewere plebeian Th eSwing crisis 63 e t Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document emigration andfree passages–ratherthan‘unique distress’. was probably theresult more ofbetterinformation–thesefolkknew about increased atlarge).Th especial responseof Sussexand Kent,argues Erickson, atthattime(whentherateofemigrationwasmuch to theopportunities England –indeedmostofthepoorerrural agriculturalcountiesdidnotrespond Kent were perhapsmore acclimatisedtotheideaofemigrationthanmost of subsidisedemigrationtoAustralia in1841.Th ruralpeopleof e Sussexand 64 Th relief from theparish’. Consequentlyitwasmoved that 1832 the Vestry meetingagreed to‘encourage theemigrationofpersonsreceiving Th from homeandkindred, foremigrantswouldbeineasyreach oftheirfriends’. at thepresent day, andowing tothepower ofsteam,itwasnotlikebanishment people. AstheMayor ofReigate declared in1870,‘Emigrating wasmuchneeded urging emigrationastheremedy for‘deep-rooted distress’ amongtheworking dismal inthecomingdecades.Thnewspapers years laterlocalwere usforty still uneven, andpoverty alonewasnot aprecipitant ofexpatriation. the rateofBritish emigration wasrising. Indeed, despitethe progress ofindustrialisation, andeven risinglivingstandards, Vestry, CharlesBarclay, proposed: to theideaofcreating employment withintheparish.Th the bestsolutionwastoreduce populationby emigration,as opposed therural girded itselftotacklethe root causeoftheproblem. and several farmssuff ered from incendiarismin1830. elocalparish vestry Th time oftheSwing Riots.Th ere were attacksonameetingatthe RedLion Inn Surrey, destitutionwasconnectedtoseriousboutsofsocialprotest atthe rural both violenceandemigration.Th poverty unemployment. andstructural Sometimes thelocalresponse turnedto Th England echoedtheproblems ofrural of Conditions inotherparts West Sussex. ebestanswer to this problem wasregarded asemigrationandinFebruary ere were many instances ofasimilarresort toemigrationasapanaceaforrural labourers from anyfuture increase inemployment inthisparish, theonlymode there isnoprospect ofany improvement inthe conditionofthesesupernumerary considerableexpensebeyondworks thevalue ata very ofthelabour. have tobe constantlyunderthenecessityofemploying agreat manyuponpublic required forthecultivation ofthelandandforotherpurposes,thatoverseers the numbersoflabourers inthisparishhas formanyyears farexceeded thenumber Sussex,Conditions inrural despitesubstantialout-migration,remained Unemployment washighinDorking andthegeneralassumptionwasthat Th econstraintsofpoverty usinDorking, intheneighbouringcountyof e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational e Chairmanofthe 27 Emigration was 28

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document parish-assisted emigrationplayed arelatively smallrole. poverty.rural In thelongrecord English emigration, ofnineteenth-century simply tooexpensive tomakeasuffi small corner of the rural world anditschallengesintheearly nineteenthcentury.small cornerof therural especially vulnerable. wasunabletoreach run, theneediest. least intheshort Emigration, at underlying andcontinuingtransformationofthecountryside. sector andtheaccumulatingcongestionofpopulationcaughtin schemes were more signifirural cantinexposingthefundamentalproblem ofthe edged asacriticalimpedimentinthegrandschemeofevacuation. left forCanadaunderthescheme.Th government projects inUpper Canada. About tofi forty ftyoftheparishioners reported that5,000laboursweretember 1835localnewspapers soughtfor was littledoubtaboutthedemandforlabourinCanada–instanceSep- most andwasexplicitlydesignedtoreduce theburden ontheparishrates.Th were soonoff eringtheirservices. e Dorking schemein1832waslargerthan Th the emergingphaseofmassemigration.Emigration agents,inquickresponse, parishes adoptedthesamesystemin1830sandfacilitatedaminorfl the Vestry institutedaschemetoassistthosewillingemigrate.Several other West Sussex andtherural south so thaninthemanufacturingdistricts,even inthetroubled 1840s. and Dorking continuedtobe heavilyburdened by pauperism andmuchmore Despite several well organisedandco-ordinated emigrationschemes, West Sussex or asaslumdemolitionscheme,itmightsuddenlyrouse publicconcern. commonplace atalltimesandwhenittookacollective form,asin aclearance tenure wasthebaneoflifeatalllevels. Eviction atthewhimofalandlord was failed. Th community.equal totheneedsofrural Even ofpaternalismhad thebestsort dence ofthedemoralisedstate ofthelabouringpoor. None were ofthenostrums 1834, Petworth remained fullofpaupersandthere wasmuchcontinuing evi- exercise ofpaternalism. Yet whenexaminedby thePoor LawCommissioners in envisaged large-scaleoutfl ows. Emigration was regarded asanarmofthegeneral results. Th esubstantialemigrationsubsidisedundertheEarlof Egremont had Cost indeedwastheessentiallimitationofemigrationpanacea–it Rural deprivation wasanational problem and West Sussex wasmerely one Much more commonwastheindividual ousting,towhichpauperswere as are willingtoemigratewiththeirfamiliesourcoloniesinNorth America’. of aff ording thempermanent relief is by givingencouragementtosuchofthem Since thecostsofemigrationwere normallybeyond theresources ofthepoor, Th e ambitiousandwell-intentioned Petworth schemeproduced meagre e migratory adjustmentwasnot enough. e migratory 32 For thememigrationwas rarely anoption.Insecurity of ua crises Rural ecostswere high–andthiswasacknowl- cient dentintheunderlyingproblem of 33

31 In somewaystheparish 30

ow in ow 29 ere

65 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document upon theincrease ofManchester, andsuchplaces!’ employment waslost, ‘and yet you hearthe children, whooughttoprovide of theraiment,have nothingtodo’. part Th ‘Th had ‘fatal eff ects’ whoseconditionshechronicled sovividly: onthecountryside, thatthe‘powerasserted of districtsofSussex. outoftherural One He concernedthemigrationofindustry many unguarded claimsaboutthecausesofpoverty amongthelabouringpoor. When William Cobbetttoured thedistrictinlate1820shetypicallymade 66 Th Worcester) wasoneinwhich walksabroad inskin,boneand nakedness’.misery Glasgow, Paisley andotherHell-Holes of84degrees ofheat…[where] Mere And therefore there was‘no here, asatManchester, horriblemisery Leeds, tion of the old rural worldsobelovedtion oftheoldrural by Cobbett. making couldnotbe yet simplybecauseglove- available. Cobbett claimedthattheyhadsurvived wasnot whose work hadnotbeenindustrialised,essentiallybecausemachinery that age. and off of theglove makersofrural Worcestershire. Th iswasa variantonthe Sussexcase writing ofRyall in Worcestershire, drew acontrastwiththecontinuingvitality itwasindeedthereverse sideofthecoinindustrialisation. Cobbett, century: e country people lose part oftheirnaturalemployment. peoplelosepart Th ecountry ewomenand observing, thatIdo notrecollect tohave seenonemiserable objectinit. observing, at,ornear,misery Worcester; andIcannot takemyleave ofthiscountry, without ofthelifegoingoninhell-holes, therean absolutedestruction isnovisible cannotbesogreat; and,accordingly,wages; insuchcasethemisery whilethere is by femalesattheirown homes,andwhere theearnings comeinaidoftheman ’ s great where performed round about,andparticularly part, itis,inavery country manufacturing, ofwhichoneortwotowns are thecentres, isspread over thewhole needle orthewheel,whilemenandboys are attheplough,andwhere the manufacturing ismixed withagriculture, where thewifeanddaughtersare atthe now notupontheparish,mustinstantlybeparish. for theland.If thisglove-making were tocease,manyofthesewomenandchildren, live, inorder toraisethefoodanddrinkwool.Th isa great thing cottages, andamidstthefi eldsandhop-gardens where thehusbandsandsonsmust men; andthatwork is,by agreat ofthe womenandchildren, part doneintheir the handsofhumanbeings.It gives work towomenand children aswell asto carried onby fi re or by windor by water, andwhichis,therefore, carriedon by situation(as,forexample,inSussexCobbett believed thattheidealrural and Th Glove-making inthe Worcester region wasconductedmainlyby women, e loss of rural industry wasarecurring themethroughout thenineteenth industry elossofrural exposureers further districtsin oftheproblems facingsubstantialrural congregating manufactures’ intowns andcitieshad e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational jolterheads congratulatingoneanother 34 It ofthedegrada- wasallpart 35

eir Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document reversed. But populationgrowth itisclearthateventually rural wasminimisedandthen is unrecorded whethereithercrisiswastransmitteddirectly intoemigration. Worcester and West Sussex were parallelexamplesoftheessentialproblem. It communitieswererural situatedonfragileagriculturalandindustrialplinths. tralia. Th Piggotts (from twelve tothirty-three years ofage)emigratedtoSydney inAus- in New South Wales. Between 1848and1858twelve ofhiscousins,allyoung helped themtofi llouttheformsetc’. From Clavering, George Kemp wasalready aged thepoortoleave, seeingthere likely wasnothingforthem here –hevery the poorest ofEngland. Th parts elocalschoolmaster, itwas reported, ‘encour- in North AmericaandAustralia remained hazardous undertakings. ated, thoughstilldiffi Th cultformostpoorfamiliesinthecountryside. suff adjustment by meansofmigrationwasrarely prompt immediate enoughtoavert sequences ofrapidgainsinproductivity andintensifyingcompetition.Th growth dependentonaneconomic systemwhichfacedtheparadoxical con- West Sussex and Worcestershire exemplifi ed the perilsofrapidpopulation repeated across theindustrialsectorsofBritain ’ out-migration wasrecorded world. s rural inthefollowing censuses.It much wasastory out oftheglove trade;thelocalpopulationgrowth rapidlydeceleratedand many manufacturers around Worcester were orvoluntarily moved bankrupted mic decline. restrictions.import Th 1820s, Huskisson attheBoard of Trade moved toreduce andthenabolishthe and theoutwork wasmainlydoneonapieceworkbasis.Afterthe war, inthe mechanise. Glove-sewing waswomen ’ labour force intheoldrural s work, crucial whichwasdiffi leather andsilkinasmall-scale,craft-basedindustry rawmaterialsof labour intensive andskilled,itdependedonimported and Yeovil, risingtoperhaps65,000in1826,mainlywomen.Glove-making was in 1790.In boomsome30,000were thewartime employed around Worcester Cobbett ’ s choiceofglove makingasabenignexamplewasunlucky. ally relocated handicraftactivityintourbanfactories. the generaldangertofemalelabourpresented by industrialisation,whichgener- Th West Sussex andtherural south iswasaclassicdescriptionoftheoldsystemandCobbettperceptive about ering. In 1855 there wassubstantialemigrationoutofClavering inEssex,oneof By mid-century, emigrationfrom Sussex hadbecomedecidedlymore habitu- During thecourseofthisdeclinemanypeoplemoved outoftheindustry; Glove-making hadexpandedrapidlywhenFrench glove were imports banned is wasafi neexample ofelaboratechain migration, themechanism 37

e eff ect was devastating and the industry fellintocataclys- ect wasdevastating andtheindustry i-etr migrants Mid-century 36 But, intheoutcome, 38 Often, the e frontiers ut to cult 67 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Britain. of life,manifestationsamuch largerdiscontinuityre-shaping mostofrural features, there were underlying structures whichwere shifting thefoundations schemes. employed by manyemigrants,often in conjunctionwithcolonialassistance 68 Th surgeon ’ negative. s report wasvery onthevoyage;and seven births smallpox wasrife,showing forty-fi Suff came from thesoutherncountiesofHertfordshire, Cambridge,Middlesex, and manyoftheadultswere illiterateandmostlyagriculturallabourers. Th Th would beusefulasservants. to thepresent wantsoftheColony’. Th efemaleshadalsobeen wellselectedand Mechanics suchasCarpentersandStone Masons asaclassmostadmirablysuited Labourers selectedfrom AgriculturalCountiesinEngland aswell asafew report inAugust 1855said,‘Th eyprincipallyconsisted ofa fi nebodyof Farm aboard the agricultural labourers andmechanicsrecruited in1855forAustralia, departing forces inurbanBritain. adjustment andnow thepropulsion ofemigrationseemedtorespond tonew ing urbaninorigin.Emigration inthegreat hadplayed apart andcontinuing fell intoabsolutedeclineand,by the1870s,mostBritish emigrationwasbecom- with greater accuracyandimmediacythanever before. Eventually sector therural the pulseofeconomicactivityinplacesdestination,now reported home essentially localstory, aSussex narrative. of theemigrants,from pauperstoexiting locallandowners. It becomesan circumstance infullforce, theresponse oflocallandowners andthementalities Yet there isampleevidencethat West Sussex witnessedthepressures oflocal underemploymentrural andactualemigration–neitherisproperly measureable. as we have seen. Australia eff madeextraordinary fortheir –somefrom orts recruitment Sussex on bothscores – yet theywere inhighdemandtheplacesofdestination. favoured thosewithadegree ofliteracy. Agriculturallabourers were disadvantaged Scheme.Emigration favouredworth thosewhohadthebasicmeansanditalso as we have seen,inthelocallyassistedgroups suchasthosehelpedby thePet- may becausedby therelatively low rateofmigrationby suchclasses–except, among theletterwriterswhosecorrespondence enlivens thesubject.In this part agricultural labourer –isthemostdiffi Th Th Th It wouldbeextremely diffi culttodemonstrateanexactcorrelation between olk, Kent, , Essex,Sussex andLondon.Th ere were deaths fourteen ePiggotts were ofagroup immigrants,mainly of375English part rural erateofemigration responded to todiverse conditions butmostcertainly eclassmostaffl 39

Constitution inFebruary ofthatyear. Th eAgentfor Immigration ’ s ictedby theturmoilinagrarianBritain intheseyears –the eimmigrantswere mostlyChurch ofEngland and cult toidentifyamongthedepartees e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 40 Nevertheless beyond thespeciallocal ve cases;the ey Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document to emigratewhichwassignalledinthe1820s. changes whichwere alsoexpressed inadecisive discontinuityinthepropensity bigger leap, totheUnited States andthecolonies. during thecentury. Moreover, aswe have seen,otherswere makingamuch towns movement –itwasmostlyarural-to-urban thoughtheradiiincreased villagers migratedlessthantenmilesinthefi was thereafter inabsoluteaswell asrelative decline.Most ofthedeparting By populationofEngland and 1861therural Wales hadreached itspeakand West Sussex andtherural south conditions continueduntilmid-century. out-migration, subsidisedadjustmentsinthePoor Lawandemigration.Th disorder verging onsporadicviolence,ofwidespread desperationandhunger, of malaiseproducedlabour market clearsymptomsofstress andrural –insocial transformation beneath.Th employment Cyclical opportunities. downturns were overlaid onthestructural grip ofacrisisexcess labouratatimewhenforces conspired toshrink costbeenlower.had theentry intermittently ameasure ofeconomicconditionsandwouldhave beengreater was impededby thecostsofpassagesoverseas. Emigration therefore wasonly emigrated withoutthisassistance,whichsuggeststhatthepropensity toemigrate were fundedby theircharitableparishes.It isclearthattheycouldnothave and spokeforothersintheirclass;thepoorwhowent totheUnited States theHentys crisisisstraightforward: the rural were explicitintheirmotivation the globe. preclude thereality ofemigration feedingtheupsurgeofpopulationsacross Kent. Londonofcoursewasthemostlikelydestinationbutthis didnot were more likelytomigrateoutofsuchcommunitiesas West Sussex and exitwithinBritain.current wasmuchsmallerthantheprimary Women neither internalnorexternalmigrationare well recorded buttheemigration 2 See J.P. Dodd, ‘Agriculture inSussex andtheCorn Lawlobby’, 1 usx ovcs icuig ahn bekr, et tivs n pahr, fi poachers, and thieves petty breakers, machine including convicts, Sussex 1 West Sussex community inthe hadexhibitedclassicsymptomsofarural As fortheSussex emigrantsdepictedinthischaptertheirconnectionwith 2 (1980). 2 History Southern (1989), esp. 53–8;alsoJ.Chapman, ‘Th enclosures of eparliamentary West Sussex’, 2nd edn,1984). Transportees from West Sussex, 1675–1889 (Chichester: West Sussex CountyCouncil, toAustralia.the listsofthosetransported See AlisonMcCann (ed.), econvergence ofpopulationgrowth anddiminishing ua escapes Rural Notes 42 Th eywere symptomsofunderlying rst instanceandusuallyinto 41 Th e exactfi 11 History Southern Emigrants and grs for gures gured in gured ese 69 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 70 Th 1 M Bset ‘et, Th ‘Henty, Bassett, M. 10 11 Th 1 1 22 ALecture onSouthAustralia …by Henry Watson (London:Offi 2 ceoftheColonization 2 Brighton Patriot , 3May 1836; e e S 1 2 Brighton Patriot , 6June 1837,5Feb. Iola 1837.See alsothefamilyhistory: Hack e e S Hampshire Telegraph 0 11. 2 , 27July 1835. chapter below, See 19 Offi Record Sussex West the in papers from Quoted 18 First Report from theCommissionersonPoor Laws , Appendix C,PP1834, 7 1 18. p. Ibid., 16 16. p. Ibid., 15 9. p. Ibid., 14 7. p. Ibid., 13 LettersandExtracts ofLettersfrom Settlers attheSwan River andintheUnited States 2 1 6 r Jn Cbe Uwn Th Unwin, Cobden Jane Mrs 6 Th David by Quoted 5 4 (London, AGeneral View oftheAgriculture oftheCountySussex Young, Arthur 3 Rural changeinSussex isoutlinedinBrian M.Short, ‘Th ruralsociety echanging 7 ane ast, Th Bassett, Marnie 7 9 e, o eape Crsie rgt Wellington Wright, ’ Christine example, s Men inAustralia for (Basingstoke: Pal- See, 9 Ibid. 8 tion: itwasa‘a background ofmisery’ (Ibid., p. 1). peopleinSussexargues thatrural were inanawfulconditionwhichcausedemigra- the nineteenthcentury’ (Chichester: West Sussex Record Offi ce,1983, p.1).Th family improved themselves by emigrationtotheUnited States inthefi rsthalfof (Gloucester: AlanSutton, 1983),pp. 157–61. and economyofSussex, 1750–1945’, in 1813), p. 402. . 155. p. grave Macmillan, 2011). sity Press, 1954),pp. 1–2. (Carlton, Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1966). Commissioners for South Australia, 3rd edn, 1838). Flying Post , 29 Nov. 1838. oftuberculosis intheemigrationdecision. importance gested signifi cant Quaker connectionsthrough tothe Wakefi Wakefi eldfamily, andalsothe Town: (Kent and theEarly Days ofSouthAustralia Mathews and ChrisDurrant, 2008), p. 7. McIntyre, 157–8 to theirFriends inthe Western ofSussex part (Petworth: J.Phillips, 1832). Press fortheBritish Academy, 1997),pp. 220ff Village 1812–1837 , editedby J.E.andP.A. Crowther (Oxford: Oxford University of theSussex letterssee Immigrants , pp. 33–4.For afascinatingcontemporaneousreaction tothepublication eimpactofletterssenthomewards atthistimeisdiscussed by Erickson, . Th Mrhn Women Merchant ’ s e eHentys: An Australian Colonial Tapestry omas, ‘Th omas1775–1839’, Th e Diary of Robert Sharp ofRobert ofSouthCave: eDiary Life ina Yorkshire e Hungry Forties (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1904), eextent towhichthe West Sussex labourer andhis Chequered Lives: John Hack Barton andStephen Hack Morning Chronicle , 24Nov. 1838; (Spit Junction, NSW: AnchorBooksAustralia, e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Sussex: Environment, LandscapeandSociety Australian ofBiography Dictionary , vol. 1 . ce by Elizabeth Rushen andPerry

eld Press, 2013);thissug- (Oxford: Oxford Univer- Trewman Exeter ’ s Invisible omas Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 25 Th 5 2 Offi Record Sussex West 24 Captain Swing Rudé, Penguin, (Harmondsworth: 1969), G. and Hobsbawm E. See 23 West Sussex andtherural south 3 Wlim Pitt, General View oftheAgriculture oftheCounty Worcester William 37 in ‘Women Richards, Eric see economy industrialising the in women of role the On 394–5. 36 pp. Rural Rides, Cobbett, 35 Rural Rides Cobbett, Penguin, (Harmondsworth: 1967),pp. 117–18. William 34 Paternalism inEarly Victorian England Roberts, (London:Croom Helm, David See 33 Emigration andtheLabouringPoor: Australian Recruitment in 32 Haines, Robin See 31 See, forinstance,thepauperlettersquotedinJoanne McEwan andPamela Sharpe Hampshire Telegraph , 28Sept. 1835.Positive reports ofthePetworth emigrantswere 0 3 2 Jdt Hl, ‘Th Hill, Judith 29 British Immigration totheUnited States (ed.), Vugt Van E. William in Quoted 28 LeavingEngland Erickson, , pp. 189ff 6. 27 chapter below, See 26 1837. Queen ’ s University Press, 2000).See Labourers’ Lettersfrom Upper Canada inthe1830s Kingston: McGill-Queen ’ s University Press, 2000),and ing Emigration toUpper Canada: Th and e Petworth Project, 1832–1837(Montreal Canada 1832–37.Much ofthishasbeenpublishedin Wendy Cameron, Journal ofPeasant Studies 10(July 1983). and Brian M.Short, ‘Social changeandsocialconfl England’, ictinnineteenth-century county atthetimeofCaptainSwing, seethedebatesummarisedinDennis R.Mills pp. 111ff ,309. On thecomplicatedsocialanddemographiccircumstance across the Ashgate, 2003), pp. 174ff . –thereOutworking continuedintothetwentieth century Industrial ClustersandRegional Business Networks inEngland, 1750–1970 tages andvulnerabilityofaregional industry’, inJ.F. Wilson andA.Popp (eds), 1813), p. 277;Richard Coopey, ‘Th e Britishglove industry, 1750–1970:the advan- propensity tomigrateoremigrate. it isdiffi culttoassesstheimpactofwomen (Hatfi in Industrial England ’ swork trends onthequestionof 337–57. Th ischallenged by reverse arguments in Nigel Goose(ed.), the British economysinceabout1700:aninterpretation’, Emphasis in original. 1979), p. 128,andchap. 4(generallyonSussex). (eds), Britain andIreland, 1831–60 (London:Macmillan, 1997). 6 June 1837; agricultural labourers, seekingrecruits forthecolonies. circulated atatimeoflocaladversity inSussex; lecturers travelled amongthedistressed History 30(2008),195–6. Chatto, 2009),pp. 283–4. Volume 4: andIndustry,1776–1914 . 1860–1914 (London:Pickering and vol. 17(1837),p. 3. omas Sockett before Accommodating Poverty (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). Hampshire Telegraph , 26March 1838. eimmediatereaction totheSwing RiotsinSurrey, 1832–4’, ce, Chichester:materialrelating totheemigration , P . P. P. Select Committeeon thePoor LawAmendment Act , eld: LocalPopulation Studies, 2007).Given thisdisunity, . Hampshire Telegraph , 20Sept. 1835;24April (Montreal andKingston:McGill- Brighton Patriot , 3May 1836, History 59(October 1974), English Immigrant Voices: Women Work ’ s (Aldershot: (London, Southern Southern Assist- 71 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 72 Th 42 Th 2 4 Victorians ontheMove: Research intheCensus (ed.), Mills Dennis instance, for See, 41 40 Within Sussex there were Humin stillmore localvariations andexceptions. Hopes: Th Th ofCharles e1855Diary Moore, English Immigrant to Australia on 9 3 38 Conditions inthenearby Gloucestershire woollenmills,insteepdecline,were not 100. London andtheSouth inthemid-nineteenthcentury’, movements intoSussex. W.A. Armstrong, ‘Some counter-currents ofmigration: of migrantsoutSussex inthedirection ofLondonwere countered partly by reverse nmrtr’s ok, 1851–1881 Books,(Oxford: Mills Historical Computing,1984). Enumerator ’ s 76–96. pp. Sussex’,work inagriculture innineteenth-century inGoose (ed.), emphasis onlocalvariations inNicola Verdon, ‘Hay, women hopsandharvest: ’ s any attempttodrawbroad propositions from theaccount.See, forinstance,the 2005). the Constitution , editedby Rob Wills (Port Lookout,Queensland: Pigface Press, Bisley Migration andthe Voyage ofthe‘Layton’ 1837 (NSW: M.A.King,2012). 1830s. Tann, that several hundred localpeoplemadetheirwaytoCanadaand Australia inthe request’. See Jennifer Tann, Gloucestershire fortheweavers butunfortunately theyare notaclassofpersonsin 1830s thatthere was‘a great desire foremigrationamongtheworking classesin in Yorkshire produced great distress, especiallyamongwomen. It wasreported inthe dissimilar: volatility andcompetitionfrom themore eff pp. 132–3,249. Britain (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1930),vol. 1,pp. 183–4,vol. 2, were still10,000in1907.See alsoJ.H.Clapham, echanges were never unidirectional andmigrationitselfwasambiguous:thefl Gloucestershire WoollenMills , pp. 56–60.See alsoMaurice A.King Gloucestershire WoollenMills , p. 60.Nevertheless itisclear e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational An Economic ofModern History ectively industrialisedmills History Southern 12(1990), oe Work , Women ’ s is endangers ows , Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document their fellow migrants,were barely conscious. spread experience ofeconomicchange,whichtheythemselves, likemostof people togetherinthegreat diasporasoftheirtimes.Th ey were ofawide- part lifewhich eventuallyintrinsic tothebroader brought transformationsofrural largecomponentsofthegreater jigsaw.which constitutevery Th and inescapable.Th move from therest oftheBritish Isles, perhapsfrom Europe ingeneral,isstriking that ‘Nature doesnotmakealeap’. theological andmildlyhistrionic. Alfred Marshall, theeconomist, wasadamant into thedistantpast.Th usually continuous,sequentialandgradual,withoriginsalways receding deeply of manyregions oftheBritish Isles. Th heightened externalmobilityamongthepeoplesofBritish Isles inparticular. out ofwestern Europe andalsointhesearch forageneralexplanationofgreatly of mind.Th localreasonsparticular andspecialcircumstances, oftendeeplypersonalstates continents. Th jigsaw puzzleofinternationalmigrationthatstretched across centuriesand Th ties, notablyto the‘Pilgrim Fathers’ voyaging toNew England inthe1620s. before ColumbusopenedtheAtlantic prospect andgave entirely opportuni- new emigration caneasilybepushed backwards almost indefi a universal tendencyinallhumanexistence. In theBritish casetheorigins of isinvolves ahistorical ‘discontinuity’ intheexperience whichcanbeobserved eIsle ofMan and West Sussex storieswere minusculepiecesoftheintricate Th Yet theseemigrants were notunique,and theirsimilaritieswithpeopleonthe History generallyabhors‘discontinuities’ –socialandeconomicchangeis esepeoplewere attheopeningstageineventual riseofmassmigration eyare frequently fascinatingindividualnarratives. e Manx andSussex peoplewholeftBritain inthe1820shad ey belong in certain rural categoriesofeconomicmigration rural eybelongincertain enotionofaspecifi cnew ‘genesis’ soundsimprobably Th e discontinuity Continuity? 1 Andsuchissurely thecasewithmigration, 5 nitely, indeedlong eywere also Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the species’. inhabitants,buttothemultiplicationof ofnew to thecontinualimportation hundred years inEurope: ‘Nor’, Smith added,‘isthisincrease principallyowing colonies inNorth Americadoubledwithintwodecades,compared withfi the demographicworld. remarked thatthepopulationofBritish By 1776thereproductive achievements oftheseexpatriateswere of themarvel course, parallelmovements ofIberian peoplesintosouthandcentralAmerica.) created thefoundationpopulationsofAmericancolonies.(Th ere were, of were repeated movements from oftheislandswhich,takentogether, various parts century, butmostsignifi cantlyfrom the1620s. thereIn thefollowing century for mostintendingmigrants. protection toemigrants,butinreality tomakeemigrationmuchtooexpensive introducing thePassenger Act of1803, ostensiblytoprovide humanitarian creating alarmin theHome Offi of publicanxietyin1801whenthere were thousandsofapplicationstoleave, theemigrationflseriously interrupted ows, thoughthere paroxysm wasafurther determinants were themselves becomingmore broadly basedacross thenation, greatly improved andbetter streams transport ofinformation. But theunderlying much more generalisedandsystematicoutward movement, by articulated partly conditions. Later, inthe1820s,phenomenonseemedtocoalesce intoa were localisedandsporadic,driven connections andspeciallocal by particular rupted by theAmericanRevolution.rupted holding’. bitterness asanattemptby thelandlord orhisagenttoturnatenantoutof acceptable termswasthecauseofdeepumbrage–‘Nothing created somuch tenure were centralinthisreaction tothetimes.Th e refusalto aleaseon renew foundly dissatisfi their roots andfacedthehazardous Atlantic crossing iftheyhadnotbeenpro- remarked, ‘itisimpossibletosupposethatsomanythousandswouldhave cut Ulster whichwasmostlikelyanexpression oflandpressure. AsJ.C.Beckett after. Th ere upsurgeinthelate 1760s,notablyfrom hadbeenapreliminary tained movements and onthescaleachieved atthe endofeighteenthcentury redemptioners, manyScots,Ulster Irish andCornish;butthesewere notsus- thousandsoftheGermanmany othercontingentsinthefollowing century: the kingdom. acceleration andtheeffl continuity inemigrationbuttheevidenceisambiguous.Th unclear. Th e years 1768to1776mayhave marked anearlierfundamentaldis- scaleinemigrationfrom oftheBritish andanew various parts start Isles, remains 74 Th Th Th Th Whether thiswasmerely aminorresurgence, oralternatively anentirely new ere were manyexoduses outoftheBritish Isles from theendofsixteenth e earlier emigrations from parts oftheBritishe earlieremigrationsfrom parts Isles before the1790s ere were manyharbingersofmassemigration–notonlythePilgrims but 3

2 Indeed Atlantic emigrationin1776wasfree-fall, severely dis- 4 Th ed withconditionsathome’. Rent increases andinsecurityof eAmerican War ofIndependence andthentheFrench Wars ux generatedseriouspublicalarminmanyplacesacross 5

ce. Th ce. egovernment responded duplicitously, e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ere wasevidentlyan ve ve Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document intervention. intervention. expression, by wayofcriminalcrises,artifi ciallysetinmotion by government middle ofthistransition:thesuddenfl ow to Australia from 1788wasapremature colonisation ofAustralia trans-Atlantic and thenew surgehappenedin placesinBritain,people outofrural someofthemreaching overseas. Th witness asudden outfl ow –forexample, at Benenden in Kent where in1825–26 the eff ects were especially pronounced insuchplaces. Individual parishesmight regions tothe outfl contributeddisproportionately ow ofemigrants;consequently decade 1841–51.Th the decade1821–31,to788,000 inthe1830s,andthendoubledagain the longnarrative: emigrationfrom theBritish Isles expandedfrom 274,000in gear, eventually into overdrive. Here wasthestrongest indicationofabreak in phenomenon Australia’. ofanyonethesettlements:Northhistory America,theCaribbean or, Ibelieve, these peoplefrom onecontinenttoanother, little canbeunderstoodofthe this movement ofpeoplecameaboutandwhatforces ordesires impelledordrew outstripped theothers’. He ageneralknowledge added that ‘Without ofhow anything attemptedby theRomans, Spain, France, theHabsburgs andfar Western history’. Th etransferofpeoplestopopulate Britain ’ speripheries ‘dwarfs the earlyBritish empire exceed anythingofthekindthathadoccurred before in ‘Th conditions, inadiff were nolongerindenturingthemselves, theywere leavingunderquitediff of awiderdiscontinuity. It signalledachangedpropensity toemigrate:people 1810, probably earlierthanlater. It likelythattheswifttransitionwaspart isvery character. in onewayoranother. Th e pattern,the very recruitment fl ow,hadchangedin larger numbersthanever before, asfree emigrants,mainlypayingtheirown way, Thto Americanemployersservitude. fortemporary ey now emigrated,inmuch stances, theBritish themselves ceasedtoemigrateundercontract,mortgaging across theAtlantic in theprevious twocenturies.In cloudedcircum- somewhat vehicle whichhadcarriedthemajorityofemigrants indenturing astheprimary emigration hadalsobeentransformed.Th scaleandintensity;thecharacterof expanded intoanastonishingnew circular reinforcement ofchainmigration. ofmigrationagentsandthespread ofpropaganda,intervention andthenthe the outfl ows promptsremained uneven –suchasthe andsubjecttoparticular ofthecountry.encouraging thejoiningtogetherofmanyparts Nevertheless Th e discontinuity emagnitudesofthepeopling,orre-peopling, process intheborderlands of By the1820sentire engine ofAtlantic expatriationshiftedintoahigher Th Bernard Bailyn wasmostadamantaboutthediscontinuityinAtlantic: In the1820semigrationfrom theBritish Isles resumed itscourseandthen ere wasashiftinthelevels ofmobilitywhichnow created majorfl 6 7 Th

isshiftoutofindentured emigrationhappenedbetween 1770and 8 But thediscontinuitywasanoverwhelmingly North American erent framework,and itwasamystifyingevolution. e expansionwasuneven across theBritish Isles andsome iswastherapidandtotaldeclineof ows of ows e fi erent rst 75 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document discontinuity. sources employed by CharlotteErickson. Th eonlyconcurrence isthatofthe verify and standindiametricoppositiontothework onsimilarfragmentary Th tion. Th e hadsuddenlyleapfrogged the Irish,heasserts, restoftheemigrants. England, which hespecifi callydiscountsassources massemigra- ofthenew and south-west Germany, withlittleaugmentationfrom eitherScotland or sudden increase Ireland intransatlanticmigration,essentiallyfrom northern cratic aspectofCohn ’ s contributionishisinsistencethatitderived from a costsandthepressuresing oftransport ofpopulationgrowth. Th Great Famine, andCohnconnectsthe‘jump’ inemigrationtothecheapen- States] becamelarge’. Moreover, thediscontinuityoccurred longbefore the average. It was‘the fi rsttimethe volume ofimmigration[intothe United jumped tomore than50,000perannum,atleastfi ve timesitshistorical yearly migration between 1827and1831–sothatby 1832theimmigrantvolumes that ‘mass migrationbegan’. He saysthere wasabreak intrend inAtlantic forcement totheclaimof‘discontinuity’ inthelater1820swhen,hedeclares, rative ofmobility. scepticism aboutthenotion of anyfundamentaldiscontinuityinthelongnar- ofthe historicalgeographerIanand theviews Whyte are typicalofmodern an assistedparishschemecausedfi fty-sixofthepoortoemigratefrom Benenden. there hadbeenuptoninetydaylabourers commonlyoutofemploy: in1831 76 Th mobility inthe process ofmodernisation),and pointed outthat‘Studies Zelinsky (whohadearlierproposed afundamental shiftintherateandscaleof and allcontainedinthecontextof great European famineofthe1840s,afterwhichmarket forces becamecrucial government subsidisationschemes,andthird, theexpulsive consequencesofthe of stable from 1688to1820,andthenfellrapidly);second,theintervention changes –fi rstthe costs(whichhadbeen reduction oftrans-Atlantic transport then constituted‘an amazingtransition’. Hatton and Williamson positthree key of internationallabour. Th Th transition’. Before 1820mostmigrationhadbeenslaves, convictsandservants. emigration wasnow increasingly madeupofsinglepeopleina‘spectacular ‘a regime changeinworldmigrations’ –inscale,compositionandfreedom. Mass after 1820when,theyclaim,‘global migrationschangeddramatically’. Th torians Hatton and Williamson. Th eyseeacleardiscontinuityinthedecades grant fl Th ese fi e transformed emigration was a manifestation of a new freely etransformedemigration wasamanifestationofnew adjustingworld is, however, washighlyunusualandatinycomponentoftheemergingemi- Th Th Strong forthe discontinuitythesiscomesfrom thequantitative support his- e AmericanscholarRaymondCohnhasalsoprovided emphatic rein- ere is,however, ampleremaining contentionamongthe migrationscholars, ows across thecountry. ndings, given theslipperiness ofemigrantstatistics,are diffi 12

13 He opposed thetraditionalinterpretations ofRavenstein and e discontinuity converted atrickleintofl ediscontinuityconverted laissez-faire . e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 11

e idiosyn- ood and ood ut to cult ere was 10 9

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Sussex experience. generalised systemsofmobility thatcanbeconnectedeven totheManx and relationships. Th usmigrants are organisedintostatisticallybasedcollectivities, acteristics, originsanddestinations, linedupandcorrelated toexposelikely statistical groupings. Th in trend. Th eoristsofmigrationtypicallycorrallargenumbersmigrants into ing onaglobalscale.Th eyquestafterpatterns and trends, especiallyfor breaks ofhumanmovement,calculators, whoseeklongtrends inthestory someoperat- camps ofhistoriansatwork: historiansarmedwithstatisticalambitionand of humanity. Linkingthetwoendsisaticklishproblem. Th ere are alsoother of scale,stretching from localcasestocontinent-widetransfersoflargenumbers prototypeisindeedamatter a new forthemodernworld.Migration inhistory Th of thepatchyhistoricalrecord. tion. Identifying thisdisjunctionismuchentangledincompetinginterpretations was avitaldiscontinuityinthestory, notovernight buteff ective withinagenera- heralded andpropelled theriseofmodernemigrationfrom the1820s.Th however, isthatthere wasindeedadecisive shiftofscale,achangepace,which tinuity andthegradualismofhumanbehaviour. Th tion was‘often adirect continuationofinternalmovements’. all migrationinthenineteenthcentury. Moreover Whyte believes thatemigra- exceptional. Moves ofmore thanfi ftykilometres accountedforamere fi drives ‘to schemes’. attractworkersfactory totheirnew Th ese, however, were owners conductedrecruiting distances inscopeandrange,thoughsomefactory pattern ofmobility’. Th marked increase inthevolume ofmovement noranymajorchangesintheoverall have demonstratedthatthere wasno trialisation (thelatenineteenthcentury) spanning theearlyphasesofindustrialisation…andmature phaseofindus- Th economy. tottering economyathome’, helpingtomaintainthetraditionalpeasant longer-distance migrationand‘the earnings…were usedtoshore up[the] still aworldofconstrainedmobility. Th labour created eriseofaseasonalharvest itwas isolationuntiltheendofnineteenthcentury: little changetorural as west Wales andtheScottishHighlands, hadpersistentnetlosses.Th most movement distanceandwithinregions. wasshort Onlyregions, afew such absolute declineattheendofnineteenthcentury. Th epatternwasstablebut suppliesofmigrantsfellinto internal migrationdeclinedonlywhentherural there waslittlechange:‘Migration wasubiquitouswithinBritish society’ – e discontinuity eBritish ofabiggerpicture, case isalsopart thoughwe contendthatitwas Th esenotionsgnawawayattheideaofsuddenbreaks inthehistoricalcon- 14 During industrialisationmostmovements ofpeopleremained small eyare arrangedintocategories according totheir char- eBritish, Whyte claimed,hadalwaysbeenmobileand oauais f mobility of Vocabularies econtention ofthisbook, 15

ere was fth of fth ere 77 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document America’. migrantscelebratedwith‘a toAmerica,andthedeparting outrush dance called an exultationamongpeopleseized by ‘an epidemicalfury’; there wasaraging considerable passion.Now, instead,emigrationhadbecomeanenthusiasm,even popularamongpeoplewhohadpreviously resistedvery theideaofexilewith Hebrides and West Highlands. At thatprecise timeemigrationsuddenlybecame and wasfamouslyrecorded by Boswell andJohnson ontheirgrandtourofthe was saidofremote ofScotlandinthe1770s communitiesinthenorth-west consumed by somecollective enthusiasm,amadnesseven. Th their homeland,village,andcommunity–asthoughtheyhadbeen Prospective emigrantswere oftendepictedaspossessedby a‘frenzy’ toleave mentalitywhichseemedtogripsuchasociety.dramatise thedisturbingnew Sudden causedcontemporariesto ofcollective migrationcertainly eruptions of ‘’ and‘exoduses’, whichlongagoentered theEnglish language. historical timehave alwaysproduced specialwords –mostwidelythenotions involved inthemyriadformsofmobility. Th out ofthehomelandintheirthousands settlements inNew Zealand inthe1840swere describedas‘seeping’ and‘oozing’ the midstofanemigration‘epidemic’. Migrants fromBritish Scotlandtothenew 78 Th hydraulic. to the necessary revolutions ofsocialchange. to thenecessary masses paralysedintheworld offeudalism,static,backward-looking resistance sioned by idiocy’ Marx inhisbluntimpatiencewith‘rural –immoveable human in thesoil.Th isstill panorama ofhumanexistencewasmostinfl long periodsofhistory, simplicity, caughtinarural boundedby tradition,rooted version. Th and grounded for isthemodelofhumanstasis,generallyinert very this narrative ofceaselesscontinuityrestless movement is the polaropposite centuries isseensimplyasalatter-dayepiloguetomuch longerdrama.Against nents underthecolonisingormigratingimpulse.Th it hasbeenonthemove, stretching fi toallcornersoftheearth, historical constantfoundinallsocieties.Ever sincehumanityevolved inAfrica, variable, even volatile. of emigration.Evidently therefore, thepropensity tomigratehadbeenhighly population andtheirrefusal torespond totheobvious benefi of theoppositepsychology, namelytheimmovable amongtherural inertia century, landedinterests ofBritain inmanyparts andEurope alsocomplained which takeholdofentire communitiespriortoemigration. Yet inthenineteenth frenzies, deluges,massdelusions,suggestingoddandcompulsive psychic states modernisation orindustrialisationimperialism orrevolution, was awidely Inevitably theseexercises vocabularies generatenew tocategorisethepeople Th Th Nevertheless theuniversality ofmigrationsuggeststhatitisafactlife, e vocabulary ofemigrationisfullsuchterms–manias,humours, e vocabulary e notion, that mostoftheworldwas staticbefore beingconvulsedby 16 Similarly Guernsey thosedeparting in1843were thoughttobein e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 17 –metaphorsofmigrationare often eshiftingtidesofhumanityover e story of the past few ofthe pastfew e story ts andincentives is,forexample, lling theconti- uentially envi- uentially Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document and Japan received AsiaandRussia. 46–51million migrantsfrom north-east On Meanwhile, inthesame century, territoriesin Manchuria, Siberia, centralAsia (with 4millionextrafrom Africa,Europe andMiddle Asia). Eastandnorth-east the South Pacifi c received about48–52million from India andsouthernChina Over thesameperiod,destinationsin South EastAsia,the and from Europe (with an extra2.5millionfrom India, China,Japan andAfrica). McKeown calculatesthattheAmericas received about55–58million emigrants the rounded numbershavefrom beenassayed.1840to1945 Over thecentury Th those ofPatrick Manning, whoscansglobalmigrationscovering 80,000years. Along thelongertimetablesofmigrationhistory, themostheroic inscaleare reached anunprecedented scale from the1830sonwards. people from across Europe thenumbersinvolved tothecallofAmerica.Certainly laissez-faire massmigrationacross theAtlantic, thegreat uprooting, activating as‘Thto elevate themid-nineteenthcentury eAgeof Migration’ –thetimeof ofmigration,atleast inAtlantic-centred history,history thetendencyhasbeen excitations. ofthepastthanitsshort-term In maybetruer the longrun as periodicity)tothepast.But cumulative, gradual,slow-moving changeover tipping pointsare more attractive phenomena,givingdramaandshape(aswell are turningand drabby contrast,evenin history thoughthisismostofhistory: emphasis oncontinuitiesinhistory. ofthesearch fortheoriginsofmodernworld, whichtendstowardspart an distance shifting.More common,however, were localisedmovements. Allthisis tions churningaway, exhibitingsurprisinglevels ofmovements, even long- have foundpopula- demographers reaching backatleasttothesixteenthcentury into modernmobilitywithinthepasttwocenturies.Social historiansand of mobilitynow seemsimprobable becausewe canidentifyunprecedented jumps began totakemeasures ofmobilityinpre-modern societies.Th egentle evolution diff Th emigrations. accounted forasmanymillionsofmigrantsthemuch better known Atlantic after 1846.He speculatesthat Asianmigration,mainlyoutofChinaandIndia, from theAtlantic, hasredrawn the map ofglobalmigrationduringthecentury Adam McKeown eastwards who,by switchingthe focusmuchfurther andaway ries. For themodernperiodmostcriticalinnovation hasbeenthework of time-frames,thoughstillcoveringmigration have adoptedshorter manycentu- those numberlessmillennia.Manning ’ s associatesinthestudyoflong-distance redistributed themselves from theirAfricanoriginsacross thecontinents,during e discontinuity esecover thegreat pre-historic shiftsof used assumption inhistoriographyuntil,aswe have registered, historians Accounting internationalmigrationisahazardous andambitiousactivitybut Yet historiansare drawntodiscontinuities,ruptures, revolutions. Continuities 18

og perspectives Long homo sapiens astheystretched and 79 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document have abetter existence’. says thatthiscoincidedwithageneralshiftinmentality, ‘a beliefthatonecould population growth inEurope: migrationandemigrationoff but alsoby thegeneraldemographictransition,whichledtounprecedented revolution transport rates istobeexplainednotonlyby thenineteenth-century ing tothechange.Th usLeslie Page Mochinsiststhatthejumpinmigration quence ofmodernisation,contendingthatthere were multiplefactorscontribut- Th historians have triedtoavoid theideaofamechanicalprocession ofchange. national mobility. interpretation of migrationbehaviourconnectedwiththeaccelerationofinter- society ontheothersideofAtlantic. Th ing democraticaspirationsandcreating theimpetustowards amore meritocratic hope’ (inHoerder ’ s term).Th elatterinterpretation regards emigrationasfoster- of theEnglish historiansPeter Clark andPaul Slack) andthe‘secularisation of mobility –namelythenotionof‘bettermentmigration’ (associatedwiththework tive’, specifi callydesignedto counteract ‘the splendidisolationofmigration beginnings’.life sinceitsvery Th isindeedhas required ‘amore globalperspec- ofinternationalmigration,toseeitas‘awhole story aspectofhuman structural Th rolerevolutionary inhistoricalchange. it stillpaledbesidewhatwastocome’. that ‘migration intheearlymodernperiodwashigherthanoncethought,but mobility acceleratedinthemid-nineteenthcentury, especiallyafter1850,and the ratesofmobility, by 1850.Th certainly e Lucassens fi ndthatcontinent-wide century. is theidentifi cationofacritical transitioninthemiddleofnineteenth scaleofresearchfactor inthisnew intothewidestparametersofmobility passing through intorecognisably modernexpectationsofmobility. Th longue durée , following diff erent chronologies indiff erent places,butnevertheless identify thecriticalturningpointswhichmaybecommontosocietiesover the Asian‘behemoth’. takesonadiffthis basistheAtlantic story erent aspect,possibly relegated below 80 Th parallel migrationintovillagesdoubled. out, migrationtocitiesinEurope inthedecades1830–60tripled;meanwhile discovery ofsubstantialinternalmovements withinEurope: asEmmer points ey eschew thenotionofacceleratedmobilitysimplyasanautomaticconse- eyeschew e thrust of these large-scale ideas has been to bring a new understandingofthe oftheselarge-scaleideas has beentobringanew ethrust While identifyingthetimetablesand disjunctionsofpastmobilities,these Th In theEuropean contextitisclaimedthatthere wasaratchetingupwards of e tendencyofthismacro-statistical reconstruction work hasbeento 23 In suchalight,emigrationbeginstopossessquasi- 19

22 Th is echoes other constructions ofthementality isechoesotherconstructions Th enew trend 20 e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 21 Th

isproposition wasreinforced by the is is,therefore, apsychological ered asolution.She e common la Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document importance totheEuropeanimportance originsofmigration. scholars ofmigrationoneachsidetheAtlantic andgave littleattentionor advocated theremoval ofthe‘salt-water curtain’ that, inthe1960s,separated tives, echoingtheearlierseminalwork ofFrank Th prototype, theoriginalexemplar. of mobility. Rather(andstillcontentiously)itmaintainsthatBritain wasthe study isnottoarguetheuniquenessoreven thespecialnessofBritain asacase tion ontheBritish case adubiousproposition; butthedirection ofthepresent century. Recurrent warningsagainstculturalspecifi citymaymaketheconcentra- wasfiemigration history rst registered inthe British Isles early inthenineteenth cheese’, hefulminated. that cansuckinwillbelieve, literallybelieve, thatthemoonismadeofgreen per centincrease inthepopulationofEngland between 1801and1821:‘A man hated unpalatablefactsandrejected thecensusfi ideally itshouldbedemonstrableinthestatisticsofmobility. William Cobbett regarding thescaleofinternalandexternal Asianmigration. ofmodernmigration,especiallytheaboveeast inthestory outlinedrevelations history’. Th both internallyandexternally, hasnever beenexact. reliable countsbefore thenineteenthcentury, andtheregistration ofmigrants, numbers are more certainly dubiousthanthoseofthecensus;there were few tions withapparent cyclical characteristics.Th e numberofemigrants recorded rise intothenineteenthcentury, fl thoughpunctuated by large short-term suggest substantialvariations between 1600and1760 andthenamarked general the endtounproductive dichotomybetween free andunfree migrations. regarded astheuniversal humanpattern’. universalising tendenciesandtodeterminewhat‘isspecifi and alsotoextendtheperspective beyond thepast500years. Th indeed beguntoincorporatethegreat Asianmigrationsintothegeneralaccount exclusive focuson West European orAtlantic migration.Recent historianshave fl of migrationand‘honeycombs’ oforiginswhichwere intomigration converted are diffi cultifnotimpossibletodisentangle’. In anutshell,‘most andcoercive migrationhasbothvoluntary elementswhich is greatly reduced since‘all refugees combinepoliticalandeconomicmotives’. encourage ‘academic Balkanisation’. Th especially thedivisionbetween free andforced migrations,whichissaidto has beentheerosion ofthedistinctionbetween diff erent typesofmigration, ows. He toavoid alsothe urgedhistorianstoavoid afocuson asinglecountry; e discontinuity Th Th Th Th us migration history hasresponded totheurgencyofglobalisationperspec- usmigrationhistory econtentionof thepresent accountisthatthediscontinuityinmodern ediscontinuity, aswe have seen,isitself diffi culttopin down –though e crudest estimatesproduce ratesofexternalmigrationwhich indeed e crudest 24 One advance inthiscontexthasbeen thereintegration ofwest and 30 butmigration Cobbettwasmisguidedandperverse ustheanalyticalsegregation ofrefugees 29

26 Eltis hasspecifi callycalledfor 28 gures whentheyshowed a40 Th istlethwaitewhofamously istlethwaite talkedof‘cells’ c andwhatcanbe 25 Anotheradvance equestisfor uctua- 27 81

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ity’, a kindofmania,arevolution intheheadsofpeoplewho becamethemass America andAustralasia inthenineteenthcentury. It produced ‘a Boommental- ‘explosive dynamic’ whichdrove thedevelopmentsocieties in forward ofnew large ordera very –itproduced theso-called ‘Settler Revolution’. Th iswasan respectability ofmigration.Th is,said Belich, practicalconsequencesof exerted was altered: thisentailedtheirattitudestothe idea,thepracticalityandactual culture ofmigrationin very Victorian times.Th epsychology folk of ordinary lurking in thebackground). He arguedthatthere wasatransformationinthe mobility withtheothergreat propellants ofcolonisation(withImperialism ofmobility.broad history His mainquest,however, wastheconjunction of andhetoosearched fortheaxesthe mid-nineteenthcentury ofchangeinthe mobility. He toobelieved thatthere wasamonumentalshiftinemigration Th and fedtherequirements ofthe destination countries. continuous level ofexodus wasachieved whichlastedformore thanacentury rose rapidlyfrom the 1770sonabroken upward trend, andby the1830sanew factors inoperationtoo. have accentuatedthesuggesteddiscontinuityandthere were othershort-term pent-up demandwassuddenlyreleased intheyears after1815. conditionsbefore– wartime Waterloo hadgreatly emigration,anda curtailed especially inthe1820s.Exogenous factorswere atwork inthesebroad trends measures ofemigrationsuggestupward movement inthesameperiod,but andcrude ratemostprobably rose inthelateeighteenthcentury; migratory population perannum)toincrease fasterthanoverall population.Th rise –thiswouldrequire theaverage rateofmigration(perthousandthe potential migrantswasmuchlarger. Th e propensity to migratedidnotnecessarily population whichwasgrowing asnever before –andtherefore thepoolof rise over theprevious sixtyyears. But theseincreases were derived from atotal British-born people livingoverseas in1881,thecumulative result oftherapid arriving atoverseas destinations.Th ere were, forexample,more than4million by naturalincrease oftheurbanpopulation)andinnumbersBritish people diff discontinuity. total, whichwassubjecttorapidincreases throughout theperiodofalleged the nationalpopulation,usuallyinrangeof1percentto2 receiving of countries.Annualemigrationitselfwasalwaysasmallproportion theBritishas departing Islesdiff wasworryingly erent from thoseenteringthe 82 Th e historianJames of boldlyinthestory Belich intervened erential growth ofthetowns inBritain (whichwasofcoursealsopropelled Yet theunderlyingtrend isclearenough–thetotalnumbersofemigrants Nevertheless themost incontrovertible evidenceofmobilitywastherapidand 31

xlsv mobility Explosive e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 32 Th e internal is would Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the Settler Revolution’. Th an actoffeartohope,andpotentialdestinationsfrom hells toheavens. ageofmigration:itwasanideologywhich‘transformedthe new emigrationfrom colonisation. Th edynamic British ‘settlers’ were driven byafolkutopianismof sheer ‘animal spirits’ oftherelatively young peoplewhowere inthevanguard of within ‘the insideofpeople ’ s heads’. He celebratestheinfectiousexuberance, discontinuity –thesettler‘explosion’ –thecausesofwhichultimatelyreside be aresponse thananoriginalcauseofthegreat expansionofemigration. and urgencyofmassemigration.Th it isunlikelythatthepropaganda machinewasthefi scale rstcauseofthenew of demand.Th esupplyanddemandofemigrants were evidentlyentangledand it mayequallybearesponse topre-existing andongoingshiftsintheurgency Yet can generatedemand(inthiscaseformassemigration), thoughadvertising excited machineisundeniable. thepublicmind andtheimpactofadvertising produced thewaves ofemigrationout Victorian Britain. ‘Boosterism’ certainly powerful methodsofpersuasionwhichgalvanised peopleand new ordinary age, the informationandpropaganda ofthenew revolution intheprintindustry which emergedby themid-nineteenthcentury. Belich ascribedthis‘ideology’ to the eighteenth century through tothetwentieth century.the eighteenth century Th that there wasindeeda‘discontinuity’ ingreat movements across theglobefrom currently of themobilityquestion,thatisidea favours theolderconstruction continuity over historicaltimehasfaded:theweight ofevidenceandopinion has becomeaswirlingdebate amonghistorians.Th In summary, therefore, thescaleandchronology ofmobilityaround theworld mate propellants oftheseemigrationsremain mysterious. activated the movements peoplewhomadeupthetrends. Th ofthevery the absenceofanyconvincingexplanationactual mechanismwhich prospective migrant?In commonwithmuchofthediscussionemigrationis foundations ofBritish societywasworking totransformthepsychology ofthe the British inthefi rstinstance,becomesomuchmore suggestible? What inthe step:whyindeeddidpeople, but itsimplysetstheexplanationbackafurther ferent, andwithwhatconsequences. the most‘eruptive’ andwhytheywere dif- ofpeopleinthenineteenthcentury States. In essenceBelich attemptstoexplainwhytheBritish were inparticular migrants andthedrivingforce ofEuropean expansion,mostofalltotheUnited Th e discontinuity isideology, intersectingwithvarious formsofmasstransfer, actuallycaused Amid Belich ’ s panoramaof‘settlerism’ wastheidentifi cationofacritical Th At bottom,therefore, wastheallegedshift incollective behaviourpatterns usashiftinpsychology mayhave beenapowerful variable inthestory, 34

rxmt causes Proximate einformationrevolution wasmore likelyto 33

e tendencytoemphasise ere was,ineff e ulti- ect, a ect, 83 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document problematic. tematic evidenceofthescaleandtimingthistransitioninmobilityisinherently by Asianmovements ofcomparabledimensions).Establishingtheprecise sys- exoduses outofEurope (thoughwe mustnow acknowledge, eventually paralleled marked quickeningofmovement andtheemergenceofmaindiasporas 84 Th mobility. Th exhume thestoriesofemigrantmassesandessentialpromptings oftheir isthechallenge,namelytoexplain‘thenevertheless discontinuity’. We seekto any attempttoimposepatternandregularity isfraughtwithexceptions. Th dispersal ofpeoplesoutBritainand andbeyond, istheessenceofstory for the‘Settler Revolution’. Th roots orthespringsofmigration,withinlocalitieswhichyieldedpeople 1 Ch, Mass Migration 32. Cohn, , pp. xiii,1,6,15,43and Table p. 2; Cohndiscussesthedata Global Migration , 12 Williamson, and Hatton 11 (Cam- Global Migration andthe World Economy Williamson, J.G. and Hatton T.J. 10 9 .. rsrn, Lbu I Rrl ouain rwh sses f employment, of systems growth, population Rural I: ‘Labour Armstrong, W.A. 6. 9 chapter below, See 8 SometimesanArt Bailyn, , pp. 194–5,196. 10. 7 chapter below, See 6 Ibid. 5 Th 4 ofIrish Aspects SocialHistory, (eds), Trainor B. and Crawford W.H. in Beckett, J.C. 3 2 utd n .. pnlr ‘dm mt o pplto’ population’, Principles ofEconomics on Smith ‘Adam Marshall, Spengler, J.J. Alfred in in Quoted 2 epigraph saltum’, facit non ‘Natura 1 Th ‘Th p. 185.Th Erickson ’ s opposingopinions are setoutin Joel Mokyr, problems, pp. 18–23and226.Data onpre-famine Irish emigrationisdiscussed by Queen ’ s University Press, 2ndedn,2004),p. 252. Irish Migrants intheCanadas: A New Approach (Montreal andKingston:McGill- (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2009). On timingseealsoBruce S.Elliott, bridge, Mass: MITPress, 2005);RaymondL.Cohn, Wales 1750–1850 , vol. 6(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1989),p. 712. incomes’, inG.E.Mingay andJoan Th irsk(eds), 31 March 1771. on Ulster emigrationofthe1760sand1770sin 1750–1800 (Belfast: HMSO,1969),pp. xi–xii.Th ere isagoodselectionof reports 383. (London: Macmillan, 1890),titlepage. eapproach adoptedinthisbookistosearch forproximate causes,forthe iswell documentedin Walpole, ‘Emigration toBritish North America’. eusesofpassengerlists forthestudyofBritish andIrish emigration’, inIra Glazier e fi e confl Why Ireland Starved (London:George Allen&Unwin, 1985),chap. 8; rst andthelargestnumberswent toNorth America. icting numbersare shown inErickson ’ s tables18.1 and18.2inher isastonishingvariety ofhumanity, thisfrenetic Notes e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Leaving England , p. 136,fn22and Belfast News Letter , e.g.31Jan. 1761, Th eAgrarian ofEngland History and Population Studies 24(1970), Mass Migration underSail is Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Th 1 Se dm cew, Mgain itr: utdsilnr apoce’ i Jn Lucas- Jan in approaches’, multidisciplinary history: ‘Migration McKeown, Adam See 19 eff Euro-oriented more the with connects work McKeown ’ s Adam 18 Cargill,Free Church ColonyatOtago inNew Zealand: W. In aLetterfrom Capt. Cargill 17 Johnson Johnson, ’ Samuel s Journey tothe Western Islands ofScotland;andBoswell 16 281. ’ p. 277–8. Ibid., s pp. settlement’, 15 and ‘Migration Whyte, 14 ACompanionto (ed.), Williams Chris in settlement’, and ‘Migration Whyte, Ian 13 , . 6. p. Migration , History Manning, and Lucassen Lucassen, 24 global comparative to transition mobility ‘From Lucassen, Leo and Lucassen Jan 25. 23 p. 2. Moving Europeans , p. Moch, European Expansion andMigration , (ed.), 22 Morner and Emmer 21 Moving Europeans: (Bloom- Migration in Western Moch, Europe since1650 Page Leslie 20 e discontinuity is given prominence by C.A. Bayly, (Leiden: Brill, 2010),p. 3.Th escopeandconsequencesofmanythese exoduses sen, LeoLucassen andPatrick Manning (eds), 1846–1940’, globe asmodernisationtakeshold.See Adam McKeown etal.,‘Global Migration, ofthe a mobilitytransition–thatis,jumpinoccurringvarious parts they callthe‘macro’ approach. Ultimately theyseektore-establish theolderideaof and Asiaasawhole:theseare quantitative exercises onacontinentalscale,which estimatesoftotalmigrationratesoverdevised extraordinary longperiodsforEurope (in theirvarious categories)inChinaandEurope over manycenturies.Th brothers inHolland. Th eyjoinforces inseekingthecomparative roleofmigrations and Documents onNew Zealand History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971),pp. 24–6. to DrAldcorn (London,1847),in W.D. McIntyre and W.J. Gardner (eds), (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1924),pp. 345–6;seealsopp. 33,85–6,295–6. Journal ofa Tour totheHebrides withSamuel Johnson, LL.D. 2000). Whyte, Nineteenth-Century Britain (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004),p. 274,andalsoIan D. 9. p. while Ireland sent7.3millionandGermany 4.8million.Baines, larger populationbase)supplied11.4millionemigrantsintheyears 1815–1930, Meier, 1986),p. 324.It Britain notingthat,inthelongrun, (from isworth amuch and Luigi deRosa (eds), Lucassen andManning (eds), Rossler, migration history’, ington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1992),p. 150. 4–19. pp. and inModern Asia (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2011), and Williamson, return rates,andfrom sendingpopulationswhichwere muchgreater. See Hatton Asian emigrationswere lesssignifi (Malden, Mass: Blackwell, 2004),pp. 132–4.Hatton and Williamson insistthatthe Distant Magnets (New York: Holmes andMeier, 1993).See alsoLucassen, SocietyinBritain, 1550–1830 Migration and (Basingstoke: Macmillan, Journal of World History 15:2(2004),155–89. Global Migration, pp. 22–3.See alsoSunel S.Amrith, Journal ofGlobal History 6(2011),299–307; D.Hoerder andH. Migration Across Time andNations (New York: Holmes & Migration in History World . History cant becausetheywere lesspermanent,withhigh Th e Birth oftheModern World, 1780–1914 Migration in History World History , editedby R.W. Chapman orts oftheLucassen orts Mature Economy , Migration ey have Speeches 85 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 86 Th 5: 1 53: Victorian Studies economics?’, of history cultural a ‘Response: Belich, James 34 Replenishing theEarth: Th Belich, e Settler Revolution andtheRiseof Anglo- James 33 Children Britannia ’ s , pp. 91–116.Further evidenceofsuchpent-up Richards, See 32 Britannia Richards, ’ Eric s Children: Emigration from See England, Scotland, (Har- Wales and Rural Rides 31 Cobbett, William to Introduction Woodcock, George by Quoted 30 30. p. Ibid., 29 Th 8 2 10. p. Ibid., 27 26 12. p. Ibid., David Eltis, ‘Seventeenth-centurymigrationandtheslave trade:theEnglish casein 25 21) 120. (2010), World, 1783–1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009),pp. 414,202,558. Rebellion of1821–1824 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), pp. 323–36. ments in1823–25:seeJames S.Donnelly, Jnr, demand foremigrationintheIrish contextissuggestedby Peter Robinson ’ s recruit- bury, 2012),pp. 151–5. Ireland since 1600 (LondonandNew York: Hambledon andLondon,2004;Blooms- Penguinmondsworth: Books,1967),p. 13. 87–107. pp. History, Old History: Paradigms andNew Perspectives (Bern: Peter Lang,1997), comparative perspective’, Jan Lucassen andLeoLucassen (eds), istlethwaite,‘Migration from Europe overseas’. e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Captain Rock: Th e Irish Agrarian Migration, Migration Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document they came. curtain’ which separatedthegrandimmigrants’ from theworldswhence story the America-orientedobsession andtobreak through theimplied‘salt water original questin1960,hisattempt towrench thequestionofemigrationout circumstances intheEuropean homelands.Th present approach tothepeoplingofNorth Americaanditsconnection withthe of thosepoliticalstructures. It isthislayer ofthequestionthatissoughtin lions, andappearingtohave adynamicenergyandpurposealmostindependently the more down-to-earth matters,ofpeopleemigratingeventually intheirmil- structures, therepolitical dimension,anditsadministrative were andmilitary of thecolonisingEuropean powersframework.Aswell asthe wasthenecessary and more specifi and thedispositionofitsimmigrantsources ontheothersideofAtlantic, migrations. the adventurous even insouciantintheirtransatlantic and theopportunistic, many oftheemigrantswere clearlynotdesperate;manyofthemwere simply to getout,escapethehaven of‘the American Dream’. One problem isthat of thedislocationEurope andthedesperatemissionofsomanyitspeoples the ‘transplanting’ ofEurope ’ s poorandwretched. Th of thedispeoplingoldEurope: itistoldconventionally asthe‘uprooting’ or remain amystery. But itbeganasalargelyEnglish venture. transatlantic humantransfusionswasavast project andmanyofitsorigins which themethodsofmassmigrationwere pioneered. Th North Americawastheearliestandgreatest theatre ofoceanicemigrationin of anyexplanation oftheunderlyingcauses involved inthetransmission oftens What wastherelationship between thegreat colonisationofNorth America Mostly, ofthepeoplingAmericaistoldasvariants onthetheme thestory 1 isindeedthepriorrequirement Linkingthetwosidesofcurtain Th cally thecircumstances intheBritish Isles? Th eimperialthrust eNorth Americantheatre Th e pioneers 6 is wasFrank Th is fi ts inwell withanimage e activation ofthe istlethwaite ’ s Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the productivity of the emergent export staplesinthecolonies. the productivity oftheemergentexport earn inEurope’. Th to beableoff erforeachfactorofproduction ahigher reward thanitcould the amountsneededtoensure aviableeconomy’. To dothis,‘the colonieshad to theneedofearlycoloniesattract‘labourandcapital from Europe in version was provided by Douglass C.North andR.P. Th omas:theygive priority America’. was theexpansionofworldtrade and,almostasanaccident,therediscovery of ideological climate:‘One spiritofcapitalism ofthemanifestations ofthenew embroiled inthe‘violent fermentinreligion andpoliticalviews’. Th ere wasan was moving awayfrom localismtowards tradeon agreater scale, andwasalso call thedeclineoffeudalismandrisecapitalism’. EarlymodernEurope tion was‘a direct outgrowth ofthesignifi cantchangesin Europe thathistorians pre-echo, have describedNorth AmericaorAustralia inthenineteenthcentury. distant destinations’. Th iswas butitmight,ina Europe inthe twelfth century sentoffway across thecontinent;busyports shipsfullofcoloniststo alienand Europe settlers,creaked collectingemigrants;wagonsfullofanxiousnew their It wasaanerawhen‘Recruiting agentstravelled intheoverpeopled of parts from the‘expansionary power ofthecivilisationwhichsprangfrom itscentres’. along theperipheriesofcontinent.Th ment ofstatesby conquestsandthepeoplingofdistantterritoriesby immigrants western andcentralEurope, by ‘internalexpansion’ –butalsowiththeestablish- time ofdevelopment andintensifi associated withawidespread restructuring ofeconomicandsociallife.It wasa the expansionofcultivated area, ofurbanisation,andcommercial expansion, c . 1347–52,Europe atlargehadwitnessedasimilarepochofpopulationgrowth, the High ,inthelongphasebefore thecataclysmof Black Death, of manythemaswell. of millionspeoplefrom onesideoftheAtlantic totheother, andthereturn 88 Th low leases,andhigherrents. wages,taxation,short-term farmers andlabourers, someyeomen, skilledcraftsmen,peopleusuallyescaping characterises theincomingpopulationofcolonialAmericaasmainlypoor sides oftheAtlantic isstrewn withdiffi cultiesofinterpretation. David Fischer Th reaction whichitseemedtogenerate. expansionary Th e pursuit of a general view oftheemigrationalrelationship epursuitofageneralview between thetwo e commonfactormayhave beenpopulationgrowth andthecreative and Even more broadly, North andTh omasargued that Americancolonisa- North Continental-scale migrationswere notunprecedented inEuropean history. In 5

estandard oflivinghadtobehigherandthisdependedon tatc origins Atlantic cation ofsettlementandthereorganisation of e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ere frontier wasanew tolifederived 3 Anotherbroad-brush 4

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Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document sensationally, asrefl ectedinthepassenger fi gures, whichshow itrising from the lateeighteenthcentury. Subsequently theratesofimmigrationincreased was related natural increase totheextraordinary ofthe Americanpopulationin end in itself’. end initself’. and ‘their life-storiesshow how Americacouldbeastageinjourney, notan year thanwent there. Perhaps asmanyoneinfoursettlersreturned home’ is likelythat‘In the decadesafter1640,farmore peopleleftNew England each and response tochangingpoliticalandreligious conditionsbackinEngland. It high return rates,especiallyinthe1640s,whichsuggestsaremarkable mobility in ‘England inwhichreligious tensionswere highest’. Lesswell known istheir the great emigrationofthe1630siswell known andtheyemigratedfrom areas mental worlds. migration. urgency, butonesecondedby thelure ofland–wasusedtoinduce the greatest burthens’. Overpopulation, inthisview, provided theoutward oftheirpoorecomplaine oftheburthen …iftheybepoore, [they]are compted pulsion from England: ‘Th who quote Winthrop outward aswitnesstotheearlyseventeenth-century pro- motives were by nomeansclear-cut’. to didsoonthebasisofinadequateinformation…andtheir guiding theseemigrantdecisions,declaringthat‘many ofthepeoplewhowent orders ofpeople’ oppressed thosebelow. early marriage,allincontrasttoconditionsthehomelands where the‘superior incentives ascheap land,highwages,independenceand the essentialmigratory migration’. political, religious andsocialfreedoms madethemwillingtobeartherisksof English peoplehademigratedby the1630s,‘people whoseaspirationforbasic Despite extremely rates,andappallingrisks,asmany100,000 highmortality but thefl edglingcolony required therighttypeof English settler: 1609 promoted Virginia itsexcellent for‘planting’, andtrumpeted opportunities Th eNorth American theatre Th Th areExpulsive stressed factorsinthesendingcountry by North andTh themselves sohappily, andtheirchildren afterthem. is abletospare, andfurnishmany…whichwillbegladtogoe,plant and profession, bothhonest,wiseandpainefullmen,whereof ourlandandCitie their bread, are fi ttestforthisimployment fortrade we intendtohave ofevery I doenotmeane,thatnonebutsuchunsoundmembers,andpoore aswant From thecolonieswere thestart selective oftheirmigrants.Apamphlet egrowing tradeandinterdependence oftheAtlantic economy oftheparts ereligious characteroftheearlyemigrantstoAmericafrom England in 9 6 It wasstillthemotivating force in1776whenAdam Smith divined But David Cressy isscepticalofthelevel ofintelligentknowledge 8 Th issuggeststhesheermobilityofthesepeopleandtheirvolatile eLandgrows ofherInhabitants weary …alltownes 7

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omas 89 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document such migration.Th British emigrants,it loomslargestover thequestionofriseandcauses North Americawasthemostsignifi cant,and by farthelargestdestinationof modeby the1820s.Sincemigration, whichbecameoverwhelmingly theprimary andfiwith indenturing,convictmigration,slavery nallyfree self-fi tion. Th gration, diff erent systems which overlapped andevolved, sometimesincompeti- through several phases ofrecruitment, exhibitingquitediff Irish, ScotsandGermans). Nevertheless inthefi rst200 years thecoloniespassed nated by emigrantsfrom theBritish Isles (andgrowing ofnorthern proportions butforthefi earliest years oftheseventeenth century Th human exchange across theAtlantic. Revolution andevidentlythere hadbeenagreat changeinthedynamicsof of millionspeople. the progenitor ofthesubsequentmassmigrationsandultimatelyinvolved tens relationship withconditionswithintheBritish Isles –whichwas,we contend, from about 1670 to the mid-nineteenth century and representedfrom about1670tothe mid-nineteenth century theoverlapping thelabourneedsofAmericancolonies.ThAfrica toserve is remainedvital Independence. accounted forperhaps60,000 ofthenewcomerstoAmericancoloniesbefore other European powers –colonisation on thecheap, andadouble solution.It felons whooverfl owed thepenalfacilitiesin Britain. It wasamethodused by Th tion ofconvictsonconsignmentthrough commercial channelstothecolonies. the Atlantic. Thcrucial stratagem–theimporta- iswassupplemented byanother years –enabling poorstrataofBritish (andGerman) societiestoreach across people across theAtlantic andthisremained acentralmechanismfor200 munities. Th e responsetookmanyforms–indenturingwasonewayofgetting available supplies orindeedthereproductive power oftheearlycolonial com- by thestaples oftobaccoandsugar–thelabourneedssoonoutstretched the emerged –headed economicopportunities families andservants. When new were couldbemadeinthecolonies,organisedwith start persuadedthatanew At thebeginningearliestpioneerswere amixture ofpeoplewithcapitalwho not conformtotypeandcontainedmanyerratics,likeallothermigrantfl needs. Th eprincipalpatterns are noteasilysummarisedsincetheimmigrantsdid 8,000 perannumin1820to300,000by 1860. 90 Th eEuropean re-peopling ofAmericastretched over fourcenturiesfrom the e convictsincludedpolitical prisoners,butmostwere common-or-garden Th Hugely more signifi cantwasthe mobilisationofcoerced migrationoutof eAmericancoloniesimprovised asequenceofsolutionstotheirlabour ese included the pioneer migrations at the very start, butsoonassociated start, eseincludedthepioneermigrationsatvery e fl ows issuingacross theAtlantic bore reciprocating acertain Coexisting systemsofmigration e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 11 Th iswastheotherAmerican rst 200years itwasdomi- erent formsofimmi- nancing mass nancing ows. Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document in England. people probably reversed, thoughresuming atalower level aftertheCivil Wars upward tendencywasbroken temporarilyinthe1640swhennetfl still insubsequentdecades.Th emigrants comprised50percentoftheannualfl Mid-Atlantic settlements,theremainder tothe southernplantations.Indentured emigrants went tothe West Indies andonetenthtoNew England andthe the following century. in andultimatelythetermination ofslavery tion lateintheeighteenthcentury century. Th ekeychangewasthetransition from indenture to free massemigra- occupiedadominantrole formostoftheeighteenth indenturing andslavery of emigrationattheend eighteenthcentury. In broad termsitisclearthat reconstructions, itisobvious thattheretary wasaphenomenalchangeinscale the demographicconsolidationofcolonies. points out,reproduction wasmuchmore thannetimmigrationin important North Americawasnogreater thanthatoftheprevious century. AsAdam Smith tions. once fascinatingandbaffl agreed historical record: speaks ofthe‘mosaic Gemery ofmovement thatisat was 400,000.Th origin; butFogel calculatedafi 1700 to1790,comprisingone-third ofGerman Ulster Scots,andaquarter but suggestrelatively modesttendencies.Potter suggests350,000fortheperiod 30,000 inthe1690s.Th 69,000 emigratedinthe1630sand1640s,42,0001660samere America intheyears 1630–1700.Th Irish, regions andfrom certain ofEngland, escapingoutofnegative conditions. whichbecame‘folkways’, ofthecountry parts certain manyofthemScotch/ infl the several attemptstocharacterisetheincomingBritish immigrantsthemost was connectedwiththegeneralshapeofAmericantheatre ofmigration.Of Th inthemigrationspectrum. perform equestionhere is how the Britishelement hadfunctionsto the capitalists,, convictsandslaves. Eachcategory phases wascomplicatedandraninparallelwithotherstreams –theindentured, international tradingsystemsacross theoceanby themid-eighteenthcentury. primarilyinresponseas thefacilitiesbecamefullyarticulated, tothegrowth of andsouthAtlantic migrationsystems,complementingeachother of thenorth Th in the1620sto1660sandthenofitsrapiddecline. eNorth American theatre uential wasthatofDavid Fischer, whoidentifi edpersistentconnectionsfrom From emigration to theserough estimatesitislikelythateighteenth-century Th Evidently, therefore, therole British ofordinary migrationthrough these E.A. Wrigley andR.S.Schofi escaleofthefl andthereows isnoteasilycharted, are competingcalcula- 15 Th us Gemery estimatesthat380,000English emigrantsreached usGemery North 14

is is obviously unsatisfactory andunresolved isobviously andthere unsatisfactory isno e fi ing’. gures are forthefollowing nomore century secure 16 ere were, however, highreturn ratesandthe eld confi thinksit gure of663,000;meanwhileGemery

ey fl rm thequickriseofEnglish emigration uctuated by thedecade:forinstance, 17 Moreover, from thesefragmen- ow ofthe1650sandgreater 13 Two-thirds ofthe ow of ow 91 12

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document went totheUnited States and65percenttotheEmpire. went totheUnited States and26percenttotheEmpire; in1913,27percent skilled. But thedestinationofBritish emigrantsshifted:in1850,72percent were maleandnow mostlyurbanites.Th ey were increasingly professional and in British emigration.In thedecades 1840 to1914,60percentofemigrants variouspatternshademerged new andby themid-nineteenthcentury century escape, aquasi-Malthusian response by wayofemigration. ship between England andAmericawasclear:emigration wasarelief valve, an been somekindofforced checkonthe growing population.Th us the relation- local diffi ‘Without the culties. effl uxoflabour from England’ there would have of populationbuild-upandbecausethenecessitytomove inorder torelieve Rapid population growth inthedecades between 1550and1640created added towhichwere somelonger-distancemovements, especiallytoLondon. United States. 30 timesasmuchwork wasrequired inEngland tobuylandcompared withthe Britain, lessthanone fi ftieththelabortime’. By 1859 James Caird foundthat the purchase priceofanacre oflandin1790compared toayear ofwork in diffcrucial erential: ‘ittookjust over a week ofwork inthe United States toearn telling forallpeoplefrom anagrarianbackground. Christensenhighlightedthe even inthecontextofindenture arrangements.Th eaccesstolandwas even more andmusthave beenadominantfactor,for thewholeofeighteenthcentury the diff erence inwagelevels across the Atlantic. Th extension ofalready conditionedmobility’. in England inthoseyears. Souden isemphaticthat‘this wasnotsimply an able outward impulse’ derived from specifi cdemographicimperatives prevailing ‘impelling muchmovement’ insideandbeyond England whichwas‘a consider- Pilgrim Fathers, there wasacommonupward demographicandeconomicforce colonies. population conditionsinEngland andtheresponse tolabourrequirements inthe demographic phenomena:theywere adirect andaccuraterefl ectionofthe that thefi rst Americanmigrationsfrom North England were essentially forces governing theoutfl ows from the British Isles. David Souden concludes Behind were thesebroad long-termtrends structural inthetransatlanticstory upwards inthesheerscaleofemigration, fi rstofallfrom the British Isles. 92 Th Th Souden stresses thelocalisedcharacterofmuchmovement withinEngland, Th In theearly seventeenth century, thetime ofShakespeare ’ s laterplaysandthe At sometimeintheselongtimetablesthere wasadiscontinuity, asharpshift ere wasclearlyamajorupsurgeinimmigrationattheendofeighteenth emainenginepropelling thesemigrationsisconventionally assumedtobe 19

eorpi propulsions Demographic e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 20 People were onthemove because e diff large erential wasvery 18 21

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document determined ‘the were intensity withwhichindentured servants sought’. – stimulatingordeterringby itspromises andits provisions: colonialconditions consequently anaturalmode ofrecruitment. Colonialdemandcalledthetune trade wasalwaysanextension oftheapprenticeship systeminEngland and case theindentured emigrantswere notnecessarilythepoorest. Th vehicle ofBritish andRhinelandemigrationtoNorth America.In theEnglish in thecolonies’. changing poolofavailable labourready andwillingtobetappedforemployment nomic anddemographicconditionsinEngland ‘undoubtedly produced arapidly tion wasdirectly correlated to‘populations atthesource endinEngland’. Eco- pressure; there waslessmobilityandemigration.Th us,for Souden,emigra- the 1670sto1730sfallingpopulationnumbersandrisingwagesreduced plantations, by increased sicknessandby emigration.But inthedecadesfrom depletion ofEngland ’ s populationby theCivil War, by theoutfl ow tothe Irish weakened between 1680 and1740:Reynell, inthe1670s,complainedof also inaconsiderableoutward impetus. ‘subsistence-derived’ peaksofadversity inthehomepopulationandwasexpressed migration’. Pressure England, marked hadbuiltupinseventeenth-century by ofemigrationmayrepresent part important anextensionofthe‘margin of Th internalmigrationfl certain pressure andcaused‘considerable diffi structural Th increasingly diffi slavery. began.It by whitesastheshifttoslavery wasdeserted was white indentured labourwasthemainstay, butwasthensupersededby African response tothegrowingthe primary labourdemands.In theearlysugarboom butsoonindenturedprominent amongtheemigrantsatstart, labourbecame and sugarwere highlylabour-intensive andlucrative. Th e vagrant poor were conditions whichhadshifteddecisively over the timespan. more variegated thantheirreputations indicated. Many were indeedfrom theunderbellyoftowns, thoughgenerallymuch for instance,were describedas‘vicious anddestituteofmeanstolive athome’. its recruits were oftenregarded thecontractedlabouringpeople, asunsatisfactory: Th unprecedented rates, withemigrationratesincreasing signifi emigrant fl were mademore diverse by theincorporationofEnglish convictsintothe indentured andslave labourdeterminedthechoice,even thoughthestreams eNorth American theatre ere were broad similaritiesbetween internalandexternalmovements: ‘the eindentured traderemained atthecentre ofthemigrantinfl uxeven though Indenturing through theseventeenth andeighteenthcenturieswas theprimary Th Labour demandsintheCaribbeanwerebecausetobacco atthestart crucial After 1740there wasaturnaboutandthepopulationinEngland grew at e demographic history ofEngland suggeststhatthismigrationalimperative edemographichistory ows aswellsuppliesofindentured asnew labourfrom Europe. culttogetindentured labourinthe1670s.Th 23 Emigration wasfundamentallyanexpression ofdemographic ows andwest from tothesouthandeast. thenorth 22

culty in the economy’, inducing 24

cantly by the1760s. erelative costsof e contract 25

93 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ships withstructures ofdemandforlabour’. seeking ‘the ofthesendingeconomyandlikelyinterrelation- pointofview resistance inoffi gests anurgentcolonialdemandforimmigrantsand anequallypowerful islature tosubsidise immigrationandresettlement ofBritish subjects.Th 94 Th of land speculators in every region ofBritishof landspeculatorsinevery North America’. Britain. Bailyn callsthemthe‘entrepreneurs ofmigration’ who‘served theneeds the oftencontroversial activitiesofAmericanemigrationagentsoperatingin operation. the migrationsforward’ withmanynetworks ofemigrationagentsbusilyin work intheBritish Isles (seeabove, chapter 3 ). back totheiroriginsandreached intotheinternalmobilitysystemsalready at Isles toNorth Americawere activated. Bernard Bailyn pursuedtheemigrants Th with ‘a powerful self-intensifyingimpetus’. agencies andchannelswhichfacilitatedthefl ows, mainlycapitalistic andinvested assisted, forced, slave, indentured, familyandindividual.He alsoexposedthe for America.Indeed Bailyn encompassedallthecategoriesofmigration–free, way down theRhine, andthenintoAfricathemobilisationofpopulations of mobilitytoidentifyothersystemsinmotion–theGerman states allthe assistance. grants insuffi and widespread anxieties. Indenture wasasymptomofthefailure of free immi- Th directlyinstruments involved insiphoningoff point where itwasconnecting positively theconditionsateach side ofthe enough life.Th intofullvigour,enough thattheemigration system hadnotyet sprung into institution [i.e.indenturing],itsmeteoricriseandequallyimpressive decline’. of labourandchangingdiff emerged tofi llthegap. Souden declares explicitly, ‘A changing English supply often insuffi cient–perhapsbecauseofconditionsin Britain–andslavery It isprobable thatthesupplyofindentured labourfrom theBritish Isles was butoperatedinparallelandthen,someplaces,wasreplaced byslavery slavery. degrees ofsubstitutionbetween thesystemsofmigration–indenturingpreceded migration, butaccompaniedby rigorously off ecentralquestionishow therenewed fl ows offree emigrantsfrom the British esystem didnotoperateinafree-fl owing fashionandwassubjecttoblockages Souden examinedtherole ofindentured labourinthecolonies–especially In 1767theBritish parliamentdisallowed anAct passedintheGeorgia leg- Th ese stratagemsoneachsideofthe North Atlantic demonstratedclearly 31

withoutspecialinducementsand cient numberstocomeforward econditionsformassemigrationhad notyet matured tothe cial Britain. cial Disjunctions ofemigrantsupplies 32 erential colonialdemandsforlabourshapedthe It ofthepressure, waspart whichwasmanifestin e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 26 30 Indenturing wasaformofassisted -putting conditions. -putting Landspeculation‘helpedpropel places. folkfrom particular rural 29 He thenwidenedthepanorama 33 Th 27 eywere the Th ere were is sug- 28

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document born populationandby theadvent of‘massive andself-fi – thesystemwasevidentlyandsimplyovertaken by thegrowth oftheAmerican- Legislation,surprisingly,tracted servants. wasnotinvolved inthisquiettransition indenturing systemdisappeared by 1819,thetimeoflastshipmentcon- American Revolution, wasatitscentre. even thoughthequestionofliberty Th ideologyorsentimentrelatedthe 1790s,wasnotconnectedwithanynew tothe ment ofanindividual ’ s freedom, butthedeclineofindenturing, continuousfrom the indenture arrangements.Indenturing,curtail- ofcourse,entailedavoluntary the indentured British. Moreover itwasbecomingincreasingly diffi the 1770s,German andIrish redemptioners hadbecomemore than important ing inAmericatheearlynineteenthcentury. She pointsoutthat,asearly Erickson considersthepuzzlingterminationofindenturingandlabour contract- attheendofeighteenthcentury.system, whichcameabruptly Charlotte free-fl lowing halfcentury, thetimeofmaturationfullyfunctioningand Atlantic. It alsosuggeststhattherequisite conditionsemerged only inthefol- Th religious fullysecured’. liberties Nova Scotiawasprecise: suchpeoplewouldbefree oftithes,‘and theirciviland off sought skilledpeopletogoNorth Carolina forfourorfi candidates ‘that willgoonredemption orasaservant’. In 1771thecolonists supply anddemand.Th usin wasdirected 1761advertising toindenture January emigrants. In Ireland, northern forexample,there wasaclearintersectionof Indenture systemshadbeenwidespread intherecruitment ofeighteenth-century of ‘discontinuity’ hadintervened. regarding indenturing hadbeendeleted,suggestingpowerfully thatsomeform tion hadbecomeself-sustaining –andthismeantthattheunderlyingconditions systems. By 1820conditions had changedsomuchthatthefl in thesupplyanddemandcircumstances underlyingtheevolving emigration the fl enabling mechanismtorecruit poorlabourers, aspecialenhancementtoprime America by the1820s. coincided withtheemergenceofmassself-fi Th spectacularly from 1816 onwards’. fi nance theirown migration,andthesupplyofself-fi nancedimmigrants‘rose eNorth American theatre e declineoftheindenturingsystemremains amystery, thoughitclearly ered fullpassageandtheneedsofvoyage. Th econcurrent for advertising It iseasiertoexplaintheusesofindenturingthanfi naldemissionofthe Transport costsfellinthe1820sas more immigrants were abletoaff Indenturing inreality hadbeenaformofinducement,subsidy, alure, an ow. Th reciprocationowing intheAtlantic migratory world. eendingofindenturingwasessentially connectedtothegreat change netrn puzzles Indenturing 34

36 But peoplewere lessdisposedtobe nancing emigrationtoNorth nancedimmigration’. ve years; theywere ow offree emigra- cult to enforce ord to ord 95 e 35

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document passages. off those years. sometimes thefavoured destinationofBritish emigrants,notablytoOntario in experienced arapidincrease inimmigration between 1818 and1830was self-fi immigrants were abletoaff ord to fi nancetheir ownemigration,thesupplyof into theUnited States andsomehow itwasself-generated.Second, ‘As more First there was‘the massive growth andself-fi ofvoluntary own make…andprovisions ofhisown raising, off hegoestoAmerica’. perhapsaweb ortwoofcoarselinen,andathreadother usefularticles, oftheir of hisinterest, by whichheraisesalittlemoney, andaddedtohislittlestockof have abit leftover inCanada.Such tohelphimgetstarted aperson‘disposes unexpired lease’, ineff ectsomeonewhocouldraisemoneyforthe voyage and someone destitutebuta‘small farmerwhohasalargefamily, andperhapsan the years 1828 to1838,summedupthetypicalorbesttypeofemigrant–not America: forinstance,A.C.Buchanan, chiefEmigration Offi receptive populationsintheBritish Isles. Th ey were muchsoughtin North transition wastheemergenceofamuchenhancedsuggestibility amongthe nineteenth century, towards identifi ablymodernmassmigration.Centraltothe character ofthefree emigrationsystemsemergingintheseconddecadeof willing andabletocross theAtlantic by theirown funding. had changedinitscharacter–andsomehow even therelatively poorwere now employers (except inaminorityofcases).Th isthenindicatesthatemigration supply ofself-fundingimmigrationsimplyovershot theprevailing needsof for labourintheUnited States –insteadthe economyinthenineteenthcentury indentured inanycase.Erickson arguedthatthere wasnodiminutionofdemand 96 Th labour didnotwork inAmerica’. able jobsspurnedby natives, isaproximate answer tothequestionwhycontract recent immigrants,indeedthespurofnecessityandambition,totakedisagree- willingnessof method notpossibleforindentured workers) andthetemporary immigration (muchofitthrough thecashearningsofearlierimmigrants, a were bountiful.Andthus‘Th escaleofthis voluntary, largelyfamily-fi being incurred: theinducementswere andassistance heavyandadvertisements income. In addition, companieswere prepared topaypassageswithoutdebts way tothewestern regions ofsettlement’, becausetheywere partly assured of labourers’. Fifth, itwasclearthat‘Immigrants withlimitedmeansfoundtheir fi were gence ofmassimmigration,sothat‘Longbefore theGreat Famine, theIrish increasingly diffi ered asuffi cientincentive toenableimmigrantsobtain loans fortheir Th In allthesepropositions there isassumedaradicaltransition inthescaleand ereceived explanationofthecriticaltransitionhasseveral components. nanced immigrantsrose secularlyfrom 1816onwards’. siteswithouthavingbecomecontract nding theirwayto construction 40

42 AlanArmstrong notedthat manyBritish emigrants were fairly againsttheirwill.Fourthcult toretain servants wastheemer- 39 Moreover Americanwageswere highand e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational nanced immigration’ nanced 37 cer inQuebec in

38 Th ird, itwas 41 Canada nanced Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document families whowere tobeoff and itscosts.Th usin1761agrandschemewaslaunchedto 500 Ulster recruit of theiremigrationare fullofexplicitreference to thequestionoflandavailability phenomenon.Thand itwasarural departees’ elateeighteenth-century accounts Land wasatthecentre oftheactivation offamily-basedemigrationfrom Britain more inoriginand,indeed,British likelytobefamily-basedandrural andIrish. migration wasrestricted until1850:before thatemigrationwasmixed andwas prairie homesteadersorout-backsheepfarmers’. Th wage-earners inthesmalltowns andcitiesoftheNew World, ratherthanas of Europe ’ s 50millionemigrantswere labourrecruits, destinedforpositionsas outside theconfi less solateron.Subsequently there wasatrend towards labourmigration,often with apassionandanobsessionthatwasstillfeasibleideaatstage,probably was already well establishedby mid-century. Th ere were manywhosoughtland backgroundsand mostlyfrom –thoughthetrend rural towards urbanorigins these were mainlyprivately achieved, especially intheNorth Americantheatre. individual initiatives. Th arrangements, whichwere withinfamilysystemsorby mainlyundertaken reality, itentailedcomplicatedplanning,funding,informationandpractical coterminouswiththatera. and virtually Yet itwasnotunorganisedbecause,in Mass British emigrationwasoneofthegreat achievements ofthe Victorian Age (see above, chapter 4 ) orindeedtheproduct ofanythinglikeoffi North Americawere subjecttoorganisedschemessuchasthePetworth system governmental intervention. Very ofthegreat few emigrationsfrom Britain to ous movement peoplemanagingtocross ofordinary theAtlantic withminimal form ofunadulteratedfree enterprise.It wasavariant of acres foreachchild, rent free fortenyears. many agriculturalists’. prospect ofbecominglandowners inAmericawasanundoubtedattractionto folk:‘Th humble rural Th intakes, rendered them ‘mostly invisible’ homeinOhio. intheir new ferent’. Th assimilated well andwere ‘more similartothenative-born Buckeyes thandif- the questforland‘as awidespread motivating force’: theBritish immigrants Ohio, William Vanmid-nineteenth-century in emigrants Vugtre-affi the sendingandreceiving endsofthesystem. In hisdetailed study ofBritish the centre ofthe recruitment systems,atthecore oftherelationship between eNorth American theatre Th Before 1840,theprogenitors ofthemovement were predominantly British e new surgeinemigrationfrom enew theBritish Isles wasalmostentirely inthe eaverageness oftheimmigrants,andtheirsimilarities with previous nes ofthefamily. In 1975ColinNewbury declared that‘most ere were landowning few yeomen inEngland, andthe 43 eywere by apanoplyofinfrastructures supported but

ered precise termswithgrantsof200acres with fi Th elure of land 44 Land,formanydecades,wasat edominanceofthisform laissez-faire , aspontane- cial purpose. cial 45 rmed Land fty 97 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document regarded asabetteroptionthanemigration. ofthepoliticslandreformpart butalsooftheallotmentmovement, often what theyhadby custom,andtheirdesire toregain theirlostworld.Th One wasthelossoflandby populationclingingonto theproletarianised rural much debated.Th e questionhingesontwoelementsintheearly Victorianage. were thegenerationfromteenth century whichissuedthefi emerging industrial/urbanworldbeingforgedintheearlydecadesofnine- to landdeclinedasthepopulationcontinuedrise.Th communitiesintheBritishdislocated rural Isles inwhichemployment andaccess of urbanemployment, butalsotoAmericaand beyond. outwards people,namely, surgeofrural ofcourse,tothenearest bestprospects world(asdepicted intheaccompanyingchapters)begantomanifest inthe rural ling outpaupers’. Th iswasthejuncture upheavals in the atwhichthestructural to otherdestinations,even toAustralia, captured inthe despisedphrase‘shovel- kingdom there theproblem, fi emerged schemestoexport rsttoCanadaandthen profi world –itsexcess laboursupply, risingunderemployment, fallingpricesand eff the 1820s,manylandlords were beginningtopromote emigrationasthemost land tobecomemore self-reliant. At thedawn oftheagemassmigration,in ways ofminimisingpoorrates–meansby whichpeoplewere levered off farming community, whobegantofavour bothemigration andallotmentsas voices inParliament advocating thereturn oflandtothe labourer classes, as ofthecountry,the 1820s.Atensedebatewas played outinmanyparts even permanently. eventually fadedasthecomplexionofincomingBritish immigrantschanged dominated themigrantexchanges well intothenineteenthcentury, thoughit 98 Th enviable dignityintheirproprietorial solitude’. wanted landoftheirown. So landowners were oftenlonely. But there wasan in steerageemigrantshipsorder tobecomevillagersinAmerica.Th didnotpackupandtravel mentalities andconcludedthattypically:‘Villagers North AmericaoftheincomingEuropean peoples.He wondered abouttheir atavistic, attachmenttothesoil. ties, includingagriculturallabourers: theyhadnotlosttheiremotional,perhaps communi- amongacross-sectionthat thedesire ofcountryside forlandsurvived ‘moved ofafamilyandwent intoagriculture’. aspart thetypicalAmericanimmigrant Whyte says,intheearlynineteenthcentury ective solutiontothe increasingly obvious imbalance andcrisisintherural Th Yet theextenttowhichBritish orIrish working folkquestedafterlandis Th contestwereOn theothersideofrural theowners ofthelandand Th ts, andtherapidlyincreasing burden ofpoorrelief. In ofthe allparts eobsession withlandwasperhapsanextensionoftheyearning withinthe eemigrationsolutionwasmore vocal, years atleastforafew theendof etravel writerJonathan Rabanwrote ofthegreat movements westward in 49

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 48 Labourhistorianshave suggested 46 Landwasalure and,asIan 47

e inheritorsofthe rst massemigrants. is was the ey Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document population even thoughtherateofnaturalincrease remained paramount. great surgeinimmigrationgreatly boostedthegrowth oftheUnited States great intakesintotheUnited States whichreceived about35millioninall.Th Th United States. underemployed, usuallyofpeasantorigins,moving toindustrialjobsinthe ‘plebeian massmigration’ emergedmostlyinthe1880s,unskilledand in agrarianareas inthenineteenthcentury’. andtheabolitionofserfdom But of unskilledlabouranddomestics…connectedwiththe populationpressures ment oflabour. Hoerder outlinesfi ofthedisplace- 1860 (andalsoinGermany) presented phaseinthehistory anew absence ofdiscrimination’. Th ofindustrialisationinthe estart United States, by mystiques ofunlimitedopportunities’ for‘success, freedom andequality, and which wasthegreat benefi thecapitalisteconomyofUnitedsphere withlabourmigrationserving States fl America andagreat wideningoftheincome-diff erential thatactivated thesegreat America refl and diffi systematicselectivitywasunusual general populationfrom whichtheydeparted: not fallintopigeon-holesinanyconsistentway. Mostly theyresembled the versionheterogeneous wasrepresented; thatevery theinfl … leadthemostdegradedandmiserablelives’. denounced allemigrationasplaceswhere ‘people wouldeitherdiespeedilyor opposed toemigration. William suchdreams Cobbettsupported andonce Th acquisitive modernindividuals. transformingthemselves from opportunities, peasantsinto lands andsoughtnew newcomers. Th ey were aspiringindividualswhocuttheirtieswithhome- established traditions’ whichtheyusedtocopewiththecitiesassuccessful of theAmericanimmigrantsas‘humblenewcomersbearingproud, long- Americaneconomy.table urbanghettoesofthenew More positive istheimage poverty anddisorder’ whowere off -loadedoutof Europe andintotheinhospi- must beserved’.Anotherversion seesthemas‘desperate individualsfl of capitalism’ whowere responding to ‘Th American historians.One version seestheimmigrantsasessentially‘the children Bodnar scannedthemaininterpretations placeduponthisvast phenomenonby ows of humanityacross theAtlantic. Th eNorth American theatre e long nineteenth century becametheAgeofMigration, dominated by elongnineteenth century the Similarly Dirk Hoerder ofemigrationintheAmerican takesafunctional view By thefl themid-nineteenthcentury ows ofemigrantsfrom Britain to North Th eproblem withthesecategoriesisthattheimmigranthostwassovast and cult to verify.to cult in ected theemergenceofhugelabourdemandsandopportunities 53

Peopling theUnited States ciary, helpedby the‘skilfully developed …cultural 52

ve stages,ofwhichthelastis‘the migration eprocess wasextremely variegated and eimperatives ofcapitalism[which] 50

ows ofmigrantsdid 51 eeing John 99 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document to and adapted to their new homesareto andadaptedtheirnew enormous’. compared withthose whostayed behind,andthenetworks by whichtheymoved which wasusuallyconveyed by thevehicle offamilymigration. some personaldissipation.Added ofchainmigration, tothisistheimportance or emigrationasconnectedwiththedesire toendamarriage,familyscandal,or such factorsasthefrequency ofemigrationafterthedeathaspouseorparent, ofvillage-level analysisand description.Sheemphasises theimportance stresses in theemigrants’ choicesthanthemore mechanicalexplanationsallow. Th theme ofsomuchErickson ’ isthattheres view wasmore volition andvariability people andsupplied muchofthemusclepower forthedevelopment oftherising Britain. When theIrish emigrated inlargenumberstheywere undoubtedlyrural education, thoughresponsible formore off Th middle decadesofthenineteenth century, folkandtheirfamilies. primarily rural were over-represented amongthose of the1820s,1830sand1840s. they outnumbered thoseleavingmodernindustries’. Th ushandloomworkers ‘traditional craftswhoeven outnumbered maleemigrantsfrom agriculture, and ‘part oftherepertoire ofdealingwithchange’. Moreover peoplewere leaving of themmayhave beenbenefi or dislikedindustrializingBritain ofitsfuture, andtookadimview thoughmany more prominent andwere oftenaccompaniedby thesonsoffarmers. migrating from towns andcities’. Before thattimetheagricultural labourers were ‘It now seemsclearthatby the1880snearlyallofthem[English emigrants]were andonlylaterdidtheoutflmainly rural ow becamemuchmore urbanincharacter. sources, isthatuntilmid-century,ping listsandliterary English emigrationwas an intricateandcomplexprocess’. population growth andindustrialisation’ whichranthe‘riskofoversimplifying massoverseasof thenineteenth-century movement asamechanicalresponse ‘to iour. At thesametimesheisespeciallycritical,withBaines, ofanyexplanation deduce generalsystematiccorrelations aboutindividualoreven regional behav- and rawmaterialsforcheaperconsumergoods’. Europe andatthesametimehelpedto provide thedonorswithcheaperfood dislocationsintheearlyphasesofindustrialisation dealing withstructural emigration wasanexpression of‘structural changes’: ‘Migration wasameansof there remains thelargerphenomenon.Erickson herselfrepeatedly declared that variations are takenintoaccount(andtheyare stressed by CharlotteErickson), subject toaninfi nityoflocalisedandpersonalcircumstances. But, whenallsuch 100 Th matter ofthegreat variability withinthegeneralresponses tothechanges. determinantsreigneding thatthestructural clearlyenough–itwasmore a ey were likelytohave beenslightlyabove average in income,capitaland But, Erickson insists,‘the obstaclestodiscovering whotheemigrantswere, as In theNorth American casetheimmigrantsfrom Britain were, untilthe Th One ofErickson ’ s own propositions, basedontheintricateanalysisofship- usamongtheemigrantstoUnited States in1831were ‘those whofeared ciaries ofitseconomicgrowth’. Emigration was 58 Nevertheless, indeclar- Erickson isforthright e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational spring withworseningprospects in 54

57 It isextremely diffi 55

cult to cult us she 56 59 Th

e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document extraordinary changesintheBritishextraordinary Isles. a tendencytowards pre-industrial throwbacks; coincidedwith theycertainly have beensystematicbutunidentifi the occurringontheothersideofglobe.Th Th most ofthembecamewage-earnersinamodernisingandindustrialisingeconomy. many yearning for the lost rural dream;many yearning forthelostrural oftenunsettledandrestless people. world,somemoreengaged from theoldrural obviously expelledby adversity, of massemigrationoutwestern Europe, waves ofpeoplewhohadbeendis- British Isles, notablyinthecentre ofindustrialisingEngland, ournextsite of exit. life. Th variegated andprobably containedatavisticaspirationsforpre-industrial waysof in therecruitments iselusive; thesocialpsychology oftheemigrantswashighly with conditionsinthehomelandsofBritain andEurope. Th edetailedpatterning through a sequenceofphaseswhichbore acomplicatedandshiftingrelationship ably traditionalaspirations’. a venturesome whoemploys conservative, strategiesinpursuitofrecogniz- new taking, modernstateofmind:‘a typicalimmigrantmentalityhadbeenthatof John Bodnarsaystheywere essentially‘pragmatic’ people,withafl beyond theircontrol’. Rathertheywere muchmore self-transplanted;similarly to [North America]are notconfused,rootless peoplewhoare hostagestoforces labour from Britain ’ s own industrialworkforce. its industrialisation,now emulatingBritain itselfandabletorecruit industrial itself wasaconsequenceoftherapidgrowth oftheUnited States economy and emigrants from Britain were drawnby thepositive incomediff continued toindustrialise,itslevels ofmigrationcontinuedtoincrease: the American economyinthe1840sandafter. Beyond mid-century, thoughBritain Th provide remittances senttofamilyathome’. to thehomelandensure economy;andearningmoneyto stabilityinthenew work abroadresettlement; whileearningmoneytobebrought temporary back for avoiding proletarianisation andmightfi llmultiplepracticalneeds:permanent seeking rationalbettermentandrenewal: ‘International migrationwasastrategy 2 Th Th 2 e e S 1 eNorth American theatre esepopulationintakesintotheUnited States bore relationship aparticular to Th Th Th American historianofethnicmigration,David Gerber, claimsthat‘emigrants David Soskice forthereference. Cultural Change,950–1350 (London:Penguin, 1994),pp. 1–3.Iam gratefulto eavoidance ofproletarianisation mayhave beenthe grail ofemigrants,yet eUnited States wasreceiving itsgreat intakesofimmigrantsattheadvent e peopling of colonial America and the new Unitede peoplingofcolonialAmericaandthenew States hadpassed isbasedonRobert Bartlett, eirmigrationsresponded changes occurringinthe totheextraordinary istlethwaite,‘Migration from Europe overseas’. 60 Gerber alsostresses theideaofEuropean peasantries Th eduniformitiesintherecruitments, possibly eMaking ofEurope: Conquest,Civilization and Notes 61

erential, which erential, exible, risk- exible, ere may 101 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 102 Th 1 Nrh n Th and North 11 Wealth ofNations Smith, (New York: RandomHouse, Adam n.d.),pp. 531–3. 10 1 EA Wily n RS Schofi R.S. and Wrigley E.A. 13 Seed . Albion ’ s Fischer, 12 , . 205. p. Bailyn, SometimesanArt , xx. 30 p. Voyagers , Bailyn, 29 20. p. Ibid., 28 ‘Introduction’. Ibid., 6. fn 27 235, p. Ibid., 26 8. p. Ibid., 25 33. p. Ibid., 24 32. economy’, p. colonial Ibid., trans-Atlantic 23 the and servants indentured ‘English Souden, D. 22 Ibid. 21 Richardson, and Marks to Introduction Richardson, and Marks 20 10. chap. Children , Britannia ’ s Richards, See 19 18 P.P. Christensen,‘Landabundanceand cheaphorsepower inthemechanizationof numbers 1700–1820: Confi America, 17 North to emigration ‘European Gemery, A. Henry Historical Statistics oftheUnited States 16 (Cambridge: (eds), al. et Carter B. Susan Abandoning America . See to Introduction 15 Moore, Hardman See 14 9 ot ad Th and North 9 Abandoning America: Life-stories from Early to Introduction Moore, Hardman Susan 8 ComingOver: Migration andCommunicationbetween England and New Cressy, David 39. 7 27, pp. Ibid., 6 5. p. Ibid., 5 Th R.P. and North C. Douglass 4 Albion Fischer, York: ’ (New Hackett s Seed: Four British Folkways inAmerica David 3 Call ofHome (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007),pp. 1,3,4,145. New England (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2013),and 292. p. England intheSeventeenth Century (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1987), (New York: Harper &Row, 1968),p. 7. (Oxford University Press, 1989). in Marks andRichardson, 6–7. pp. Migration , 312. (1981), the antebellumUnited States economy’, the colonieswere muchsuperiortothoseinEurope; seepp. 15,175,179. North America (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 2000).Nutritional levels in States’, inMichael R.Haines andRichard H.Steckel (eds), and quasi-numbers’, Cambridge University Press, 2006),vol. 1, Table Ad 1–2. bridge University Press, 1989). Reconstruction rmed by HenryA.Gemery, ‘Th ewhitepopulationofthecolonial United omas, omas, Introduction,(London: Arnold,1981;withnew Cambridge:Cam- , . 47. p. American Economy , , 227–8. American Economy , Perspectives inAmerican History series,1,283–342. , new , . 28. p. International LabourMigration , eld, eld, omas, Th ePopulation ofEngland, History 1541–1871:A Th e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational eGrowth oftheAmerican Economy to1860 , 18 Explorations inEntrepreneurial , History Pilgrims: New World Settlers andthe A Population of History International Labour Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Belfast News-Letter , Jan.35 1761;31March 1771. 4 3 355. United didcontractlabournotwork innineteenth-century Charlotte Erickson, ‘Why p. Ibid. 33 Bailyn, Voyagers 32 211. p. Ibid., 31 4 Se avn ains ‘Th British Parliamentary Macinnis, in 1827, Marvin May See 23 42 Horton, Wilmot to letter Buchanan, A.C. 41 48. p. Ibid. 40 39 On thequestionofgapbetween AmericanandEnglish wageratesseePeter H. ‘Th Boyd, James by analysis 38 close the See United didcontractlabournotwork innineteenth-century Erickson, ‘Why States?’, 37 40. p. Ibid., 36 Th Companion to Th Burchardt, A Jeremy see (ed.), movements allotment Williams On Chris 48 in settlement’, and ‘Migration Whyte, Ian 47 Bad Land:An American Romance Raban, (London:Picador, 1996),p. 127. J. 46 British Buckeyes Vugt, , pp. 219,221. Van 45 Belfast Newsletter , Jan. 1761;31March 1771;see2013notes19–20. 4 4 Encyclopaedia ofthe Victorian Era (ed.), , vol. 2.Th Adams in Armstrong Allan W. 43 5 Ii. p 11. p. Ibid., 57 28. p. Ibid., 56 166. p. Ibid., 55 Erickson, LeavingEngland , see pp. 23 and33;p. 3. 54 LaborMigration intheAtlantic Economies (ed.), (Westport, Conn: Hoerder Dirk 53 5 Jh Bda, Th Bodnar, John 52 ‘Th Haines, R. Michael See 301. 51 p. Rural Rides, Cobbett, riots, 50 rural systems, welfare social English trajectories: ‘Historical Wells, Roger See 49 eNorth American theatre States?’, inMarks andRichardson, Papers: Emigration vol. 2(Shannon: Irish University Press, 1968),p. 435. Reviewnomic History 69(2016),54–77. andJeffLindert rey G. Williamson, ‘American colonialincomes,1650–1774’, 40. p. developing German Atlantic world’, by D.H.Akensonin special propensity oftheIrish emigrantsatlargetostaythecitiesisspecifi Nineteenth-Century Britain (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004),p. 281. 1988), p. 66. International Perspective (Montreal andKingston:McGill-Queen ’ s University Press, Haines andSteckel, Greenwood Press, 1985),pp. 2,4,6. ington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1985),pp. xv–xvi. Haines and Steckel, History ern 25(2003),86–7. popular politics,agrariantradeunions,andallotmentprovision, 1793–1896’, 1793–1873 (Woodbridge: Boydell fortheRoyal Historical Society, 2002). , . 53. p. , e (Bloom- Transplanted: ofImmigrants AHistory inUrban America , p 371–83. pp. Population , History , . 316. p. Population , History Small Diff erences: Irish Catholics and Protestants 1815–1922: An e populationofCanadainthenineteenthcentury’, in ewhitepopulationoftheUnited States, 1790–1920’,in , . 35. p. International LabourMigration , Historical Journal (Oct. 2015),1–25. e Rhineexodus of1816/17within the eAllotment Movement inEngland, cally rejected South- 103 Eco- e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 104 Th 6 Dvd ebr American Immigration: A Very Short Introduction Gerber, (Oxford: Oxford David 61 Th Bodnar, 60 15. p. Ibid., 58 59 For are-assertion ofthepriority economic motivation ofmostAmerican University Press, 2011),pp. 71,79. to 1914’, of“America”conceptual history inEuropean migrantsendingcommunities,1860s immigration seeMax Paul Friedman, ‘Beyond “voting withtheirfeet”: towards a (pig 2007). (Spring, Journal ofSocialHistory e , p xv–xvi. pp. Transplanted , e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document were soonabsorbing migratinglabourfrom adjacent countiesandlocalparishes, ing againstthelimitsoflocal laboursupplies.Th – coalmines,ironworks andpotteries–were, despitepopulationgrowth, stretch- By thelastdecadesof the eighteenthcentury, industriesofShropshire thenew ally becameemigrants. therenevertheless were signifi Shropshire ’ madeitlesslikelytoyieldemigrants; s distancefrom the ports their alignmentsover offl thefollowing century the Black Country. and, later, in industry totheeast,risingmammoth ofnineteenth-century inShropshire, industry pockets ofnew locatedbetween rural Wales inthewest relatively stablelabourforce. Within thiscontextthere quickly emergedlarge terns ofincreasing commercialisation andrisingproductivity, by a performed county:itsownbeen anessentiallyrural agriculture followed thenationalpat- inthemid-andlateeighteenthcentury.modern iron industry Shropshire had keydistricts. population incertain by rapideconomicanddemographicchange,redistributing anddislocatingits Shropshire andtheMidlands provide examplesofmobilityinduced instructive functions inclassicbutlocalisedform. itsdynamicanddisruptive performed River Severn. Precocious industrialisationcametoShropshire by the1770sand trialisation, notablyintheIronbridge/Coalbrookdale district,deepinlandonthe Landlocked Shropshire experiencedsomeoftheearliestphasesBritish indus- Movements ofpeopleshiftedandchangedastheregions ofBritain altered Here, ofemigration,beganthesuddengrowth farfrom theports ofthe Migration inShropshire and the English Midlands

niin industrialisation Incipient cant movements ofpeople,somewhomeventu- Iln beginnings Inland 7 eexpandingindustrialvillages utaig industrialisation. uctuating Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document regions. lowing decadesShropshire wageswere already fallingbehindthoseinadjacent had fi nally caught upwith,and the overtaken, Salopian pioneers. In the fol- was thevitalmagnetuntil 1820s.By thentheindustrial Black Country incomers. Th eclearincomediff andthecountryside erential between industry had expandedfrom 2,690in1782to 4,758in1801,andalmostathird were labour.and demandfornew In Madeley parish,forinstance,thepopulation ofthesupply expansion oftotalpopulationnumbers,complicatingthe story a very young agepickingironstonea very atthepithead. they were more likelytotakework nearer home–plentywere employed from or permanentlytowork Even inLondongardens orintodomesticservice. so, able outward movements, notablyofyoung womenwhomigrated temporarily Salopian employment At thesametimethere opportunities. were someidentifi – demonstratingtheapparently randomcentripetalmotionoflabourtowards incomers were erraticadditions,evenPoles, afew Italians andaPrussian jeweller people whohadarrived here manyyears before theGreat Famine. Amongstthese but alsosubstantialnumbersfrom Ireland, especiallyCountiesClare and Mayo, parishes ofShropshire, peopleborninthecounties ofMontgomery andRadnor, revealed considerablenumbersofnon-localpeoplelivingintheoldindustrial and thiswasdemonstratedinthemobilityofpeople.Th some ofthewaryears. food fromphase localfarmingexpandedandeven Shropshire exported during fears offamine,attendedalsoby theoutbreak offoodriotsin1794.During this through to1813–15.Th ere were severe inthe1790s,indeed localfoodshortages sector. War andpoorseasonshelpedtosustaintheinfl atedpricesforfarmers this factorprobably stemmedanyincipientoutfl lation, providing astimulustolocalagriculture. Rural wageswere buoyant and the housingstockwithinageneration. squatters. Th e growthnew industrialcommunities ofthe required adoublingof lifeas housing stock,thoughmanyoftheincomingpopulationbegantheirnew industrial zone. Th more likelytofi ndwork inthemines,ironworks andpotteries,allinthesame Th people from Bala inNorth Wales becamehorsedrovers alongtheSevern Gorge. theexpandingcoalfifarms whichserved elds:forinstance,someoftheincoming ing: thecommonsequencewasforincomingmigrantsfi drawn more distantly. Th eactual movements, oftenquitesmall, were mesmeris- Wales. Unskilled labourtendedtocomefrom thenearer localities,skilledlabour usually from withinfi 106 Th ey were the forward recruits for industry –theirsonsandgrandsonswere eywere recruits forindustry theforward In themidstofthesereciprocating movements there hadbeenanongoing Industrialisation hadcomplicatedconsequencesforthelocalcommunities Similar pressure industrialpopu- wasalsoplacedonfoodsuppliesforthenew egrowthrequired local ofindustry anexpansionalsoinnew fty milesbutalsofrommid- more ofrural distantparts e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ow ofpopulationfrom the 1

rst totakejobsinlocal ecensusof1851 - Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document slow evacuation, asin West Sussex andtheIsle ofMan inthesameyears. Wars wasextremely diffi cultfortheentire ruralsectorand eventually ledtoa and populationgrowth. But thesevere oscillationoffoodpricesaftertheFrench theyhadrespondeddecline. At thestart eff ectively to the demandsofindustrial ofthecountyexperiencedimpactindustrialgrowthparts andthenrelative Farmers communityinShropshire andtherural hadfacedturbulenttimesas and thecountybecameasendingcommunity. andagriculture, buteventually bothreducedindustry theirdemandsforlabour, inhabitants. From the1770spopulationhadbeeninfl shire communitywhichcreated specialpressures uponits andopportunities distress forwant ofwork’. population intheprocess: itwasreported bleaklythat‘Many labourers were in reducing rents by 10–20percent.Farmers alsocutbackonlabour, shakingout longer abletoretain orfi ndtenants:farmers were quittingandlandlords were consolidation offarms,butby 1816manyofthenow oversized farmswere no wildly. Agriculturalgrowth hadencouragedagreater scaleofproduction andthe when the rural populationwas increasingwhen therural at an unprecedented rate–thereby tion hadbeenextremely labour-saving.Th farms were fullofunderemployed people,probably because thelandlords’ revolu- transition whichhadcaused great increases productivity. inrural Th it, theessentialmechanismwasthus: called in,andfarmersfoundthemselves overcommitted. AsJ.P. Dodd described Salop hadfoundeasycredit during the infl Migration inShropshire andtheEnglish Midlands some ofitsskilledlabour. in theseyears even thoughitsaggregate outputrose: theregion begantoshed per centin1869.Inevitably theoldmagnetforlabourhadbecomede-sensitised by 1805itwasdown to22percent,then10centin1830,andamere 2 cent ofthenation ’ s iron outputbutthiswassoonovertaken by otherregions: explains theresulting patternofmigration.In the1780sSalop produced 40per Th Farm product priceshalved between 1812and1815,thenfl In essence,cyclical changewasloadedontopofthe long-termstructural thatcouldpossiblybespared, maleandfemalealike. farm servant theinabilityoffarmerstomeetallkindsliabilities, theyturnedoff of] bankerswhowere themselvescountry obligedtosuspendpayments…[asaresult Many couldnotstandtheshockandsuchdefaultersjeopardised thestabilityof Th ere wastherefore anongoingandreversing changeinthe Shrop- structural us theoriginalmeteoricgrowth wasnotsustainedand thistrajectory 2

3 Landhadbecomeovervalued: theentire sectorin ua turbulence Rural iscreated time redundancy atthe very ationary times;now loanswere ationary being ux,duetochangesin e big new ebignew uctuated every every 107 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document industrialising economy. tural changeinagriculture cyclical andalsototheshort-term shiftsinthenearby Highley wasaremote communityresponding rural tothetwineff ectsofstruc- to migratewasclearallthesonsoflabourers. In themid-nineteenthcentury acquisition oflandbecameanearimpossibility’. Th As GwynethNair putsit,‘social advancement becameeven more diffi andby 1871twobigfarmswerethe seventeenth century intotaldominance. farms. ‘Engrossment’ wasacontinuingpressure whichhadbeenatwork since farm occupiedathird of theparish,andmostrest wasdividedintofi land intheparishhadmoved onelarge decisively: by thenineteenth century labourers, someofwhomwere absorbedby localindustry. Th population increased intheeighteenthcentury, especiallyamongthelandless in detailtheinternal mobilityofthepopulation oftheprevious decades:virtually .Th eindexed versionsofthe1871and1881censusesexpose who hadstayed intheparishaswell asthosewho hadsettledelsewhere inthe enabled analyststoinvestigate allthepeople whowere bornin Highley –those drawing ontheMormons’ computerisationofthecensusdata1881:this has some oftherioterswere andtwowere prosecuted: onewastransported hanged. farmers withthedeclarationthat‘Your bloodwillbedemanded’. In theoutcome locations in1830.At Whitchurch forinstancetheSwing riotersthreatened and agricultural–wastheoutbreak of‘CaptainSwing’ episodesinseveral miniature. by 1827,andtooklongtorecover.further Here in story wasthenationalrural but ‘some ofthesmallerfarmersthemselves becameparishpaupers’. Prices fell population highanddry. Th exacerbating theentire problem. Th 108 Th just southofBridgnorth ontheriver Severn. ties –oneofwhichwasHighley, parishinmid-Shropshire, asmall,mainlyrural industrialisation inShropshire wasaperimeter ofless-directly aff At somedistancefrom thoseparisheswhichhadhostedthefi rststagesofinfant fell intodeclineinthe1860s. Th thecoalpitsandquarries. longer distances,othersfrom withintenmiles,serving century, naturalgrowth, andaninfl ow ofmigrants–minerscominginfrom which wasassociatedwiththedoublingofpopulationtomid-nineteenth eindustrialdevelopment sustainedthelocal populationgrowth untilmining Th Th Another symptomofthedistress inShropshire –whichwasbothindustrial Th e parallel story in the rural lifeofHighley intherural wasquitediff eparallelstory erent:rural the edemography oftheparishHighley has beenstudiedingreat detail, e1780shadwitnessedtheexploitationofmineralresources intheparish, 4

e fateoftheseoff -loadedpeopleisnotknown, Th 6

ecaseofHighley eseconditionsnow leftmuchoftherural e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational eincentive orcompulsion edispositionof ected communi- cult. Th cult. ve ve e 5

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document mainly moved eastwards. late teens;theyresettled mainlywithinsixteenmilesoftheparish;andthey out-migrants were primarilytheyoung, whoseemtohave leftmostlyintheir identifi parishesinthecounty.declined mostrapidly–justlikeotherrural Th to recover whenalocalminewasreopened. Th eagriculturalpopulationhad Maddock, ofBridgnorth, whoemigrated toCanada.He sixmilesnorth was tion’ from thecounty, often mediated by ‘cultural’ considerations. term, andsomeShropshire examplesconformedtotheideaof‘induced migra- movements. Adjustments working in thelocaleconomyoperatedover thelong atypical. Even so,mostcases off erglimpsesofthecontextwhichprompted such cases butexamplesofactualemigrationinanydetailare rare and,possibly, internal mobilitywasarehearsal foremigration. We have recourse toindividual subsequent movement, whetherpermanent ortemporary. We cannotsayif we have noideaif, orhow many, peoplewent abroad eitherdirectly orby some actual emigrationasopposedtointernalmigration.From Highley, forexample, Neither censusdata,noranyother, provide detailednominalinformationabout location, apatternextendingthrough thenineteenthcentury. It wasnotsimplyamatterof‘a fl ightfrom theland’, butshort-distance re- reduced inagriculture, opportunities propelling thepeopleofHighley outward. In generaltheoutcomesuggestsaseriesofresponsesgoing intoservice. to the censuses.Most young womenwere stillfollowing theoldpattern:theywere was agrandadjustmentoccurringhere, even thoughitappearsundramaticin communityshrinkinginanexpandingworldofgrowth.essentially arural Th and followed thedeclineofagriculture and itsreduced useoflabour. It was distances;theyweremostly young folk,whomigratedshort predominantly male, Shropshire fi nallysetinonlythelaternineteenthcentury. scale ofinternalmigration.Th derived 50percentoftheirpopulationsfrom elsewhere, defi nitive proof ofthe movement,radius ofsuchrural thegreat cities,even new asearly1851,had less thanathird went tothebig towns. Th ment inrural-related jobs(aswagoners,draymen,blacksmithsandgardeners); left the country altogether). left thecountry been tracedincloselydisaggregated detail(thoughnot,unfortunately, thosewho have andsettledelsewhere inthecountry all peoplewholefttheirbirthplaces Migration inShropshire andtheEnglish Midlands Th instancewasthatof OneWilliam solitary Farmer (1794–1880)from Sutton Highley ofitspeople, parishlosingalargeproportion wasamiddlingrural Mostly tothenearest theydeparted market town where theygainedemploy- epopulationofHighley fellfrom 409in1861to1931871,thenbegan ed totalof254lefttheparishandrelocated elsewhere inthecountry. Th 8

7

Cnda odyssey Canadian A e absolute decline of rural populationsinsouth eabsolutedeclineofrural eparadox isthat,despitethelimited us an ere 109 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the times. 1830 andthefamilywere prosperous folk,butapparently discombobulatedby early in1834are elusive. William Farmer hadmarried for thesecondtimein of farminginthe1820sbutexactprecipitants ofhisemigrationtoCanada derived from generationsoffarmers.He hadexperiencedthefl from aShropshire farmingfamily, describedas‘lessergentry, well-to-do’ and 110 Th connection wasnow severed. had sustainedacontinuousfamilyconnectionfor250years – this ancient considerable estateinShropshire inMarch 1834:hesoldoff which ledtosubsequentinheritancecontroversies. Farmer haddisposedofavery earlier). Th the departure (anechooftheHentys’ transitfrom Sussex toSwan River alittle emigration. detail: forexample,theCornLawswere notrepealed untillongafterFarmer ’ s Th Canada. together by traditionalpaternalismanddependence,replanted ineastern community, sample of theoldrural a migrationwhichcarriedperfect held wheelwright andasawyer. In allFarmer tookfi journeymen andcraftsmen,mason,gardeners, blacksmith,millwright,waiter, As well, there were tenotherfamilies–forty-fi ve peopleincludingalawyer, tutor, panied by hisfamily, amaidandnurse. togetherwithageneralhouseservant, sailing shipof430tons. Travelling Farmer incomparative comfort, wasaccom- drawn by fourfi negrey horses,to Birkenhead toembark onthe resettled ontheGatineau River neartheRapidsthatbore hisname. renting ofhouses.He tookover 2,400acres oflandatGatineau, where he dian papers.On arrival Farmer bore alltheexpensesofparty, includingthe addition tohisown immigrants.In adamontheriver. 1843heconstructed But sawmill andalsofl intheparty.a hugehousetoaccommodate everybody In 1835 heerected a iswasaretrospectively andlacking version oftheemigrationstory constructed there. life anew he decidedthebestcoursewouldbetoemigrateCanadaandstart danger signalstothestrataofsocietywhichheandhisfamilybelonged andMunicipalmentary Reform Acts andtheabolitionofCornLawshesaw changes takingplaceinEngland inthe1830sgreatly disturbedhim. With Parlia- inoutlookandthepolitical butconservative a manofconsiderableindustry Th William Farmer ’ s emigrationwasunusualbecausehechartered avessel for Th eFarmers travelled from Sutton Maddock by alargeandroomy coach, etransatlanticvoyage lastedfi fty-one daysandwas intheCana- reported 10

9 e emigrationwasopposedby somemembersofhiswife ’ s family, It wasmuchlaterremarked ofFarmer thathehadbeen our andgristmillsengagedabout100 employees in e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational fty-fi ve peoplewithhim.It was uctuating fortunes thefarmswhich , a Kingston , 11 He built Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document its back-story. prompted theemigrationdecision:itrarely touchesupon theactualdecisionand categorise. ofthefl of coursepart the self-initiatingdriftoutwards. Canada. He wasoutoftheupperechelonsShropshire of life,butalsopart a hard-headed, decisive person,withoptions,decidingonbetterchancesin cumstances athomeandtheexposure inCanada. But ofopportunities hewas Farmer were probably madesuggestibletoemigrationby thecomplicatedcir- family emigrantwithalargeentourageandmuchready capital.People like now atleast£500’. years agofrom Wellington [Shropshire] without£10between them.Eachhas He spokeof‘ten menofdiff erent tradesshrewd andcautiouswhocamehere 3 In New Zealand theywouldbeabletomakemoneyifwere industrious. work andthosewhohave smallcapitalnotsuffi cientfor Englandtocomeout’. encouraging peopletoemigrate–even thosewithoutcapital–people who‘will of Bridgnorth whowent toNew Zealand in1850.He himselfwrote letters inmanycases.One suchSalopianimportant correspondent wasHenryRichards standards; theywere indeedastraightrecital ofsuchcomparisons.Th comparisons withthediff prominent intheOttawa districtandhadplacesnamedafterhim. in 1846Farmer soldoutandmoved toaplacenearHamilton: hebecame Migration inShropshire andtheEnglish Midlands and there were 359natives from England and Wales intheCounty. cabin fare cost$35. In 1870theirtownship hadsixEnglish-born fellow farmers, prepared tohelpthepassagesoftheirkinsfolkIllinois –in1865asecond-class as achancetobecomeindependentifhehashishealth’. Th by theviolence oftheCivil War. Astheysaid,‘this foraman isagoodcountry Americaoff opportunities extraordinary better livingstandards butalsothedemocraticvalues, religious toleranceand and satisfaction’ withtheircircumstances inIllinois. Th eyextollednotonlytheir Th acre farmwhichwassoonexpandedwithplentyoflivestock andequipment. Th from modestlabouringstockwithoutmuchmeans,butevidentlynot destitute. Mormons, inwhosemidsttheysettledHancock County, Illinois. Th in 1840.Th eiremigrationmayhave been prompted byaconnectionwiththe in-law, Shropshire emigratedtoAmericafrominnorth avillagenearOswestry eir few surviving lettersbackto Shropshire surviving eirfew ‘emanate aspiritofcontentment immigrantswere enew successful:by 1847Griffi thshadboughtaneighty- Direct testimonyfrom emigrantstendstobeshyoftheconditionswhich Th Evidently, therefore, Farmer considerablecapitalistemigrant,a wasavery Jh Griffi John eimpactoflettersextollingthepossibilitiesemigrationwasevidently ths (28)andhiswifeMargaret (23),togetherwithhisbrother- 15 But such correspondence, oftenby implicationonly, made 13

ows derived from across theBritish Isles, never easyto erences tohome–mostnotablyinpricesandliving ered, thoughtheywere greatly disturbed e Griffi 12 14

Th h were ths ey relate ey were ey were 111 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document enough to support twosaddlers. Th enough tosupport had lostpopulationafter1831 untilby 1861thepopulationwas1,230,only consequences were translatedintorationalemigration. Ellastone, parish, arural able. Th e Buxtons of Ellastone were caughtexactlyinthisequation andthe threshold of500–600:whenitfellbelow thislevel thetradebecameunsustain- craftwhichtypicallyrequiredsaddler wasengagedinarural apopulation context. Partly itwasaquestionofgeographyand scale. Th tradesinanindustrial encapsulatedtheproblem ofrural emigration story Ellastone, locatedbetween Stoke andDerby, fourmilesfrom Ashbourne.Th single exampleinvolved afamilyinthesaddlertrade,namelyBuxtons of faced relative andabsolutedecline,whichaff outmigration from Staff severe fl uctuations;eventually itfellintodeclinewhichinducedlong-distance economyovertrade wascentralinthenew manydecades,butwassubjectto of predominantly countiesinmidlandandsouthernEngland. Th rural tion foranymobilepopulation,tappingandabsorbingpeoplefrom alargebelt of thePotteries and‘the Black Country’. Staff ordshire becameapowerful attrac- nineteenth centuriesthere wasatotaltransformationassociatedwiththeadvent function andwillingnesstoabsorbincomingmigrants.In theeighteenthand evolved buttheywere by theseventeenth restricted century intermsoftheir andfacilities. Anetwork ofearlytowns withpoortransport tively infertile, had Before industrialisation,Staff ordshire hadbeenathinlypopulatedcounty, rela- industrialisation wasmore comprehensive andcumulative thaninShropshire. In adjacentStaff ordshire there were paralleldevelopments, thoughthecourseof to theUnited States. was afarmingfi ofadjustment.It thatPotts machinery isnotcertain lubrication inthelongrusty Union ofParishes agreed to fi nd£5from itscommonfund–a refi nedpieceof authorities forhelptoemigrateQueensland. In thisinstancetheMadeley William Potts, withhiswifeandthree children, madearequest totheparochial also theimpedimentto,movement. Th ere wasacasein Madeley in1881: cally inmigration,stilllessdirectly inemigration.Poverty wasthecause of, and not so. Only rarely didanyofthestraincircumstances express itselfunequivo- prospects prominent amongthem.Some oftheemigrantswere wealthy, some were abletooptoutofSalopian lifeinthesedecades–poverty andreduced strongly suggestthemostobvious reason fortheirexpatriation. not onlytothequintessential‘diff erential’ between homeandaway, butalso 112 Th Within sectorofStaff thiscontextofindustrialisationtheoldrural Clearly there were manydiff erent circumstances underwhichsomepeople gure, forthiswasatimewhenminerswere leavinginnumbers 16

ordshire. otgos Staff Contiguous 17

e Buxtons were aware ofthedeclining e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ordshire trades.One rural ected ancillary us an individual ordshire e iron eir Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document mid-century. zones, awidespreada mechanismofdeclineinrural Britain aspectofrural in supplier trades,likesaddlery, thoughthere were manyothers.Th changethroughout Britain:of rural thatis,theimpactonsmallercraftsand reach oftheBritish in theAgeofMigration. nating clarityaboutoneof the criticalnegative consequencesoftheoutward manifestations: lecturer onemigration in Walsall in 1849referred tosomeof the earlier capital andfarmingexperiencetoAustralia. But heard. thecallwascertainly A will beextinct’. years:them tobecomeextinctwithin afew ‘Iwillnotsayexterminated,butthey appear towear outandseemtovanish from thefaceof earth’. He expected they wouldencounterinAustralia: ‘Th Th home orlivelihood. they didnotown theirlandandpossessedconsequentlynoguaranteeofeither search forgreener pastures. Th eyalsofeltinsecure becausethey were tenants: population andthetighteningcompetitionfrom othersaddlers:theybeganto Migration inShropshire andtheEnglish Midlands migrations tourbandestinationswere tobefollowed by overseas emigration’. the familybegantomove awayfrom Ellastone inthe1850s. Th important toafamilyofMethodistimportant Independents’. Th from thelandlord ’ s inflpossibilities: ‘New Zealand off uenceonfamilydecisions,whichwouldhave been One brother hadgone to Walsall in1836. Th efamilybecameaware ofwider New Zealand landscapegardener aftertheturnofcentury. Buxtons toNew Zealand in1886.One oftheBuxtons becameaprominent meeting the[colonial]requirements’. Th forsinglemalecoloniststheyhadnodiffi potential marriagepartners craftsman andthemajorityofhisoff spring asprospectiveand domesticservants four children, now inreceipt fatherasarural ofcolonialassistedpassages:‘With Walsall; thentherest ofthefamilyarrived in1862,including theparents and paid theirown second-class passages.In sistersarrived from 1859twofurther Gravesend forNew Zealandwife,who in1857–theeldestsonandhisnew electurer feltobligedtoreassure intendingemigrantsabouttheAborigines Th of gold.] the Antipodessimilarto‘Yellow Fever’; whichisnow raginginNew York. [i.e. never thought ofcastingtheirlotoutEngland: amaniaforthepastorallifein about tenyears ago,aclassofpersonswasinducedtoemigrate, whohadhitherto Shropshire andStaff ordshire donotappearto have sentmanyfamilieswith Th e Buxton story exemplifi eBuxton story tendencyatwork onthemargins esaparticular eBuxtons’ familyhistorianexplainsthat‘After passivity centuriesofrural 21

20

22 In all theannalsofmigration,littlewassaidwithsuchincrimi- ered theprospect oftheirown landandfreedom e Blacks donotsomuchretire, they ere wave ofemigrating wasafurther e fi rst Buxtons sailedfrom 19 eywere of part

ese initial culty in culty 113 18

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document propensities couldbeidentifi industrial andurbanpeople,mainly craftspeopleandsemi-skilled,butnospecial farmers andfarmlabourers: already there were, more than proportionally, increased very greatly.increased very English emigrationsfrom ofsinglemales the1820sto1880s: theproportion Scandinavia andGermany). Th from family tolabourmigration(whichwasalsomirrored intheexperienceof erratic fl longbefore theGreatobservable Famine, thoughthetrends were subjectto of‘thethat thiswaspart secular risingemigrationfrom Britain andIreland’ in emigrationbetween 1829and1832from England (27,174to99,211)and over inErickson ’ s fragiledata.Th ussheconfi rmedthatthere wasa greatincrease and consciouschoices’. people expelledby needorabsolutehardship butpeopleabletomakerational ‘Th tion propensities. Th eemigrantssimplywillnotbe regimentedinthisfashion: correlation toconnecttheconsequencesofindustrialisationdirectly withemigra- did notdirectly expelthesepeopleasthelosersinprocess: there wasno eff Isles. Erickson declares that‘No explanationsdrawnfrom theadverse crude ing thatemigrationhadlittlesystematicrelationship withevents intheBritish processes ofeconomicchange.Th isplacesthewholequestioninlimbo,suggest- tendedtoexcludeinterpretation: theobvious mostlythiscategory losersinthe cultural depression. She concludesthattheywere tooheterogeneous for suchan the victimsofeconomicchange–eitherrelated toindustrialisationoragri- in 1831and1841.Her fi ndingssuggestthattheseemigrants were notnecessarily datacontainedinthe shippinglistsofimmigrantsarrivinginNewmentary York the emigrantsleavingEngland inthenineteenthcentury, frag- usingthevery is extraordinarily diffi to show theessential springswhichprompted theiractsofexpatriation.Th we couldidentifythecommonelementsinthoseemigratingwe mightbeable guished emigrantsfrom therest ofthepopulation,thatisnon-emigrants.If in thepatternsofemigrantselection,namelycharacteristicswhichdistin- from therest ofthestayingpopulation. people decidedtoemigrateandwhy, ofpeople anddistinguishingthiscategory Th 114 Th ere isevidentlyaproblem indeterminingwhichShropshire andStaff ects ofindustrialisationoragriculturaldepression willdo’. Industrialisation e English whochose toemigratetheUnited States were probably not Th Despite theseminimalresults there were somemore positive elementsleft intricateresearchErickson hasundertaken todiscover thecharacteristicsof More thananyone, CharlotteErickson haspinpointedtheessentialproblem e shippingdataof1831donotshow number of anydisproportionate uctuations. She confi rmedalsothat there wasashift over thecentury cult. 24 23

ed. Th ed. tyn ad leaving and Staying ere wasagreat changeinthecompositionof eemigrantsseemedtobe people whocould e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ordshire is task Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document time’. withthemostindustrialisedeconomyinworldat tion from thecountry not amatterofsheerhardship: ‘an agrarianmythlaybehindmuch oftheemigra- people whofeared fallingstatus,anxiousfortheirchildren mostofall.It was E.G. Wakefi changes associatedwiththeagrarianmythandgives credit totheproposition of clingstothelikelihoodthatemigrants werenevertheless activated by the got theextremes ofpoverty-stricken –she agriculturallabourers andgentry agricultural labourers went tothecolonies,orShepperson ’ thatthecolonies s view Berthoff Peddor assaying thathe‘would rathercross theseathangoback toBedfordshire’: were muchbetteroff than labourers in ‘the half-starved Beds’. He quoted Philip employers becausetheywere docileandgoodworkers. Moreover, saidKay, they had migratedtoMellor inDerbyshire. Such menwere welcomed by local Cranfi Heindustrial north. was,however, abletocitethecaseofPhilip Peddor of M.P., pointedoutthatBedfordshire labourers were reluctant togothe very improve one ’ s lotin Victorian England wasto leave rural it’. In 1836James Kay, had thelowest ratesofliteracy. Yet, asAgardeclares, ‘the mostobvious wayto possibilities,notleastduetosimpleinertia. among manymigratory people inBedfordshire, Staff oftheBritish squalorinmanyparts Isles.persistent rural Emigration, formost whichlayattheroot of expressed atthislocationalconservatism frustration to leave poverty forabetterfuture andmany landlords andcommentators migrate, andstillmore toemigrate.Th perceptions emphasisedthecommonreluctance folkto ofrural Contemporary of theemigrantsthemselves. districts. aff Migration inShropshire andtheEnglish Midlands age spread –ineff type ofinternalmigrant:there were fewerfemales,singles,andanarrower tion. Moreover theseemigrantsseemtohave beendiff erent from thegeneral stem thechangeandtorecreate theirvanishing worldoverseas. in somewaygrippedby ‘the agrarianmyth’. Th that thesepeoplewere insearch ofsomethinglostinthechanges–i.e.theywere external migrationaff ord toemigrate,andtheiroriginswere more likelytobehigher-wage Th Bedfordshire wasoneofthepoorest countiesin rural Victorian England and Th us, despiteErickson ’ s dismissalofthestandard claims–forinstance eywere notgenerallytheconspicuouslosersinmarch ofindustrialisa- 26 withwifeandsix childreneld, agedthirty-nine who, againstconvention, Such considerationswouldbestbediscovered inthedirect testimonies ’ ’ s notionthatAmericatendedtoattract industrialworkers whilethe eld thatemigrationappealedmostofalltothe‘uneasy classes’, the ect theypossessedadiff ected adiff erent lotofpeople. Yet Erickson alsoconcludes ordshire orShropshire, wasanunlikelyoption or ua families rural Poor ere seemedtobeaningrainedresistance erent profi erent eywere to presumably trying le whichmaysuggestthat 25

115 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document in a new world.Hein anew declared: express allthedoubts, aspirationsandvagueness ofanagriculturallabourer adrift his wifeAnne‘can now get1shillenadaywithhernidel’. Baker went onto voyage andthesettlementof hisfamily. Th ey were all now inemployment, and addressed tohis friendsandneighboursbackinHodson anddescribedthe 1852, reproduced initsoriginalsemi-phoneticform.It innewspapers was ‘thousands thangotothehouse’. would[rather]rob orstarve remarked how itwasindeedpossibletogo intothePoor House butthat not halfenoughboiledswedes, andwithbutlittlefi week andnothave bread andpotatoesenough,theotherthree daysupon ticularly, wouldsitathistablewithwifeandyoung children ‘four daysina he hadbeenunabletocommandregular work orincomeand,inwinterpar- to feedhisown children, trappedinaregion decline.By ofrural hisown account stratum insouthernEngland. group inBritish society, thatis,from theunderemployed agriculturallabouring had reached working age.Th e Bakers were, indeed,membersofaclassicdepressed months, emigratedwithhispregnant wifeandeightchildren, someofwhom as askilledandversatile labourer whowasoftenunemployed inthewinter Wiltshire Emigration Society undertheleadershipofEarlBruce. Baker, described Victoria inthespringof1851,promoted withtheaidofPoor Lawfundsby the with hisfamily, ofanemigration of258peopletoSouth part Australia and world.Herural wasafarmlabourer from Hodson andcarter nearSwindon and, Jacob Baker, deprivation, aremnant whowastheepitomeofrural oftheold Th England were notabletogive muchvoice totheirplightorescapeoverseas. for localtowns orLondon’. Bedfordshire’. AsAgarreports, ‘most ofthoseleavingBedfordshire villagesleft come over in tobestarved soon…If theywouldnotcome,deserved he had‘written backtoinducefriendsmigrateandexpectstwelve ofthemto 116 Th from urbanlifewere probably greater. independence,even whereobsessed withtheideaofrural thereturns tolabour Here wasclearevidenceoftheland-centred thinking ofmanyimmigrants, were recruited totheAustralian coloniesin1841. ere was,however, astrikingandatypicalexamplefrom Wiltshire, namely Baker waswitnesstohisown emigrationandwrote aletterhomeinSeptember Baker, in1851,hadbeenafarmlabourer fortwenty-fi ve years, hardly able Most ofthepooragriculturallabourers ofSalop, Staff ordshire andsouthern later. land; ifIdonotbuysomecan rent someat5speracre, andbuyitforonepound God we have gotourhealth, by thetimethisyear isoutIthinkofgettingalittle it is.Icansave moneyenofeinoneweek fortobuyoneakerofland;soitplese I couldnotthinkhow itwasforlabren mentogetafarm,butnow Icanseehow 27 Some well-documented Bedfordshire labourers e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 28

re tocookthemwith’. He 29

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document aware ofhisown sheerpoverty, whichwastheprimepropellant outofEngland. propulsive characterofwhichisexplored inthenextchapter. and theothersinthischapterwere mirrors ofagrarianchangeinEngland, the able tonegotiatethebarriersemigration,inthiscase, as farAustralia. He quality oflifethanwagesandthecostliving’. social relations were more signifi to Keith Snell ’ s contentionthat‘family ties,accesstoland,andthequalityof His case,andthetestimoniesofsomeShropshire migrants,give credence devoted tospiritualmattersandhisown outdoorpreaching inthecolony. emigrant labourer onthemake.Much ofhisletter, likesomanyothers,was spoon butwiththehand’. day oftheweek, andby thefactthat‘we donotputteainthepotwitha plenitude by examples–by thefactthatBakers now atefresh meatevery account: Baker quoted wagesandpricesbuthemainlyconveyed theprevailing all we canwithoutlicences’. Livingconditions,ofcourse,loomedlargeinhis dog forshooting. Tim andmecantakeourguns adogandgooutshoot many otheremigrantlettersofthisperiod.Th off Baker ‘Th urged hisfriendsandkinsfolktomigrateSouth Australia onspecifi Migration inShropshire andtheEnglish Midlands 3 .. od ‘Th Dodd, J.P. 3 155. p. Ibid., 2 Industrial Revolution inShropshire Trinder, (Chichester:Phillimore, 3rd Barrie See 1 5 on . nrw ‘hosie wn Ros n 80, Shropshire Magazine 1830’, , Jan. 1972. in Riots Swing ‘Shropshire Andrew, E. John 5 Ibid. 4 elongerthejourneybetter’, heexplained: Th daughter. Th isthecountry, my boys. over struck and hermotherisvery ourFred, andalltheyhave gotisfortheir his wifwhohave gotafarmoftheirown andonlyonedaughter, andthisdaughter Anne have gottherefuse of2young farmersnow, andthere isanotherfarmerand All mychildren canmaketheirown ifIshoulddietomorrow. fortune and Mary It wouldbeamistaketodepictBaker simplyasacrassmaterialist,the Baker wasalsoconcernedabouttheultimatesecurityofhislargefamily. He edn, 2000),pp. 156,158,170,169. of SocialHistory 19(1974),86–99. See alsoEric Richards, ‘CaptainSwing inthe West Midlands’, cal andNatural Society History 55(1954), 6. ecaseofJacob Baker represents familywas oneway inwhichapoorrural ered otherimplicitcomparisonswithEngland whichechothrough so estateof agriculture inShropshire, 1775–1825’, cant inEnglish labourers’ assessment ofthe Notes 30

ushereported, ‘Ihave boughta 31 But Baker hadbeenintensely Shropshire Archaeologi- International Review c grounds. 117 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 118 Th 1 Srphr Cut Rcr Offi Record County Shropshire 10 143. p. 25 Ibid., 24 Note thatErickson ’ s useofshipping listswasacontinuingcontroversy withRaymond 2 Eiko, LeavingEngland Erickson, , p. 157.She specifi 23 5. p. Ibid., 22 2 Atu Hdsn ALecture onColonizationandEmigration …at Walsall, Hodgson, Staff Arthur 16. 21 chapter below, See 20 18–27. Ibid., 19 ‘Th Tipples, Rupert 18 ‘Th Dyer, Christopher See 17 Pit Men, Poachers andPreachers: Life andthePoor LawintheMadeley Jones, Ken See 16 195–202. pp. Invisible Immigrants , Erickson, 15 14 Set Sail forCanterbury Quérée, (Christchurch, New Zealand: Canterbury Marks andRichardson pointedlyasked,‘Are Jennifer theexplanationswhichemigrants See of 13 Shropshire News Letter Canada’, to emigration Farmer ’ s ‘William Tildesley, N.W. 12 Seeking aBetter Future: English Pioneers of Campey, Lucille in mentioned is Farmer 11 9 hosie ony eod Offi Record County Shropshire 9 8 wnt Ni ad ai Pytr ‘Th Poynter, David and Nair Gwyneth 8 7 Gwyneth Nair andDavid Poyner, ‘Emigration from Highley, 1841–1881:afl 6 wnt Ni, Highley: Th Nair, e Development ofaCommunity, 1550–1880 Gwyneth 6 167–86. south-east Shropshire inthelatenineteenthcentury’, Highley . from theland?’, Blackwell, 1988),pp. 252–3. researched inthe1990sandpublishedasanote. Cohn: seeabove, chapter 5 . problems andtoinferthatthesewere theemigrants’, p. 130. tion ofimmigranthistoriography tocitegroups inthepopulationwithparticular 20 March, 1849 (Walsall, 1840),p. 27. Staff Warwickshire, 1841–1901’ (MAthesis,University ofLiverpool, 1950). Studies 15(2002); R.Lawton,‘Population migrationintoandfrom Staff closure ofthemineworks. 1886 manyminersfrom nearby Dawley emigratedtotheAmericasfollowing the Union ofParishes, 1700–1930 (Ludlow: Dog Rose Press, 2009),pp. 127,147.In to Marks andRichardson, determinations’. agentsofourinvoluntary objects,thevoluntary part Introduction ing ‘the ambivalence ofourhumanpresence crucial inourown history, subjects, part of thegeneralphenomenonmobility?’Th eyquoteE.P. Th gave fortheirmovement historicalexplanation acceptableasbasesforasatisfactory Museum, 2002),p. 27. the Shropshire Archaeological Society, no. 40(June 1971). Ontario andQuebec (Toronto: Dundum, 2012),pp. 107–10. aboutFarmer.Canada inresponse toaninquiry ordshire History ordshire Transactions oftheShropshire Archaeological Society 79.See alsoNair, eBuxtons ofEllastone – Victorian migrantstoNew Zealand’, (91, 19. (1991), eurbanizingofStaff ordshire: thefi , . 5. p. International LabourMigration , letterfromce, Shrewsbury: theNational Archives of asubstantialfice, Shrewsbury: leonthe Farmer case e fl e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ight from theland?Rural migrationin cally warned againstthe‘hardy tradi- Rural History 17(2006), msn’s eak regard- remark ompson ’ s rstphases’. ordshire and Staff (Oxford: ordshire, ordshire ight Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 2 Ngl . gr Th Agar, E. Nigel 165. 27 p. LeavingEngland , Erickson, 26 Migration inShropshire andtheEnglish Midlands 2 Bkr’s etr a pbihd n h DevizesGazette the (July 22,1852)andalsoin in published was letter Baker ’ s 29 28 See Eric Richards, ‘An Australian mapofBritish andIrish literacyin1841’, , . 15. p. LeavingEngland , Erickson, by reported As 31 Ibid. 30 Scotsman Studies 53(Nov. 1999),345–59. Bedfordshire Historical Record Society, 60,1981),p. 129. (etme 1, 1852). 15, (September (Bedford: e Bedfordshire Farm Worker intheNineteenth Century Population 119 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document were circumstances. subjecttonew Until thenthemigrantsderived from thefirural communitieswhich eldsand mass emigrationbecomeanoverwhelmingly urbanandindustrialphenomenon. –did to theemigrationships.Only later–afterthemid-nineteenthcentury pathswhich,foraminority, longandtortuous villages, andalongthevery led mobility werecottagesand –theoriginsare essentiallyrural foundincountry evidence,butthelines of causationare faint.Thrary ebeginningsofmodern Isles. Th ecasedependsonthe weightandimpressions derived from contempo- Europeinexorably tolateeighteenth-century and,mostgenerically, totheBritish Th century inapparently independentdiasporas,followingcentury theirown timetables. ations from across continentalEurope. Th elatteremerged bythelatenineteenth British Isles andwere, inreality, ‘rehearsals’ fortheeven greater, butlater, evacu- in . And,itiscontended,theoutfl ows were pioneered mainlyinthe emigrants –mainlyinNorth America,buteven homelands tothemostdistantnew their own motivations. Eventually theroads stretched tothemaindestinationsof main actors,theemigrants,were abouttheirown mostlyunforthcoming decisions, mass emigration.It isevidentlyatangledandperplexingmatter, becausethe partly life were ultimatelytranslatedintotheglobaldispersionwhichwe associatewith many more embarking onemigrantships? and towns ofBritain, whywere there farmore inthegaols,andwhywere so people nearandfar. Why, by 1830,were there vastly more peopleinthevillages the system,whichwasexpressed inthedislocationandre-distribution ofthe change andmobility. Th eynew turmoil,sometorque respondedtosomewithin shire levels eachyieldedmigrants,internallyandexternally:sawnew of esearch forthedeepestroots ofmoderninternational migrationleadsback Th Th eoverarching questionhere ishow circumstances inthefoundationsofrural eIsle ofMan, Guernsey, Shropshire, Staff ordshire, West Sussex and Wilt- Agrarian turmoilandtheactivation of Th mass mobility eroad toemigration 8

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Agrarian andtheactivation ofmassmobility turmoil country asitindustrialised. country with rawmaterials)themuch fastergrowing non-agricultural populationofthe greater outputthanever before –whichthenfedandclothed(andalso supplied eff In this increment wassuccessively urbanisingcentres. skimmedawayintonewly ofthedemographicrevolution– aspart oftheeighteenthcentury. Some of and extremely effi England had mainlyceasedtoexist.Th esystemwasbecomingfullycapitalistic version of landholding. of Europe oftheBritish (andsomewesterly parts Isles) orwithanycommunal of British agriculture –incontrastwith peasantformationstypicalinotherparts class –thelandlesslabourers proletariat). Th (arural isbecame theclassicformat large tenant-farmerswhointurnfarmedthelandwith labourofthelargest large landowners (someenormouslylarge)wholetouttheirlandsonrental to three-decked structure: thelandwasmainlypossessedby rural arelatively few oftheBritishby 1800,inmostparts Isles (though notall)there hademergeda isanextrachallenge. story unsatisfactory since thetimeofAdam Smith. Seeking thespringsofemigrationoutthis unsettled questionsamonghistorians,whichhave tormentedthe profession the mostproductive intheworld? Within thesepuzzlesthere are seriously apparently strandedandmadequasi-redundant whenBritish agriculture became urbanised? populationwhowere oftherural What happenedtothatproportion and economicrevolutions? Andhow didthe populationcometoberapidly in English societywhichwere entangledwiththesimultaneousdemographic of peoplefrom theland. contentious ways,totherelease orexpulsiondisplacement,oflargenumbers and transformationofthesoil,agrariansocietyatlarge.Th late eighteenthcentury. Th and unresolved questionsaboutthegreat turmoilgrippingEnglish societyinthe Th forces were fi outward stretchings. It Britain thatsuchstructural wasinlateeighteenth-century they alsopossessedcommonfeatures, generalpropulsions behindthese certain andindeedwiththeirownand particularities, narratives andexplanations.But equestion–theriseof modernemigration–overlaps intothecontroversial Th Peasants andsmallindependentholdersoftheland(e.g.yeomen) in But someoftheelementsare clearandgenerally agreed. Th us weknow that, How populationfare indeeddidtherural duringtheunprecedented changes esediasporascanbetreated asseparateentities,withtheirown conditions ect agriculture ofthepopulationtoproduce usedasmallerproportion a rst displayed. rst cient.Meanwhile thepopulationonlandgreatly increased Structural changeontheland isturmoilwas,inthefi nal aboutthecontrol resort, is related, in 121 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document essential ‘discontinuity’ atthecentre ofthisnarrative. sectorreleasedation inwhichtherural labourandpeopleinlarge numbers–the long timeandwhichcontinueddeepintothenineteenthcentury, wasthesitu- 122 Th concern. the landandtheirrelocation elsewhere, even overseas, whichisourprimary populationfrom transformation, wasthedisengagementofmostrural and sometimesbarely visible.But theconsequence,over thedurationof thelong Britainchanges inrural were mostly gradual,almostsubterranean,cumulative there willbemore examplesinthe following chapters.In reality theunderlying groups responding tonegative conditionsinseveral ofourzones ofexit,and emigrants. many particular Yet, aswe have already seen,there were identifi many decades,anditisdiffi cult toidentifyandpin down suchdirect eff overthough, there wasseriousandprolonged dislocationinthecountryside aggravated clearanceinseveral regions over twocenturies.In theBritish Isles, Th evacuation ofthecountryside. an involuntary be deceptive. It ofpopulationunderpressure, seemstoimplyanextrusion Th rose outofBritain andbegantospread across theglobe. sector wasinwidespread turmoilthroughout thedecadesinwhichemigration and stillhighlycontentiousquestion.Th disengagement ofpeoplehappened,andwithwhatconsequences,isacentral reinforcement onaEuropean scale,by thebrothers Lucassen. Th during suchphasesandthisisassociatedwithmajorfl ows ofpeopleoff theland. move aboutmuchmore actively. Allmodernisingsocietiesbecomemore mobile havealisation. Once beenweakened, thebondsoftraditionalrurality people a shiftinthelevels ofmobilityduringmodernisation–notablyindustri- transition’, associatedwith Wilbur Zelinsky, whoproposed thatthere istypically ofmobility.history Th or free, induced orvoluntary. Th ere are several broad interpretations ofthe obscures thequestion ofwhethertherelocation ofthepopulationwascoerced probably social discontent’. averted In this scenariotheemigrantswere escaping nifi a majormanifestation,perhaps a‘spin-off ’,from thetransition. happened tooccurinthemiddle ofthemobilitytransition:massemigrationwas step tosaythatthesurgeof emigrationtoAtlantic destinationsandAustralia eideathatmigrationreceives turmoilmay itsoriginalimpetusfrom rural isideaofanaccelerationmobilityelaboratedandaccorded empirical ofthesurplus… the escape-hatchfunction[which]also cant proportion Th Th A secondproposition pictures emigrationasa‘safety valve toskimoff asig- e corollary ofthesegreat changes,whichhadbeeninpreparation ecorollary foravery is relatively changeinevitably gradualcharacterofmostthisrural e fi rst isthewell-knowncalled ‘the generaltheory mobility Th eroles ofmigration e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational emostsignifi rural cantfactisthatthe ere were casesof certainly 1 When andhow this 2 It isnotalarge ectson able Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document was zero’. inherit intensifi ed,whichis‘inmarked contrasttowhenthepopulationgrowth He pointsoutthatwhenpopulation grew, theproblem offi ndingaholdingto growth istherefore akeyissueforthedispositionoflandand younger children. becomes thatoffi inevitably produce ‘a sons…theintergenerationalproblem surplusofsurviving problems for suchasociety. AsSchofi eldputsit,when population grows families England. Sudden populationgrowth produces immediateintergenerational ‘long-term accommodationbetween populationandtheeconomy’ achieved in demographer R.S.Schofi life inBritain infl uencedtheoutward movement ofpeoplefrom theland.Th without checkformanydecades.Th agriculture passedintoagrowth patternofrapid improvement, whichcontinued latively atanunprecedented rate.Over asimilartime-spantheproductivity of eighteenth century, across theBritish Isles, populationbegantoincrease cumu- fully settled. population growth iscriticalintheBritish prototype, but the argumentsare not Malthus castshisghostly shadow andindeedtherelationship ofmigrationto Over these debates abouttheactivation ofmigrationinmoderntimes,Robert twentieth centuries. ties intheinternationaleconomy, especiallyasitevolved inthenineteenthand product of, andresponse to,theexposure ofdiff erential rewards andopportuni- persisted to about 1871. And it seems most likely that fertility wasthegreaterpersisted toabout 1871.Anditseemsmost likelythatfertility period ofgrowth untilitreached itsmaximumrateinabout1810–20,which stopped growing andshrankbetween 1650and1730whenitbegan asecond population hadbeengrowing quitequicklyfrom 1541to1650, butitthen likelytherest ofEngland oftheBritish (andvery Isles)history wascurious:the required solutions,oftenanswers improvised within families.Th exemplar.perfect Th enormalsocialandeconomicequationbecameundone and the intensifying‘lackofland,oppressive landlords, hunger, [and]hopelessness’. Agrarian andtheactivation ofmassmobility turmoil countries andregions. tion across theglobeaslinkinganddiminishing‘development gaps’ between home populations. production offoodwhich,by thelatenineteenthcentury, wasfeedingEurope ’ s eventually theemigrantsbecameagentsinrapidexpansionoverseas Th us Europe disgorgeditssurpluspopulationtotheoverseas destinations: Th elementsintheaccountareCertain uncontested.At sometimeinthemid- A third variant ofthesebroad generalisationsinterprets modernlabourmigra- e caseofEngland between thesixteenthandnineteenthcenturiesisa nding enoughlandfortheyounger generation’. Population 4 Th originsofchange,seekingthe eld examined therural is thecommonargumentthatemigrationwasa ouain imperatives Population eimpactofthesetwofundamentalfacts e demographic 123 e 3

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document much greater thanelsewhere, anditsrateofurbanisationalsofarinadvance. even greater inthetowns. Moreover thegrowth oftheEnglish populationwas peoplehadbecomemainlywage-earnersandemployees,anised; itsrural atrend He isemphaticthatEngland hadlostitspeasantry, whichwasalready proletari- England. Schofi eldaddsintotheaccountfeatures which were specialto England. in general,stilloperatingontheoldrestraints whichhadceasedtowork in age ofmarriage.In Europe, by contrast,latemarriagesappeartohave remained of themanipulationmarriageageandratesmarriage. preventative checksfortheregulation ofpopulationgrowth –thatis,by means and thiswasresponsive toculturalnorms.Malthus himselfgave emphasistothe ing intraditionalsocieties:therateofmarriagewascontrolling mechanism changes in fertility – not to systematic changes in mortality rates. –nottosystematicchanges inmortality changes infertility growth, andthegreat changesafter1740seemtohave beenmostlyrelated to continental Europe. Th the restrictive andcontrolled frameworkprevailing insomuchof with more substantialfarming familieswithmultiplechildren anddiminishing – singlemenandpeoplejust marriedoronthebrinkofmarriage–together after 1815).It wasultimatelyfrom thesepoolsthatmanyemigrantswere derived strained by thereduced chancesofobtaininglandand employment (especially world; andthepossibilities of marriageandreproduction were seriouslycon- an increasing poolofsons(andindeeddaughters) unprovided forintherural been released. variable: inMalthus’ words, the‘prudential restraint’ onmarriagehadsomehow 124 Th eighteenth-century England. eighteenth-century frustrations. frustrations. restrictedinto largesurplusesofyoung horizons, peoplewithvery nottomention A relatively smallchangeinthepopulationgrowth rate wasrapidlytranslated rate rises‘the quickly’. numberofsonsaround andneeding aplotwillrisevery tive marker, andrestricted populationgrowth. further Hence ifthepopulation In pre-industrial societiesthiscontainmentofmarriagewasanextremely sensi- consequence wasthevariation andregulation ofthenumber‘surplus sons’. this may be true of many parts of theBritish ofmanyparts Islesthis maybetrue of populationswhichwere beyond thecapacityoflandtomaintain. retained manyofthesesonsanddaughterstheycreated largelocalaccumulations If societies(suchasthoseofthewest ofIreland andtheScottishHighlands) whom there couldnotbeenoughlandunlessthere wassubdivisionofholdings. tion increase wasthecreation of amuchlargerpoolofsonsanddaughtersfor I Schofi In Inheritance isatthecentre oftheseideasaboutpopulation constraintsoperat- Th Th Th egravamen isthatthere ofthisversion was ofEnglish demographichistory e constraintsonfamilyformationseemtohave beenloosenedinmid- ese constraints did not apply in England in the eighteenth century (and eseconstraintsdidnotapply inEngland intheeighteenthcentury eld ’ s account,therefore, oneofthecriticalconsequencespopula- is wasavitaldeterminantofcontinuingpopulation 5 Th iswasregistered criticallyinafalltheaverage e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 9 ). It was notconstrainedwithin 8 Th e crucial 7

6

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document and labourers. folkmovedthese migratory more thantenmiles,especially thedomesticservants usually lessthantwenty parishes;possiblyonly15percentof milesfrom rural intheBritish population everywhere to acommondiminutionoftherural Isles. required theevacuation ofthepeople–eventually ofalargeproportion leading others leftfortheUnited States andthe colonies’. villagers,then,went intheirthousandstothetowns,decline: ‘Victorian while Wales hadreached theirpeaksandwere thereafter inabsoluteaswell asrelative Th decades ofthemostrapiddemographicgrowth inallBritish history. the fi growth. Th esefactssuddenlybecamealarminglyvisible as soonthe resultsof had littleconceptionoftheactualsize oftheBritish populationoritsrateof relating tothekeyvariables: thiswasapre-census worldinwhicheven Malthus are madecloudyby thelackofpreciseConditions intheeighteenthcentury data pattern. Th well known thatyoung andvice-versa. peopleoftenemigrated inorder tomarry grants toNorth Americaattheendofeighteenthcentury. prospects forthefuture generation.Th elatter were prominent amongtheemi- Agrarian andtheactivation ofmassmobility turmoil story thus: story becoming muchclearer by mid-Victorian times.Dennis Mills captured the however, are unableto accountforemigrationout ofthesystem,though high.Th placeswasparticularly female migrationfrom rural decades. Where Kent forinstance, thepopulationwasdeclining, asinrural enetresult was thatby 1861orbefore, populationsofEngland and the rural econtractingofsomanymarriagesjustbefore emigrationfi ts well intothis Most oftheinitialmovements outofagriculture were ofsmalldistances, Rural regions were passingthrough immensechangeswhichultimately factories. craftsandindustrieswererural beingputoutofbusinessby urbanmillsand machines begantohave someeff labour-saving ofdepression and aboutthemiddleofcentury a century reclaimed. AfterthewarsagainstFrance arablefarmingwent of through aquarter farming couldabsorboncetheheathsandmoors,fensmarsheshadbeen Theconomy ofthecountryside. ere wasalimittotheamountoflabourwhich Massive naturalincreases populationcouldnotbesustainedby the inrural Th It likelythatmarriageratesandmobilitymoved seemsvery intandem.It is e state of mobility and the transfer of labour out of rural England was estate ofmobilityandthetransferlabouroutrural rst three censuses(1801,1811,and1821)were published:thesewere the 11 Th ere was a tendencyforthesedistancestoincrease over later Th eexitoflabour ect onthedemandforlabour. Meanwhile many 10

e censusfi gures, 125 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document even thoughthenationalpopulationcontinuedtorise. experienced arelative, population, andthenanabsolute,declineoftherural labourercumstances from therural inLanarkshire. But intheend,theyall diff variable. Th eexperience of, forexample,Lancashire and WestCork obviously Lancashire in1842(anespeciallydiffi folkfl highest deathrates,yet rural urbanareas andthe most denselypopulatedcounties,withtheunsanitary children diedbefore theirtenth birthday. Lancashire andMiddlesex were the mostly incellarsunderground’. In theearly1840smore thanhalfofallLiverpool fever-haunted alleys.Robert Southey hadnoted,‘the poorasinManchester, live By the1840s,100,000were packedintoonesquare mileofitsmeanstreets and many decadesofgrowth andgreat prosperity washighlyunhealthytolive in. counties. work ofD.E.Baines deducednetemigrationfrom theaggregate changesbetween 126 Th in argument. mechanisms of, andmore thenecessityof, particularly the process haslongbeen placeswasvaried andsubjecttodispute.Th outofrural of coercion andthrust islessclear.such changestoemigrationbeyond thecountry Moreover thedegree isnotincontention.But locationsacross therelationship thecountry rural of Th diff Such conditionsneedtobeaccounted for whentheinfl uenceofthepositive unavoidable andcontributed tothesuccessofimprovement movement. Peter andminimalforthesakeofprogress. Enclosuresnecessary were inparticular urbanised numbers–andinsisted thatthesocialcostpaidinprocess was which enabledthenationto feeditsgreatly augmentedanditsincreasingly generallycelebratedtheremarkable advanceseenth century inproductivity – ateconomicanddemographic changeinducedanoutfl ow ofpopulationfrom ered becauseoflocalfactors;the West Highland cottarwasindiff erential inlivingstandards isconsidered. from whichtheyhademerged. hope ofsomemanufacturingrevival thanreturn totheconditionoffarmlabourers would besenttotheirparishes,andthattheyhadratherendure anythinginthe were personsfrom agriculturaldistricts,who,oncommittinganactofvagrancy, application hadnotbeenmadetotheparishforrelief, Iwasinformedthatthey there hadbeenseveralOn instancesofdeathbyaskingwhy sheerstarvation. Th It isalsothecasethatrigourandpaceofchangeswere highly Th e towns were notobviously hospitable. Liverpool, forinstance,despite econventionally positive ofagriculturalimprovement view intheeight- 12

Th epriceofprogress 13

ocked infrom nearandfar. Avisitorto cult year) reported: year) cult e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational erent cir- erent e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document wages too. England whohadpreviously enjoyed goodaccesstothelandandrelatively high had expropriated peopleof theproductivity gainsatthe expense oftherural the landlords hadstolenthecredit achievement, fortheextraordinary and demographic phenomenon. and needlesslysacrifi that thepoor‘werea consequence.EarliertheHammonds hadasserted sacrifi outfl the commonswasadisasterforpeasantclass.Th enough caseofclassrobbery’, andJeanette Neeson, whoarguedthatthelossof of theseopponentswere E.P. Th ompson,whodeclared that ‘enclosure wasaplain agriculture suppliedthetowns withthelabourforindustry. Th emostnotable a hovel’. landlord ’ s mansionwaslavish,thefarmer ’ concentrated; rents hadrisenwhilewagesstagnated.By the19thcentury, the s housemodest,thelabourer ’ s cottage agriculturenew wasexceptionally unequal:‘ washighly and 50percenthigherworker thananywhere elseinEurope. But the improved: by 1800,British agriculture wasthemostproductive intheworld he concedesthatoutputperheadinEnglish agriculture hadindeedgreatly has beenpowerfully reinforced by theeconomichistorianR.C.Allen,though propulsion behindtheprocess remains contested.Th enegative interpretation tens ofthousandspeopleover perhaps sixgenerations.But theformof aff and emigration.Agriculturaltransformation,inoneway oranother, clearly rather thanofsocialchangeslikeenclosure orlargefarms’. ‘the manufacturingwork-force wastheresult ofthe“natural” drive toreproduce populationincreasedthe rural toitshistoricmaximaaslate1841.Andthus towns (andoverseas presumably). Indeed itisnotdiffi culttodemonstratethat that populationgrowth wasthesource oftheultimatefl labour requirements anddidnot drive peopleoff theland. eypointedout Th Th before. Th e economicbenefi tshadbeen prodigiousandthesocialcostsminimal. reformed itsfi eldsystems,andit rural labourforce thaneverretained alarger culture hadindeedadvanced withgreat vigour;itfedmanymore mouths,it agricultural progress. Th epositive interpretation maintainedthat Englishagri- scorn onthe‘peasant’ cultivator who,hedeclared, hadalwaysfeared andresisted Arthur Young wasthemainauthorityforthisview. Adam Smith hadpoured her growing population’. was thepriceEngland paidforherincreased suppliesofcornandmeattofeed Mathias represented suchaview, that‘Th asserting e break-up ofthepeasantry Agrarian andtheactivation ofmassmobility turmoil ese ‘optimists’ agriculture insistedthatthenew andenclosures increased population.Itected the massoftherural created amechanismofexitfor Th Th ow ofpopulationandthisobviously impliesanaccelerationofmobilityas e opposing, mainly Marxist, view asserted thattheexpulsionoflabourfrom eopposing,mainlyMarxist,asserted view is central argument in economic history is crucial for the story ofmigration forthestory iscrucial iscentralargumentineconomichistory 17 Alleninsiststhat thisinequalitywastheproduct ofsystematictheft: ced’. 14 16 theinfl In thelateeighteenthcentury

e enclosures caused the ow ofpeopletothe 15 It wasprimarilya uential improver ced 127 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document income gainsfortheagriculturalrevolution tothelandowners’. accrued were notre-employed inindustry, butremained unemployed …Asaresult, the growth inoutput,butitdidrelease labour. Unfortunately, theredundant workers ownership:of property ‘Th is revolution madeonlyasmallcontributiontothe century. Afterthatcameenclosures, farmamalgamationsandtheconcentration and theincreased labourproductivity oftheseventeenth andearlyeighteenth of theincrease inagriculturalproductivity camefrom thetraditionalyeomanry contribution toeconomicdevelopment’, butdecidedly‘itmadethemrich’. Most which hadnowhere to go–consequentlytheidea ofemigrationwouldhave redundant labour(andtheincreased numberofoff -spring)inthecountryside from theemigrantships.Nevertheless itsuggeststhatthere of wasareservoir populationareof thestaterural correct, thepoorwere stillalong way versions oftheconditionBritish peopleatthistime. Even ifthesediagnoses tion. It is a deeplypessimisticpicture whichcorresponds withallthenegative and alackofhopeforanever increasing ofEngland proportion ’ popula- s rural of landandwealth awayfrom thelabouringpeopleofland–creating misery Rural transformationhaddoneitswork forinternalandoverseas destinations. security, were increasingly suggestibletothecallsofmigrationandemigration. fodder’; itisequallylikelythatthesedislodgedpeople,reduced instatusand reduced topoverty andsearching foralternatives. Th ey were Marx ’ peopledisplacedfrom thelandmusthavenumbers ofrural increased greatly, s ‘factory unprecedented rate –thereby exacerbating theentire problem. populationwasnaturallyincreasing timewhentherural atan at thevery landlords’ revolution hadbeenradicallylabour-saving.Th is created redundancy scenewasfullofunderemployed rural the new people–mainlybecausethe ment, lowered labourincomeandinducedout-migration. According toAllen paupers –notproletarians. Th edeclineinlabourdemandincreased unemploy- 128 Th Labour productivity rose rapidly, andlabour-sheddingproceeded inexorably. redundant muchoftheavailable work force, butespeciallywomenandboys. ver agriculture thenew demandedeconomiesintheuseoflabour, rendering Th Th According changecausedaprofoundly negative toAllen,rural redistribution Clearly inthisinterpretation world,the ofthechangesimposedonrural By theearlynineteenthcentury, theagricultural revolution wasproducing independence. shapes andsizes thatwere more acceptabletooverseers ormore consistentwith and strangesurroundings, thefamiliesleftbehindtornandreconfi als couldbedetachedofrelatives andfriendsdriven toseekwork innew In alabour-surpluseconomywithtight-fi stedanddirective poorlaw, individu- e burden ofAllen ’ s work isthatthelandlords’ revolution ‘made little e outcome for rural lifeatlargewasoftensevere: eoutcomeforrural 20

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 21

grd into gured 18 Moreo- 19

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document populations oftheBritish Isles atlarge,buttheyhave been hotlycontested. as analternative toemigration. ened the extrusive factorin migration. ened theextrusive ment, i.e.thequalityoflife’. Declining standards oflivingwouldhave strength- through to the1830s,‘results [which]mayrefl ectdeteriorationsintheenviron- population) now concludethataverage British livingstandards were falling are interested particularly inevidenceregarding trends inheightsamong the shifted towards thepessimists’ version ofthestory. Quantitative historians(who zones, atvarious times,evidentlyyielded streams of emigrants:butitisalsotrue England hadbecomeadistantfolk-memory. in themid-nineteenthcentury, were sanctuary, alsoseekingarural whichin independence. It isonlyalittlesurprising thatmanyoftheirurbansuccessors, people divorcedyearnedworldofrural forland,anew from thecountryside heavily revived inthisscenario. Anditislittlesurprisethatsomanyofthese been exceedingly attractive, thoughlargelyunattainable.Th eexpulsionthesisis Agrarian andtheactivation ofmassmobility turmoil of thediff erentials, Allenprovides themostunambiguousanswer, off historians. If we are lookingfortheattractionsofemigration,andwidening greatly heightenedbeyond even thosediagnosedby Marxist andthelatersocialist England isthattheexpulsive forceschange ineighteenth-century atwork were understood ‘ifwrittenfrom ofthosewhofailed’. thepoint of view Heaton longagosuggestedthattheIndustrial Revolution couldbebetter advances insomeareas seemedtoimpelthedeclineof otherregions. Herbert British Isles probably increased duringtheacceleration ofindustrialisation– have been enhancedby thesechanges. those changes.Th e yearningforstability, orescape,andforapieceoflandmay consequences forourunderstandingofthementality peopledislocatedby characterofthechanges, whichhadsubstantial question oftherevolutionary andinto thenext.Partlate eighteenthcentury ofthedebaterevolves around the agriculture, whichwasabletofeedthenationthrough itstransformationsinthe Much oftheresponse hasbeentore-assert thegreat achievements ofthenew of theimplacableforces inoperation. Th Th the year andonly8percentofmaleswere employedofanysort. inindustry according toAllen,halftheagriculturallabourforce wasemployed foronlyhalf intheNew classesandtheavailabilitystart ofanew rural World. By 1831, explanation forthewideningandpropulsive diff atmanypeopleremained reluctant toleave thelandwasanironic dimension ese fi Th Th edebateontheconditionofworking peopleofEngland hasgenerally e most important implicationofthishighlypessimisticaccountagrarian emostimportant ndingshave powerful implicationsforthewelfare andplightoftherural Th econditionofEngland unresolved

25 24 Moreover regional disparitieswithinthe Allotmentswere sometimesadvocated erential between theEnglish 26 Declining ering an ering 129 23 22

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document landlords, whodidwell onrising pricesandrents. loosening ofthepopulation.How didthisaff both internallyandexternally. Society hadbeenmademore fl is oneofapolarisedsocietycharacterisedby anincreased propensity tomigrate off foundationsofBritishrural societywastranslatedintomigrationandthereby ‘people studiouslyswept from theland’. society andownership waswidespread. Cobbett,intheLothians,talkedof which were imposedby theneedtoacquire aholding’. Th rural epolarisationof areas insomerural ‘weakenedof industry constraintsontheformationoffamilies releasing animals–further thebrakesonpopulationcontrol.few Th incentive todelaymarriageinorder anapprenticeship ortoacquire toserve a communitytowage-labouringmayhave removedof somanyintherural the economic declineandemigration. from theIrishthat, apart case,there isnounambiguouscorrelation between 130 Th in 1873. occupied athird in1688,down oftheEnglishtoabout10percent countryside beyond. Pollard quotedArthur Young: there wasacrisis ofoverproduction inthemajorityofyears to1834and to supplythefoodrequirements butwasexpandingsofastthat ofthecountry Sidney Pollard putthematter, British agriculture after1815wasnotonlyable demands. may have been aside-stream oritmayhave competedforlabourwiththehome emigration that emigrationdrew onthesamestreams oflabourasforindustry; task thansupplyingthehumanresources foroverseas migration.It ispossible the workforce economywasamuch greater forthe vastindustriesofthenew new supply fortheindustrialisationofBritish economywasachieved. Creating Th decades ofindustrialisation. eemigrationquestionwasinterconnected withthewayinwhichlabour ers the key to the mystery ofmassemigrationinthatage.Thers thekeytomystery eemergingpicture Th country. ham, Manchester, Sheffi are takes,butthenit feeds them…[Birming- demanded;thatdemand itistrue is notemployment inonecase,andthere isin another…Th eygo,becausethey Th Th Th e hands, it is said, leave certain villages,andgototowns. ehands,itissaid,leave certain Why? Because there e crucial questionforourpresent ecrucial purposesiswhetherthisturmoilinthe e revolution onthelandhadreduced theoldyeoman class,whohad econventionalisthat labourwasingeneralsurplusthecritical view 27 Th 30

iswastheresult oftwocenturiesconsolidationTh Supplying thelabourforce athomeandabroad eldincrease inpopulation] Why, by emigrations from the 29 At thecentre oftheequationwasagriculture: as e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 28 Th ect prospective emigrants? emarket forces allfavoured the uid; there wasa e emergence e reduction Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document working force wasderived from direct transferoutofagriculture. non-agrarian employment of5.6million.Th zones wasabout1.1million,comparedout ofrural withtheactualincrease of population increased by 1.1million.Over theentire period1750–1850thefl more than200,000 between 1750and1801whenthenon-agriculturalworking andthecities:actualoutflindustry ow from agriculture wasprobably little may have beenthe‘main oflabour’ internalreservoir butitaccountedforonly million in1750to1.7 in1800;and2.1million1851.Agriculture Agriculture wasstillincreasing itsown labourforce over thisperiod: from 1.5 towns thoughnotnecessarilydirectly, andledalsotowards emigrantdestinations. 1841 whichwasmoving atmore than100,000perdecade.Th is derived from imputedmigrationfrom agriculture –whichbetween 1811and industries aspossibledestinations. United States orCanadathantoLancashire’. villager fi tended tobelocalisedordirected toLondonoroverseas: thesouthern ‘When factories –out-movementin thesouthofEngland didnotfeedthenorthern diffi towns butitwasnot consistent:Adam Smith remarked ‘that ofallmenthemost Th in 1845.In industriestheIrish thenew migrantswere: in bothEngland andScotland–22,000in1810;63,4001840; and75,000 the industrialrevolution’. Th greatest migrantgroup andwere ‘a elementintheresponse crucial oflabourto nies’. andthecolo- believed thatthere armyoflabourtofeedindustry wasa‘reserve adamant thatthelaboursupplywasout-reaching demand;Marx ofcourse was therefore pushratherthanpull. intheearlystagesofindustrialisation’. forsurvival to industry Th emotive force sector –inagriculture: ‘the agriculturalpopulationthusdisplacedhadtoturn Labour camefrom theendemic disguisedunemployment inthetraditional Agrarian andtheactivation ofmassmobility turmoil Th fl exible, unrestrained by lawsofsettlement. eIrish migrantswere theproducts ofunemployment inIrish agriculture. eir Scottish counterparts were eirScottishcounterparts ‘the expelledHighlanders’. isanagriculturallabourer’.cult oftransport Pollard claimedthatmobility Yet itiseasytoexaggeratetherole ofmigrationinthesupplylabourto particularly atthetopofbooms. particularly in keepingdown the marginalreturn tolabouratcriticalpointsinplaceandtime, allowing thekeyareas togrow thelabourmarket unduly, withoutdistorting and the mobileshocktroops oftheindustrialrevolution, whoserole consistedin At thetimeofemigrationdebateinmid-1820s Wilmot Horton was 31 Migration mayhave beentheconduitfor thesupplyofindustrialising nally decidedtomigrate,hewasmore likelytoturnhisstepsthe ere were largenumbersofIrish migrantharvesters 35

33 In Scotlandlabourwasprobably more usonlyone-fi fthoftheadditional 32 34 Very regarded few thenorthern But theIrish constitutedthe isexodus fedthe 37 Th is analysis 131 ow ow 36

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document largely inducedby theunparalleledriseinpopulation’. that the200years ofindustrialisationhad‘beennothingbutavast secularboom, is likelytoapplyjustasmuchemigration.Th thanmigration.Thin thelongrun epopulationfactorwas pre-eminent andthis times greater than Scotland ’ s, andalsogrowing rapidly. very where, in1821, thepopulationwasmore thanhalfthatofEngland andthree across the British archipelago. Th an insecure existenceandthelabourforce remained highlymobile. best oftimes–thusboarding housesbecameextraordinarily It important. was accommodationatthe their villagesintherecessions, andlivingintemporary peopletothetowns –oftenreturninginterim mobilityamongthemigratory to one-fi 132 Th changes discussedinthischapter. become manifestintheactualexpatriationofpeopleaff distant response tothechanges,andprobably tookatleastagenerationto at more thanoneremove from theoriginalcauses:itwasadelayed andsomewhat faced inemigranttestimonies.It isindeedmostlikelythatemigrationoccurred in theyears 1821–40,coincidingwiththeemergenceofmassemigration. striking thatthefastestrateofurbanisation(thereciprocal decline)was ofrural of theBritish race’. ofalargepart places exercise–butthebirthplaces theirenergies and industry great citieswillnot belikecamps–orthefi eldsonwhichthepeopleofother than immigration,even the asearly1851.Asthecensusputit:‘henceforward rateinthecitieshad becomemoretion wasshiftingdecisively: thebirth important Australians, and10,237Germans. But thebalanceofmigration andreproduc- were bornoutside.Londonwashometo30,402Scots;108,548Irish, 452 and Warwick. Almosthalfofthepopulation London andthemaintowns Th included thecountiesofSalop, Wiltshire, Hereford, Suff population wasresident intheircountyoforigin;themainlossesby migration 2 Th See Jan Lucassen andLeoLucassen, ‘From mobility transitiontocomparative global 1 e primary immigrant-receiving countieswere eprimary London,Lancashire, Durham Th Th Th Structural reality, worldwasapervasive changeintherural yet itrarely sur- migration history’, Market-Places toaMarket Economy , pp. 2–3, 214, 243–4. ‘Diff enaturalincrease ofthepopulationwastherefore muchmore important e turmoilintheagrarian anddemographicfoundationsoflifereached ecensusof1851showed thatforEngland and Wales 80percentofthe estrongest modernstatementofthe‘discontinuity’ ismadeby Rothenberg, fth oftherapidly expanding labourforce ofindustry. Th ere wasalotof erent transitions: comparingChinaandEurope, 1600–1900’, inibid.,309–19. 40 Journal ofGlobal History 6(2011),299–307;andAdam McKeown,

eywere ondisplaymostcriticallyinIreland Notes e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational eeconomistJ.R.Hicks stated 39 olk, EssexandNorfolk. For ourpurposesitis ected by therural 38

From Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 1 Jaet Neo dcmne te oss f noml benefi informal of losses the documented Neeson Jeanette 16 Agrarian andtheactivation ofmassmobility turmoil 1 Aln as ht te da ht hr i a trade-off a is there that idea ‘the that says Allen 1. 18 p. Enclosure , Allen, 17 1 Rbr C Aln Enclosure andthe Yeoman Allen, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992),p. 7. C. Robert 15 Th Mathias, Peter 14 Th Gault, Hugh in Quoted 13 Migration inaMature Economy Baines, (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity D.E. 12 Victorians ontheMove: Research intheCensus Enumerator11 (ed.), ’ Mills s Dennis Most See migrantstotowns In camefrom thesurrounding Preston countryside. in1851 10 9 Th 9 Schofi See 8 6 E.A. Wrigley pointsoutthatinthesixteenthandseventeenth centuriesEngland was Schofi Roger 5 4 Russell King,‘Migration inaworldhistoricalperspective’, inJulien van denBroeck 3 Colin Newbury, ‘Labourmigrationintheimperialphase:anessay ininterpretation’, 7 oe Schofi Roger 7 urbanised area inEurope. See R.Floud andP. Johnson (eds), less urbanisedthantheLow CountriesorRhineareas, butby 1800itwasthemost Early Modern Society (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1989). in John Walter andRoger Schofi eld(eds), (ed.), (1975). Journal ofImperial andCommonwealth 3 History from theEnglish experience.Allen, priceofgrowth’is thenecessary ofuniversal modeldrawn –whichbecameasort of themostentrenched ideas ofAgrarianFundamentalism’ –theideathat‘inequality University Press, 1993). Right, Enclosure and SocialChangeinEngland, 1700–1820 (Cambridge:Cambridge common accessassociatedwiththeenclosures. See Neeson, Th 19. p. 1985). Press, 183. p. Waller (ed.), the onlylong-distanceincomers.See R.J.Morris, ‘Th milesandanother14percentwereimmigrants from withinthirty from Ireland, 48 percentofthepeoplehadbeenborninPreston; oftherest 60percentwere Books, 1851–1881 (Oxford: Mills Historical Computing,1984), 1983). Aberdeen, Outside World,1469–1969 ‘Population anddepopulation’, inDonald Withrington (ed.), between 1750and1840decliningonlyafter1871.See William P.L. Th off the search forageneralisedcause.Th us,forinstance,thepopulationof Shetland,far . 88. p. ofModernHistory Britain , vol. 1(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 2004), isstudyprimarilybasedonthe caseofthesouthMidlands. esheergeographicreach ofthedemographicrevolution posessomechallengein coastofmainlandScotland,followed thenorth thefullpattern–i.e.doubling Th eEconomics ofLabourMigration (Cheltenham:Edward Elgar, 1996). eld, ‘Family structure’, 285. eld, ‘Th eld, eld, ‘Family structure, demographicbehaviourandeconomicgrowth’, Th eEnglish Urban Landscape (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), eFirst Industrial Revolution (London:Methuen, 1969),pp. 60–1. rough aglassdarkly’, e Quirky DrFay (Cambridge:Gretton Books,2011), (Oxford: Oxford University Press fortheUniversity of Enclosure , p. 310.Th ecurrent stateofthedebate Social ScienceHistory 22(1998),117–30. Famine, Disease,andtheSocialOrder in between growth andinequalityisone eindustrialtown’, inPhilip J. Th ts withtheremoval of eCambridge Economic Commoners: Common passim . Shetland andthe omson, 133 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 134 Th , . 237. p. Enclosure , Allen, 22 21 Essential toAllen ’ s version istheproposition thaturbangrowth wastheprimary 231. p. Enclosure , Allen, 20 19 See Jane Humphries andK.D.M.Snell, ‘Introduction’, inP. Lane,N.Raven and 2 Fr smay f h sae f ly e Tm ilasn Williamson, Tom see play of state the of summary a For 23 2 Qoe i J Bru ad .. Graff H.F. and Barzun J. in Quoted 26 ‘Th Crafts, 25 Th F.M.L. See 24 29 Th 9 2 81. p. Ibid., 28 Progress andPoverty Daunton, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995),p. 61. M. 27 3 Ii. p 19 Th 109. p. Ibid., 34 108. p. Ibid., 33 107. p. Ibid., 32 102. p. Ibid., 31 105–6. pp. Ibid., 30 3 Plad ‘aor, p 112–13. pp. ‘Labour’, Pollard, 35 much oftheliterature. He makesthispointmostforcefully inR.C.Allen, of higherdemandandprices.Note thatthisreverses thedirection ofcausationin driving force ineconomicgrowth andthatagriculture responded undertheimpulse Boydell Press, 2004),p. 13. K.D.M. Snell (eds), Guide toBritish History (London: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2001),pp. 456–8. on enclosures iswell summarisedby W.R. Wordie inDavid Loades(ed.), 2009), p. 79. Industrial Revolution inGlobal Perspective (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, Industrial Revolutions (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990),p. 42. Dockray (Gloucester: Sutton, 1989). late Victorian England, seeRichard Heath, pp. 132–3.For aconsiderationoftheconditionandpsychology labourin ofrural Experience (Oxford: Oxford University Press fortheBritish Academy, 2002), in D. Winch andP.K. O’Brien (eds), Agricultural Revolution inEngland (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1996). England (Exeter: University ofExeter Press, 2002),chap. one,andalsoMark Overton, Brace, 4thedn,,1985), p. 232,fn. M.M. Postan (eds), migration. See E.J.T. Collins, 1770 to1850isoftenattributedinadequateadjustment, e.g.theslow out- Economies pp. 2,9–10,13. years’, inJean Sutter (ed.), in John Saville, ‘Internal migrationinEngland and Wales duringthepasthundred Review 43:2(1995), 160–77.Many of theseinternalmovements are documented S.J. Pam, ‘Essexagriculture in the“Golden Age” 1850–1873’, II(Cambridge:Cambridge Universityvol. 7,part Press, 2000).See E.H.Hunt and issectiondrawsonSidney Pollard, ‘LabourinGreat Britain’, inPeter Mathias and e new economichistory’, enew inP. Mathias andJ.A.Davis (eds), (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1978),pp. 105–15. ompson,‘Changingperceptions oflandtenures inBritain, 1750–1914’, epersistenceofexcess labourinagrariandistrictsover thedecades Th Women, Work and Wages inEngland, 1600–1850(Woodbridge: eCambridge Economic ofEurope History , vol. 7, Les déplacementshumains (Monaco: Hachette, 1962), Th eAgrarian ofEngland History and Wales 1850–1914, , , Th Th e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ePolitical Economy oftheBritish Historical eModern Researcher (New York: Harcourt Th e Victorian Peasant , editedby Keith Th e Transformation ofRural Agricultural History Th e Industrial Th e British Th e Readers’ First Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document , . cviii. p. Census of1851, 0 4 Value andCapital Hicks, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2ndedn,1946),p. 302, John 39 141. p. Ibid., 38 37 115. p. Ibid., 36 N.L. Tranter says,‘By farthegreatest ofthegrowth part ofthelabourforce came Agrarian andtheactivation ofmassmobility turmoil fn. J. Williamson, ‘Copingwithcitygrowth’, p. 334. question, ‘Did English citiesgrow more by naturalincrease thanby migration?’See trary, heclaims,theywere impressively mobileinseekingthecities. He asksthekey countieswerethe rural fullof‘a massofredundant vast, inert labour’. On thecon- ofBritainHistory , pp. 211–12,217.Jeff rey Williamson rebuts Redford ’ sclaimthat ‘Th early nineteenthcentury. Mobility increased greatly inindustrialisation.N.L. Tranter, ments doubledintheperiod1700–1800andthenincreased by 40percentinthe from theincrease …inthesize ofthenative-born population’. Inter-county move- elaboursupply1780–1860’,inFloud andMcCloskey, Th Economic e Cambridge 135 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document constant supplyofagriculturallabour’. and that‘itisuponthesetwokingdomsonlythecolonycanrely forany people willingtoemigratewere unskilledlabourers from ScotlandandIreland assisted emigration,toldJames Stephen intheColonialOffi cethattheonly colonial world.In 1840 T.F. Elliot, whowasorchestratingsystemof anew the British Isles wasentirely inadequatetotheneedsofBritain ’ s expanding In theearly Victorian years there were timeswhenthefl ow ofemigrantsfrom in whichthere were mechanismstoaccommodate theexpandingpopulation. few well-recorded. Ireland: here change,populationgrowth rural andemigrationwere each documented capsuleofthebasic conditionsofearlyandmid-nineteenth-century and economicdramawere played outin West Cork, whichprovides awell- ence, before and aftertheFamine. AllthemainlinesofIrish demographic Tipperary, bothprominent inthegreat Irish exoduses. were witnessedintwozonesstory intheseyears: thecountiesofCork and scarcity and landlord policies).Some ofthetwistsanddeterminantsinIrish evacuation underrisingforces ofexpulsion(by wayofrecurrent famine,land character intheIrish account. Much oftheoutfl ow lookedlikeastraightforward Great Famine of1846–51. Thnew iswastheemergenceofmassemigration ofa and reached levels new ofexodus inthedecadesbefore, duringandafterthe formorebeen departing thanacentury, butthescalewasnow rapidlyexpanded the Irish toemigratewasalready apparent: theIrish had (mainlyfrom thenorth) to thegreat andinsatiableneedsoftheUnited States. Th ehigher propensity of all across theBritish Isles, buttheIrish were moving outwards faster. Over muchofIreland, populationpressures operatedon localcircumstances, West Cork wasanoutstandingandclear-cutversion ofthewiderIrish experi- By the1830s,Ireland supplierofemigrants wasalready becomingaprimary West Cork andNorth Tipperary Th eIrish exemplar 9 1 In reality peoplewere migratingfrom Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document six. than inthe1840s,thoughcrisisitselflastedforonly twoyears ratherthan failures, worstof allinthesouthandwest ofIreland, andpossiblymore awful the potato. Th edisasterof1739–41wasassociatedwithsevere weatherand crop in theprevious fi ve hundred years before 1845,almostallbefore the advent of a similarlyinfamousfamine.Th ere hadbeenatleasttenmajorfaminesin Ireland earlier, in1740–41,muchofIreland, andCork inparticular, wasdevastated by however, oftheFamine tothestory aconsiderablepre-history years. Acentury are from theawfuldaysof1847–48. seared onthenationalmemory towns ofSkibbereen andBaltimore, placesofdestitution,thenameswhich Kilmoe, Schull,KilcoeandAughadown. It wasadistrictalsocontainingthe pencil oflandstickingoutintotheAtlantic, comprisingthefour parishesof annals oftheimpendingIrish tragedy. One wastheMizen Peninsula, athick decay andpopulationoverload andtheseplaceshave becomeinfamousinthe Th eased by reduced trans-Atlantic passengerfares. Higher levels ofemigrationbegantoemergeby thelate1820s,encouragedand notably thatofEngland. Th is greatly exacerbatedthe pressure onland availability. the production ofwheatandoats,pasture –supplyingacommercial market, continued torisecumulatively. exacerbated by de-industrialisationacross theregion. Meanwhile population bottled-up inworseningconditionswhileemployment possibilitieswere further within thesemi-subsistenceagriculture. Th tivation increasingly pushingintomarginallandwhichwasbeingextended accumulated simultaneouslywithanintensifi of populationwithoutanyappreciable relief by migration.Th followed transformation.First aclearsequenceintherural cametheamassment next century. West Highlands andIslands ofScotland) suchcrisescontinuedtorecur intothe decline onthemainlandof British Isles. In Ireland ofthe (andinsomeparts crises. Suchmortality recurrent were peaksofmortality already inpermanent successor,century 1741ranksasoneof themostdevastating ofthepre-industrial of afi expanded populationostensiblyredundant andalsohungry. It wasthemaking induced severely ofthe rationaleconomicadjustment,leavingahighproportion migration narrative. Equally vitalwasthecharacterofagriculturalchange,which Th West Cork andNorth Tipperary ere were of parts West Cork whichconfronted theworstconditionsofrural efailure ofindustrialisationinmostIreland becameacentralthemeinthe At thesametime,there wasanextensionofgeneraltillage,forexamplein Emigration from south-west Ireland inthedecadesbetween 1770and1830 4 Lesswell recorded, andworse initsdeathratesthanmid-nineteenth- rst-class tragedy. rst-class 2

Famine andrisingpressure is meantthatthepopulation was cation offarmingoperations, cul- e population 3 Th ere was, 137 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document in themodeoflanduse. and associatedwiththeadoptionofpotatoesinlocaldiet(by the1750s)and from districtswhichhadbeenprovided withgoodroad-systems’. Aroad that ‘a highnumber[ofIrish particularly emigrantstoBoston]have come instance, emigrationwasfacilitated by better roads: Ruth AnnHarris discovered tion remained asieve whichallowed through onlythebetteroff in thepopulationandwere theleastlikelytobeamongemigrants.Emigra- is agoodanchor’. ‘had notlearnedtoemigrate’. Amongthemthey hadaproverb, that‘Th Young, theagriculturalreporter ofwideexperience,claimedthattheCatholics to thecountry, butalmost totheparishinwhichtheirancestorslived’. Arthur general, that‘the natives beinghome-keepingtoafault,theyseemnotonlytied reported ofCork,unattainable. Daniel andthepeopleof Corkery West Cork in of thelabourers”, [and] tooktotheroads asbeggarsoremigratedtoAmerica’. poor.and thevery In theyears after Waterloo: ‘Th of theratiolandtopopulation,andaswelling inthenumbersof thedestitute the population,wasdescendingintoinsecurity. Th and pasturage.Anincreasing number, andprobably anincreasing of proportion population expansion,especiallyinlandusethecompetitionbetween tillage in the1810sandafter. Now clearlyexposedwere localtensionsderived from 138 Th adult by 1830. had helpedtoreduce transatlanticpassengerfares down shillingsforan tothirty becausetheriseofCanadiantimbertrade easier inthesefraughtyears, partly 1832, and a further twelve1832, andafurther familiesin1833. records familiesin in1831;forty oftheemigrationninetyfamiliesdeparting another severe faminein1831,outofaparishpopulation13,668there were ring famineconditionswere now clearly associated withemigration.After County Cork, theconditionsbeingespeciallysevere intheSchullParish. Recur- In thePoor of1833extreme Inquiry poverty wasrevealed amongthemassesin do so’. description’; infact,‘most thepeoplehere whocouldaff ord toemigratewould ofthelastclass’.few Notter ofGoleen saidthat‘the emigrantswere ‘of abetter ‘tradesmen, hardy labourers, andfarmerswith20to60poundscapital,[but] population. Father James Barry, thelocalpriest,reported thattheemigrantswere able circumstances’. Emigration waslimitedtothebetteroff strataofthelocal evidence shows that ‘they were, exceptions, withfew Protestants, andincomfort- were amplifi by data edfurther regarding theselectivityofemigration. Good Th But there were otherfactorsaff ectingthemechanismsofemigration. For Th Th efamineof1741inCountyCork wasappallingbutrecovery wasrapid e expansion of emigration from this part ofIreland eexpansionofemigrationfrom thispart wasbecomingrelatively esefragmentsofinformationaboutmigrationfrom theparishofSchull 7

8 Even so,formostofthepopulationemigrationremained 9 Th eimpression isthattheCatholicswere thepoorer element 5 Population resurged over manydecadesbutespecially e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational oseevicted“fell intotheranks ere wasageneraltightening . e hearth 6

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document tion from Ireland forthefi rsttimesince1700’. Th composition ofemigration,lessanddominatedby theProtestant minority. Canadian timbertradewasclearlypivotal. But there were alsochanges inthe government orsouth-west Ireland. spirits’ inthedistrict. to reduce theirnumbers,butitwould,more signifi cantly, alsodiminishthe‘fi Robinson poorand wouldhelp claimedthathisplanwaspopularwiththevery the goodprospects ofrecruiting emigrantsfrom experimental emigrationschemetoCanada)told Wilmot Horton inLondonof and politicalanxietiesin West Cork. In 1823Peter Robinson (planningan of exit. possibilities which openedupthelocalcommunitytocompetitionandnew ‘Manchesterand cheapertoimport goods’ andtheEnglish language,bothof arrangementsmadeiteasier bettertransport consequences forlocalindustry: famine in1822,whichproduced fourmonthsofcrisis.But roads hadperverse building programme hadbeeninstitutedinresponse toanotherincidenceof West Cork andNorth Tipperary families, ofwhom30hadbeenevicted. their lands’. He of an estateof500acres knew previously accommodating40 fall in,theygetridofthesurpluspopulationby turningthemoutentirely from cause oftheirdistress istheover-stocking oflandwithpeople;andastheleases that‘ThInquiry elanded proprietors have takenuptheopinionlatterlythat of emigrantsgoingatdiff shaking theMizen Peninsula yieldedgoodevidenceofthetypes andtheInquiry Poor Law(1833–36)exposedsomeoftheunderlyingcircumstances thatwere being shakenmore vigorously thanever before. is thepressure onthelanditselfandejectionofpeople; thesystemwas overseas, toEngland, toCanadaortheUnited States. What isnotindoubt Cork, perhaps leadingeventually tothevillagesandtowns andthenperhaps people: theyprobably entered theranksofmobileinternalmigrantsrural erished thanitbecameonthe eve ofthe Great Famine in1847,by whichtime us,‘By the1830s,Catholicsexceeded Protestants inthetrans-Atlantic migra- Canada, however, hadbecomethefocusofemigrantsby thistimeandthe support. support. of givingunfavourable impressions oftheplan,theymostgenerally gave ittheir Roman Catholicpriests …But sofarwasthatfrom beingthecasethat…instead … Ihadbeenfrequently toldthatmuchoppositionmightbeexpectedfrom the the disturbed baronies intheCountyofCork distractedstate whichare inavery Recurrent destitutionandlandhungertravelled intandemwithsocialdisorder Th epopulationoftheparishSchullin1822was14,000 andlessimpov- 10 In theoutcomehisplanhadsmallimpactoneither erent times.Th us Father Michael Collins toldthe 12 Nothing isknown ofthefatethese 11 Th eSelect Committeeonthe 139 ery ery Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document migration and emigration,toagreater degree than anywhere else intheBritish precipitant ofmodernisationintheIrish It countryside. coincidedwithmassive momentum’. Th e Famine, by wayof exodus and reorganisation, wasthe great reality, acceleratedby theGreat Famine anditsaftermath,with‘often bruising blocked thewayofmodern advances in agriculture. Th peasant resistance toconsolidation;widespread landlord indebtednessalso Ireland.rural introduction ofmore professionalised landagents,agenerallyunloved cadre in men systemwasdisplacedby direct management,whichitselfdependedonthe estates, suchasthoseofBenn-Walsh, becamemore effi cientas the oldermiddle- rationaliser andimprover, and evictedwherever hedeemed necessary. estates seventeen timesbetween 1821and1864;heregarded himselfasagreat critical aspectofthepopulationproblem after1815’.Benn-Walsh visitedhis under theweight oftheincrease intheirown numbersandrepresented themost and continuallygrowing massofcasuallyemployed labourers were beingcrushed unimproved. Longleaseshadencouragedsubletting: asDonnelly says,‘the great estates,whichthereforeuntil 1829,middlemencontrolled hisKerry remained acres inCountyKerry. He regarded hisestatesascommercial enterprises, but who lived mostlyinEngland, owned estatesinmanyplaces,including8,900 people. Th e Benn-Walsh estateinCork wasacaseinpoint: Sir John Benn-Walsh, Ireland,quences forrural mostnotably forthedislocationandmigrationofits Th Famine struck’. where more thanathird oftheentire populationwere poorwhentheGreat very murderous defi parish ofSchullduringtheFamine ofthe1840sthatit‘serves tounderline the experience ofCork inthenineteenthcentury, ofthe remarks of thelocalhistory its numbershadrisento18,000.James Donnelly Jnr, themainauthorityon 140 Th of dairying exacerbatedthepressureof dairying onlandavailability. improvementsand important infarmingtechniqueswere adopted’. Th corn crops, greatly expanded,andthetradeinlive cattleandsheepgrew rapidly, sarily theroad ‘Tillage tounrelieved output,especiallyproduction misery: of ings, dwindlingoverseas markets, anddepressed prices’. But thiswasnotneces- the southwest whichcomprised‘intensepopulationpressure, fragmentedhold- crop, associatedwithwhatDonnelly callsthe‘staggering underdevelopment’ in the channelsofmigration. ment andconsolidationrequired thedisplacementofsmalltenantsandthisfed eoperationsofthelargeestatesandtheiradministrationshadconse- But thecourse ofimprovement, according toDonnelly, wasimpededby In theyears 1816–41there werefailures totalorpartial ofthepotato fourteen ciencies of British “relief” policiesinthepoorest areas ofacountry ciencies ofBritish “relief” 13

Th eperilsof‘improvement’ e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ekeychangeswere, in 15 Th eadministrationof 14 e growth Improve- Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document were somehow mobilisedfor evacuation. able patternofexodus, inwhichsections ofthecommunity, inaseriesofstages, outfl shiftswhichprecipitatedbut alsotheunderlyingstructural theselective Elliot exposesnotonlythesequencingofoutward migrationfrom theregion lies inNorth Tipperary whoemigratedtoCanadaintheearlynineteenthcentury: historian Bruce Elliott. He focusedascholarlyspotlight on775Protestant fami- by theCanadian conditions andtheensuingemigrationhasbeenundertaken Emigration was very effEmigration wasvery ective inmakingagriculture profi oflabourandtheassociatedincreaseplaining abouttheshortages inwagerates. holdings were largelyerased.Eventually, even inthe1860s,farmerswere com- population fellsharply’. Emigration reduced competitionforland,andsmall- thenumberandpriceofcattlerosebasis ofprosperitysteeply, inCork: ‘While that emigrationenabledtheconversion tograsslandfarming,which becamethe to 34,000andthenumberofCork farmerswasreduced from 41,000to29,000. decline wasradical:between 1841and1891thenumberof50,000 labourers fell population ofCork Cityincreased by the only3.1percent.Over thelongerrun declinewas absorbedinternally;the between 1841and1851;littleoftherural in the1850sandafter. Th epopulationofCountyCork declined24percent migration underextreme expulsive pressure untilthepopulation fellradically the devastation ofFamine. Th sion andconsolidation,grippedby adverse conditionsuponwhichwere visited the control anddistributionofthelandinIreland: Isles, orindeedEurope. Th ecrisiswasthecriticalmomentfor revolution in West Cork andNorth Tipperary farming lands’. Tipperary wasanothervariant oftheIrish account,acountynotedforits‘rich unequalled outfl It ofthegreat Ireland, waspart dispersalofthe peopleofrural feeding the social revolution inwhichtheoldreluctance toemigrateseemedevaporate. Th Landlords inducementtoencourageemigration.Donnelly usedevery declares West Cork exhibitedallthekeyvariables ofrapidpopulationgrowth, subdivi- administration. emerged astronger agriculturaleconomyandareinvigorated systemofestate and predictable Malthusian catastrophe inthelate1840s,ataterriblehumancost, and insolvent proprietors were uprooted andcastadrift.Th us,outofthe predicted For intheeconomiccrisisoftheseyears, middlemen pauperized tenants,bankrupt ows. eevolution oflarge-scale emigrationfrom Tipperary followed anidentifi 18 ows ofemigrants. Th 16

emostprecise andfullyfocusedanalysisoflocal Tipperary Migration intensityinNorth Tipperary esubsequentadjustmentintheregion entailed 19 Elliott emphasisesthe pre-existing table. 17 It was alsoa 141 - Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document deteriorating statusaftertheFrench Wars. stratum oflocalsociety–theywere emphaticallyminorProtestant facing gentry migration from thedistrict.His particular camefrom avery emigrantparty Tipperary toUpper Canada.Th is regarded asthebeginningof Protestant chain unstuck, however, obscure insomewhat circumstances. drawing uponthepublicpurse’: wanting togotheCanadasscrapetogetherpassage moneywithout mania foremigrationwassuffi united kingdoms’. which mostpersonsinthemiddleandlower classesofsocietyare subjectinthe family ’ s] condition,ortoavoid apprehended changesintheircircumstances, to ‘withwrote thathisemigrationwasundertaken ofbetteringtheir[the aview Canada. In Tipperary thefi schemesoff short-lived certain eringgovernment assistancetoemigrants Upper beginnings ofwhichElliott tracestotheimmediatepost-Waterloo years andto the populationwasalready mobilebefore theonsetofmassemigration, tenyears andwerecent …leftevery replaced by otherpeoplecomingin’. Th America: hepointsoutthattransiencywaswidespread andthat‘fully 60per mobility ofthe Tipperary population,whichwaslaterreplicated inNorth 142 Th tion iswhythere existedthis ‘mania for emigration’ ofNorth inthispart Th land wasthemagnet. Protestant andLoyalist emigrationtoCanada,mainlyforstrategicpurposes,and the originalgovernment scheme,whichwasdesignedtoconcentrateandfavour most especiallyby theavailability oflandgrantsinCanada. Talbot of waspart by thetentative assistanceoff and short-lived ered by theColonialOffi assisted emigrationonanylevel. extraordinarily diffi thereafter. became afoundationalpopulationwhichsustainedcontinuing chainmigration in familygroups: theywere people ofmeans.Th peoplewere ‘mostlyperary farmersfacingdecliningfortunes’, andtheydeparted due tothecompositionandsolidarityofProtestant emigration.Th had muchmore lastingconsequencesforemigrationoutof Tipperary, mainly is suggestsasecularshiftinthepropensity toemigrate.Th ecriticalques- Much more signifi government assistance. people hadproved thattheywere abletomaketheirwaythe colonieswithout assubstantial numbersof subsidization ofemigrationwas largelyunnecessary By theearly1820sitwasapparent thattheColonialOffi cehad realisedthat Th oughgovernment assistanceevaporated, the Talbot of1818 undertaking 23 Elliott maintainsthat‘the majorfactorwastherealization thatthe Britishcult torouse anyfurther government for support 20 Th cant wastheemigrationofRichard Talbot in1818from 22 eEvans’ initiative wasagroup migrationwhichcame Th 24

isschemealsosoonpetered outandthereafter itwas rst response camefrom Francis Evans in1815,who ciently intense…tomakelargenumbersofthose e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 21 Talbot otherswere andafew attracted eearliestoftheseemigrants ese Tip- ce, and ce, us Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Protestants were thusbeingoutbred andemigratingat amuchgreater rate. of theProtestants, thelatter actually decliningamidthegeneralincreases. Th Protestants –moreover the Catholicpopulationwasrisingmuchfasterthanthat Th Tipperary were atamuchhigherratethattherest departing ofthecommunity. land, andthelimitswere now beingreached. Protestants from CloniskinNorth out’.running It wasultimatelyabluntmatterofthe ratio ofpopulationand tion growth were criticalandby 1820‘landavailable forcolonisationwas fast Canada. social discord, some of whichwasultimatelymanifestedinemigrationto a transformationinthestructure oflandholdingandthegenerationextreme of Protestants. Shorter tenanciesandrisingrents prevailed. It wasaprelude to economic circumstances: farmsizes diminished,includingthoseoftheminority marriages, andthustheintensifi law andorder inthelocality. the generallevel ofsocialwelfare: subdivisioneventually subverted thebasisof ment. Subdivision wasthenearest optionbutitcarriedsevere implicationsfor crisis wastheincreased numberofchildren requiring sustenanceandemploy- could notgetground elsewhere’. Th [were] oftheirfarmstosomemembersfamilieswho givingportions situation becamealarming:subdivisionhadbecomealmostunstoppable:‘tenants small farmerswhowere oftenreduced tothestatusoflabourers. By 1830the ings, acommonIrish reaction tothetimes. and risinglocalpopulationlevels. Clonliskwasbroken into100distincthold- there followed aswiftseriesofsubdivisionsin response tohighwar-timeprices Clonlisk where 3,000acres had beenunderpasture infourfarmsuntil1801; of holdings.Subdivision hadnotbeenaproblem before 1801:oneinstancewas smallholders andthisledtoearliermarriagethenthegreater subdivision led towidespread conversion totillage:there wasprosperity even amongthe decades. Th infl inferences drawnfrom thecircumstances from whichtheydeparted. Wartime of themotives andactivation ofemigrationinevitablyfallsbackuponinformal In theabsenceofdirect testimonyfrom the Tipperary emigrants,theexplanation population. Tipperary andwhyitwaslocatedamongstsuchacloselydefi nedsegmentofthe West Cork andNorth Tipperary eessentialcontextwasagreat andgrowing riftbetween theCatholicsand ation hadimposedsubstantialchanges for Tipperary farmersover two Th It impossibletoprevent wasvirtually subdivisionandtheassociatedearly After 1815pricesfellrapidlyandcontinuously, eff withruinous ectsonthe ere wasacleardiff erentiation amongtheemigrants.Th us the very highpricesobtainingduringtheNapoleonic usthevery Wars had Basic conditionsinNorth Tipperary cation ofsubdivisionproceeded inworsening e most fundamental symptom of this new emostfundamentalsymptomofthisnew e eff ects ofpopula- 143 e 25

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document continued aftertheFamine. Th were more ejectments in Tipperary thananywhere else inIreland andthisrecord the ejectmentoflowest strataof Tipperary life.Even before the1840s,there redistribution ofthelocalpopulations,rationalisation oflandholdingsand was becomingmuchmore profi poorest were beingcrowded ontoboggyterrain.Meantime thepastoraleconomy more marginal lands: thecreation oflargerfarmsmeantinevitablythatthe contrast. Th directly engendered renewed severities ofcongestion,establishingaworsening sion wasevidentlyimpending.Th diff Tipperary society. Th huddled onthesmallplotslived intotally epeasantry erished. Th well; theywereor leasestolargefarmersdidvery notovercrowded, norimpov- to escapethesqueeze andalsotheturbulence. were caughtinthemiddle,manyofthemsoonlookingtoemigrateCanada severe landscarcity exacerbatedby pricechanges Th esmallandmiddlingfarmers thecottarsoutontoever moresubdivision wasextruding marginalland.It was were beingpushedoutwards. It wasbecomingapolarisedsociety:increased but were created atthedirect expenseofthesmallproducers andthecottarswho ness oftheCatholicpopulation. disturbances ofthe1830sand1840s,mostallinincreasing assertive- Th 144 Th emigration ofpeoplewithmeans. now produced seriousdislocation,various formsofsocialviolence,andalso enclose their farms and convert topasture’.enclose theirfarmsandconvert leading toevictions.‘Th devastating andmountingimpactonthelocal community–ultimately a further essential returns from theland–indirection ofpasture farmingwhichhad especially inthe1830s. holders andlabourers. Pressure ofthisstructure, but wasbuildinguponallparts simply noalternative employment: there were toomanyimpoverished small- Th for asingleseason)wasrifeandassociatedwiththehighestrents peracre. highdependenceonthepotato; also avery to ahierarchy ofsmallmenandincreasing bodiesoflabourers. Here there was at thebaseofsocietywere itslargeowners, leasingtobigfarmersandthen eirdilemmawasexpressed alsointheseriouseconomicproblems andsocial ere wasalready agross surplusofagriculturallabourby 1825,andthere was erent circumstances andtheirplightbecame agrowing provocation: acolli- Th It withalargecommandover isclearthatthe resident gentry areas ofdemesne Th Even more fundamentally, thecollapse ofagriculturalpriceshadshiftedthe e diagnosis had become crystal clear. ediagnosis hadbecomecrystal Largepastoralfarmswere atapremium estructure ofthelandoccupationinNorth Tipperary wassimpleenough: eirrelative affl uenceaccentuatedthecontrastwith remainderof e poor and the extruded ofthissocietywere epoorandtheextruded beingpushedontoever e small gentry ofmoderatemeansfeltcompelledto e smallgentry e eff 26 tbe Th table. eongoingshifttowards grazingproduction Deteriorating conditionsinNorth Tipperary ect wastoinducegreat turmoilinthelocal e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational e consequence wasevictionandthe 27 conacre (landsubletintinypatches

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document relationship tothequalityofland’. fering. AsElliott reports, ‘population densitiesgenerallyincreased inaninverse and subdivisiononthenearby estates.It wasadire recipe forconfl verse eff ectwasclearanceinoneplacewhichtheninduced yet more consolidation estates: there were suddenexchanges ofpopulationbetween parishes.Th consequence wastheoverfl but itbecamethemostturbulent. population. North Tipperary ofIreland, wasnotthemostfamine-ravaged part West Cork andNorth Tipperary far more localoptionsfortheirfuture sustenance. Britain, hadbeennormally spread andusuallywith across more thanacentury of oftransformationwhich,inotherparts couple ofdecades–itwasthesort tion ofmarginalland,pushingupthemountainsides,here intoa concertinaed grievance resolution, [and]recreational violence’. for ‘faction fi Th scarcity ofland’ –provoking violencewhichbecamewidespread by the1840s. graphic imbalances’. Rents were ‘biduptounrealistic levels becauseofthe ian riftsinthecommunityof North Tipperary. It wassomarked, even in1818, which eventually expressed itselfinemigration,biased in theoutcomeby sectar- enough assetstofundtheirexit. It wasfundamentallyamatterofland scarcity, Protestants oftheregion. Th ey were themiddlingmodestfarmerswhopossessed to Canadabeganissueafter 1815.Th eemigration wasfi and inrepeated of‘outrages’. eruption plight wasexpressed intheirfranticeff Tipperary societyinstratifi edways. epoorest becamemostdesperate:their Th was bringingthissocietytothebrinkofamultiplecrisis. But itaff that ‘the oldMalthusian argumentcameclosetorealisation’. Population growth the Great Famine inNorth Tipperary inthelate1840s.Bruce Elliott remarks ties defi nedthecontextofemigrationanditscomponents thecontextof tion, butthebulkofpeoplelackedcapitaltoemigrate. Th evictees simplyswelled theranksofunemployed. been extinguishedandthelocalmarket wastoosmallfortextileproducers. Th market ofindustrialisingBritain. Allextractive andweaving employment had themechanisedcompetitionofwidening hadbeenabletosurvive industry fi though there waslittlechanceofadvancement. Th ruralpoorcould edisplaced intosmalltownswas thedriftofdispossessedanddisgruntled andvillages, nd noalternative employments –nomanufacturingandviablecottage esewere oftenwildareas, fullofbanditsanddefi anceofthelaw:arichhumus When Clearanceswere estateoneimmediate implementedonanyparticular Th It wasoutofthesefraughtconditionsthatselective andsequential emigration Some ofthesmallfarmershadenoughresources tofundtheirown emigra- ere emergedamidthisdislocationarangeof‘potentially explosive demo- ghting, semi-ritualised,feud-likecombinationsofterritorialism, ow ontoadjacent ofthesecongestedpeople,thrust todefendtheir‘rights’orts totheland, 28 eff In ectthere wasarenewed colonisa- 29 Analternative destination rstdominatedby the ese primitive reali- ected North ected ict and suf- e per- 145 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ‘self-generating’. dling freehold farmers,wassustainedformore thantwodecadesandbecame in muchlargernumbers. Meanwhile poorer Catholicswere asindividualstotheUnited departing States in asingleday. per centofthepopulationwashomeless:inoneplace567peoplewere evicted turbances increased asrenewed soared. It wasreported in1847that8 but insomedistrictsthedeclinewasmuchgreater. Th and Galway. Th egeneralpopulationfell byathird inthedecade1841to1851, many deathsinthePoor Houses, thoughconditionswere notasbadinClare ‘taut politicalatmosphere’ ofthedistrictwasa signifi emigration butalsobetterabletoaff It wasmainlydirected toCanadaintheyears 1845–54. the process ofemigration,more thanmere indigencewouldhave accountedfor. lic labourers and smallholderswhohadsuff it begantopeterout; and New Zealand. Th members ofthisclass…toemigrate’. opening tothemathome,by theendof1850sthere waslessincentive for progressive andirresistible process. ‘Because opportunities thefarmerssawnew to proceed atapaceunimaginedinthe1840s’. Th and extended:now evictions andemigration‘allowed theconsolidationoffarms will be wanting in this country more thaninCanada.’will bewantinginthiscountry that alocallandlord feared that‘the dayisnotfaroff ,whenthey[Protestants] 146 Th economic reasons’. ‘becauseofthegrowinggrated partly belligerence oftheCatholics,aswell asfor were the‘middling freehold farmers’ whotypicallyfeared themobs.Th ingly anxiousfortheirimmediatesecurityandlongtermfutures –they and politicalcircumstances ofNorth Tipperary rendered theProtestants increas- and timetables oftheNorth Tipperary emigrations. He discovers thepathways identifi analysis superb Elliott ’ s ally ceased. out andtheregion readjusted and,asnotedabove, Protestant emigrationvirtu- the muchincreased Catholicemigration,thepopulationwasdecisively thinned Th Th After 1854mostemigrantswere nolongerthefarmersbutRoman Catho- Th Th e Great Famine inNorth Tipperary awful.Th wasparticularly e Protestants were evidentlynotonlymore suggestibletotheideaof e diff usintheFamine andafter, shiftingswere the earlierstructural intensifi erential outfl erential

35 33 Th Protestant emigrationcontinuedbutalsowidenedtoAustralia elabouringpoorwere worstaff 32

e outfl 34 ow ofProtestants, usuallyinfamilyformation,ofmid- thereafter theemigrationofProtestants discontinued. ow wassustaineduntilmid-century, by whichtime aiy resemblances Family es theprecise patterns,composition,sequences ord thecostsofuprooting toCanada.Th 36 e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational

ered evictions.Eviction waspropelling eincrease offarmsize wasa cant precipitant. ected. eintensityofsocialdis- 30 37

With theFamine and 31 Th ere were ey emi- e social ed e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the dichotomy. communalism. Elliott seestheProtestants asequallychainbound,anddismisses totheimpoverishedwas amethodparticular ofCatholicIreland, rooted intheir grants: hespecifi is emphaticthattheywere notcategoricallydiff these people. emigrations onbehalfoftheirfamily ’ advantages. s particular such asemigrationpolicies,landpoliciesandintestacylaws,pursuingtheir He suggeststhatindividualpeopleoftencircumvented ‘structural constraints’ corridors’. reconstruction andhistoricalbiography, heconnectsbothendsofthe‘migration and passagestoAmericaoftheProtestant emigrants:usingmethodsoffamily West Cork andNorth Tipperary rise inpopulationwasneithercausednoraccompaniedby industrialisation’. evacuate. Elliott declares that‘Ireland wasdiff erent from England inthatthis emigration. Andclearlytheyeoman farmersandtheProtestants were fi manifested inrawlandpressure: thisgeneratedsocialturmoilandselective had epic consequences across the globe, certainly inAustralia,had epicconsequences across theglobe,certainly butmore stillin production, andin theurgencytomigrate,evacuate.of rural Such responses shifts convulsedthebasesof life andwere expressed inboththeintensifi societies.Galvanic changes thatshookthefoundationsoftheserural structural other, inan optimisingequation. a hydraulic machine,equalisingconditionsfrom onesideoftheAtlantic tothe moved Here opportunities. inlinewithnew emigrationwasoperatingalmostas mobile –afi fthofthe North emigrantssettledin OttawaTipperary Valley, others 1818. It inheritance.Th wasanalternative topartible ey were aspirationaland his focus;heexplains: establishing thesewiderconstraintsandframeworks,Elliott iscareful todefi growth; theCatholicsincreased fasterthanthe Protestants intheseareas. While zones ofIreland. Cork and Tipperary were classiccases ofrapidpopulation were already beingmadeinthe1820sand1830s,thoughlesssowesterly but wasprobably even earlierandfasterin Tipperary andIreland. Adjustments Th egrowth wasnotexclusive to Tipperary orIreland –itwasEuropean inscope Applying hisfi nefocustothe Protestant emigrantsof North Tipperary, Elliott decision-making onamicro level. andunexplainedintermsofindividualfamily on whatwasunobserved British imperialism whichexplainmore thanjust Tipperary emigration,tofocus I chosetoskimover suchmacro considerationsastheeconomicsandpoliticsof Emigration wasthenaturalbutinducedsolutiontoproblems facedby Th In both West Cork andNorth Tipperary there was clear evidenceofthegreat eNorth Tipperary evidence shows thebuild-upofpopulationwhichwas 41 Th 40 cally deniesKerby Miller ’ s infl thatchainmigration uentialview

eyhadbeensetoff by theoriginalgovernment invention in erent from theCatholicemi- 39

cation rst to rst 147 ne 38

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document pattern. England andAmerica.Th esemechanisms were Irish examplesofageneric 148 Th 1 Ptr oisn o imt otn i Rcad . ed (ed.), (ed.),Ireland and theBritish Empire Reid Kenny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, M. Kevin Richard 11 in Horton, Wilmot to Robinson Peter 10 1 Jms . only Jr cvr nosmn o Hce, Famine in ‘Th West Cork. Hickey, Jnr, Donnelly, of S. endorsement James cover Jnr, 14 Donnelly, S. James 13 Poor Inquiry … Final Report (1836),p. 117. 2 1 1 Bue . lit, Irish Migrants intheCanadas: ANew Approach Elliott, S. Bruce 19 (Bal- KingdomandColony:Ireland intheAtlantic World 1560–1800 Canny, N. See 18 233–6. pp. LandandPeople ofNineteenth-Century Cork , Donnelly, 17 Ibid. 21. p. Benn-Walsh’, 16 of ‘Journals Donnelly, 15 2 Ii. p 34. p. Ibid., 93. 25 71, pp. Ibid., 24 251–2. pp. Ibid., 23 76. p. Ibid., 22 61. p. Ibid., 21 62. p. Ibid., 20 8 agrt . izead n Jsp A Kn, King, A. Joseph and Fitzgerald E. Margaret 8 133. p. Ibid., 7 116. p. Ibid., 6 18. p. Famine in West Cork , Hickey, 5 2 e, ot f l, ae S Dnel, Jnr, Th Donnelly, S. James all, of most See, vol. 2 Australia , Colonies: British Parliamentary Papers: 1840, Jan. 17 Stephen, to Elliot 1 3 arc Hce, Famine in West Cork: Th Hickey, e Mizen Peninsula, Landand People, Patrick 3 4 e Mcal rk, ‘Th Drake, Michael See 4 , . 132. p. Famine in West Cork , Hickey, 9 (Dublin: Mercier Press, 1995). 6 (Shannon: Irish Universities Press, 1970),p. 22. America (Toronto: P.D. Meany Publishers, 1990).Th ‘Th Historical Studies , vi(London: Routledge, 1968),pp. 101–24;andDavid Dickson, 1800–1852 Cork (London:Routledge andKegan Paul, 1975). 2004) Valley to1855 (Ottawa: CarletonUniversity Press, 1990),p. 24. in R.C.Macdonald, on emigrationcostswasattestedalsoinScotland.See letterdated15August 1843, timore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988),p. 77. 81 (1975),86ff ment ofhisestates,1823–64’, Kingston: McGill-Queen ’ s University Press, 2ndedn, 2004),p. 247. e otherGreat Irish Famine’, inCathal Póirtéir (ed.),

p 101. p. , (Cork: Mercier Press, 2002). . Sketches oftheHighlanders (St Johns, New Brunswick, 1843). eIrish demographiccrisisof1740–1’,in T.W. Moody (ed.), ejournalsofSir John Benn-Walsh relating tothemanage- Journal oftheCork Historical andArchaeological Society Notes e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational eLandandPeople ofNineteenth-Century Th e Uncounted Irish inCanada and e infl uence ofthetimbertrade Th e Great Irish Famine Th e Upper Ottawa (Montreal and Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 4 Ii. p 234. p. Ibid., 41 269. p. Ibid., 40 39 31. p. Ibid., 38 114. p. Elliott criticalofthestereotype isparticularly oftheIrish emigrantas‘a failure, a Ibid., 37 110. p. Ibid., 36 101. p. Ibid., 35 106. p. Ibid., 114. 34 p. 282–5. Irish Migrants , pp. Elliott, Leinster’, South 33 from ‘Emigration Elliott, 32 99. p. Ibid., 31 83. p. Ibid., 30 56. p. Ibid., 29 49. p. Ibid., 36. 28 p. Irish Migrants , Elliott, 27 26 Bruce Elliott, ‘Emigration from South LeinstertoeasternUpper Canada’, inD.H. West Cork andNorth Tipperary the lifeofpioneering.Ibid., p. 6. belligerent rebel, andafundamentallyemotionalirrationalsoul’, ill-equippedfor Langdale Press, 1992),vol. 8,282–5. Akenson (ed.), Canadian Papers inRural History , vol. 8(Gananoque, Ontario: 149 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Highland Scots,migratingasshepherds. colony.main purposeofthenew He spokefavourably onlyofsomedecent about ‘the CabinGentry’ whowere utterly ignorantoffarming,whichwasthe allegedly prostitutes whowere bound todefi colony. lethenew He wassarcastic with whomImustfi ndfault’, especiallyamong ‘the wretched female Emigrants’, a motleylot,and‘cloven-footed’: tosaythere are ‘Iamsorry someamongthem were nobetterthanconvicts–andthiswashisworstcondemnation.Th the Emigration Commissionersfortheir‘culpable’ selectionofemigrants–they acquired inthe distant colonyofSAustralia’. However heroundly condemned by poverty athomeandabeliefthatthere ismore oftheworld ’ s goodtobe them as‘poor peoplewiththeirfamilies who[hadbeen]induced[toemigrate] byshipboard ahighlycriticalyoung Scottishschoolteacher. diary He regarded mass British emigration andthepassengersinsteeragewere describedina colony1839, passagespaidoutofthenew ’ s landsales.Th colonies recruit? and propensities astheyevolved inthehomecountry. Who didtheAustralasian fl the 1780sbyfree convictsandthen,innew mode,inthe1830s.Th expatriation. It wascolonisedfrom theBritish Isles intwodistinctphases–from theatrebecame anew ofmigrationwhichrefl the British emigrant fl Th shipboard healthandwelfare, providing theboneandmuscle of colonial working peopleacross theglobewithcontinuously improving standards of migration systemwasgenerally successful,delivering tensofthousands emigrant systems.Such poorselectionscontinued.Nevertheless theAustralian ows coincidedwith decisive changesinBritain itself, exposingthemechanisms etransitiontomassemigrationby the1830scoincidedwithextensionof A shipcalledthe Random anduncontrolled factorswere atwork even inthebestregulated Planter carried200assistedemigrantstoSouth Australia in A newtheatre ofBritish emigration Th ows extremity, totheirfurthest theAntipodes.Australia eAustralasian case 10 1

circumstancesected thenew of iswasacapsuleof ese distinctive ey were Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document distance relationship withthe British Isles. parallel emigrantswere long- thepeoplewhosubsequentlydominated thevery system even aslate1867.Civilemigration grew outofthiscontextandthese be itspredominant role intothe1830sandpersistedas anincreasingly despised thiscontinuedto functionwasindeedthatofaremote penitentiary; its primary essentially asubsetofthechangingmobilitypatternsinBritish Isles. the mid-1830sandthereafter. In thelargeraccount,Australian theatre was emergence ofAustralia ’ s urgentappetiteforworking migrants,notablyduring alisation. Th eriseofmassemigrationwasexactlycoincidentwiththerapid was begunandreached maturityduringthecriticaldecadesofBritish industri- more andwest ofAustralia, closelytothenorth in‘teeming Asia’. a simplegeographicalfact,thatmuchlargerbodiesofpopulationexisted globe. Its improbability asadestinationforBritish emigrantswasincreased by toinitiateandmaintaintheflintervention ows ofpeopletotheotherside lation ofemigrationtotheAustralian coloniesrequired muchlargerstate uniquely long-distancetransfersoflargenumbersBritish migrants.Th sian colonieseventually developed unusualsystemsofmigrationandoperated later than,thegreat transatlanticmigrationsfrom theBritish Isles. Th Th convicts. monopoly. Australia wasmore than simplyadumpingground forBritain ’ s the entire trading systemsoftheOrient, mostnotablyfortheEastIndia Company mercial sincethere motivations alsointruded, were seriousimplicationsregarding notably intheformofpre-emptive moves againstrival imperialpowers. Com- for sailsandcordage. British politicalcalculations: imperialism entertained sourcewas anew ofvitalnaval supplies,mostnotablytimberformastsandfl regarding naval strategyandgeneralimperialsecurity intheFar East:Australia forBritishAmerican repository convictslostin1776.Th real meaningof theBotanyBay project asmore thanareplacement forthe an emigrantdestination.Th ere are, however, argumentsaboutthe countervailing diffi gaols. It wasanimmensedistancefrom anyotherBritish settlementandextremely 1788, itbeganasanextremely foroutcastsfrom British remote penitentiary British Isles isproblematic. aboard the development formore thanacentury. Exactly how themotleycommunity Th eAustralasian case eAustralian casewasfamouslydiff erent from, andbeganmore thanacentury cult toreach, ofitsoffi whichwaspart cialdesign. Itwasnotmeanttobe Yet, whatever thefi rstoriginsofthecolonialsitesin Australia, intheoutcome Th Despite thepeculiaritiesofAustralian case,itsrecruitment ofmigrants eAustralianwasimprobable when,in from thestart immigrationstory 2

Planter enroute toAustralia in1839related tocircumstances inthe Th eremote penitentiary ere were considerations e Australa- e articu- 151 ax Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ian immigration.In thefi with only4,500free immigrantsinAustralia. Th of iswasthe pre-history Austral- colony was7,500.In acensusof1828itwas36,598–almostallconvictstock, through to1815.By inwartime, transportation 1800thepopulationofnew the colony, thecoststoimperialgovernment, andthehazards oflong-distance Bay inNew South Wales. Numbers rose slowly, impededby initial problems in emerging fl ows ofmassemigration. In 1788,1,000convictsarrived atBotany Th extrusion). extrusion). in Britain mirrored someofthekeysources ofgeneralmobility(andindeed panics’ inthe1770sand1780s iswell documented. In essence convictism ingly urbanised,concentrated inthetowns. Th but crime,asmeasured atthetime,wasgrowing faster, anditwasalsoincreas- anddangerousof crimewasassumingnew dimensions.Population wasgrowing ment: itneededasubstitutedestinationforitscriminalsurplus. But theproblem was anobvious source ofpoliticalandpracticaldiffi cultyforthe British govern- at work in Britain inthe1770s andbeyond. Th elossoftheAmericancolonies with rural transformationinthehometerritories. with rural were peopledfrom British prisons–which,onthefaceofit,hadlittletodo 152 Th were sentawayasfarcouldbeachieved andforgood. Britain: allegedlythey were theexpelled‘dross’ ofthe‘Sceptred Isles’. Andthey were chosenonaccountoftheircrimesandselectedby somethebestjudgesin 1788 and1867barely meritedthenameofanemigrationsystem.Th of thegenericmechanismsexpatriation. were volitional emigrants,anymore nottruly thanslaves, andtheywere notpart with themaincurrents origins.Th ofinternationalmigrationoritsstructural in New South Wales, Van Diemen ’ s LandandMoreton Bay) hadlittletodo of health,height,reproduction, nutritionandlongevity. colonies suggestthat,onaverage, theyfared relatively well, especially interms colonial self-suffi ciency;moreover theirsubsequent careers andtrajectoriesinthe suggest thattheywere apositive selection ofrecruits, adesignedpopulationfor heights andtheirpriormovements in Britain. Taken together, thesecharacteristics of theirorigins,skills,literacyandnumeracy, bodilyconditionandmarkings, of theconvictswere extraordinarily well-documented, sowe have goodknowledge as appropriate totheneedsofsuchanascentsocietyandeconomy. Andmany selected notsomuchfortheircriminalityanddispensability, butfortheirskills societywithwiderpotentiality.nisation, aself-supporting Th epenaloriginswere slow modestinscale,andvery tointerconnect withthe Th Th Th econvicts,andcrimeingeneral,were commonlyconnectedwithcurrents eeventual despatchof160,000convictstotheAustralian coloniesbetween econvictswere, however, meanttobethefoundationof aproductive colo- rst fi rst ovcs s emigrants as Convicts fty years ofcolonisationtheAustralian colonies e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational is created thebasisof‘moral 3 Th 4 ecolonies(principally

e convicts were e convicts ey Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document economic opportunity fortheirskills’.economic opportunity oftheireff and education:theirpre-transportation mobilitywaspart 30 and110milesfrom theirhomes. Th eirmobilitywas relatedtotheirskills moved countybefore and60percentofthemhadmoved transportation between already beenaremarkably mobilepopulation: atleast38percentofthemhad toNewtransported South Wales between 1817and1840itisclearthatthey had were driven tocrimethatpropelled themtotheconvictcolonies. industrial change.Th –depictsasocietyin motion inthecriticaldecadesof and transportation thepriorlives ofthesepeople–theiractualmobilitybetweenparticular birth (about whomsomuchisknown) tothepopulationatlargeinBritain itself. In the argumentgoes,itisreasonable toextrapolatebackwards from theconvicts folk,ofwhichmany ofthebestwere ordinary perfectly sentto Australia. Th thattheywerefelons butcrimewassocommonplaceandpervasive almost British labouratthe timeofindustrialisation.Th eymayhave beenconvicted across-section ofthehomepopulation,aconvenientvirtually representation of –indeedtothepointatwhichconvictshave become the datamuchfurther the colonies,following theexampleofAmericas.Th edeterrent was reversing. as convicts(andlatermigrants)toAustralia. Th regionssome rural also;theIrish were over-represented amongthose whocame necting currents. One fl Th general stateof British workers inthesecritical decadesofindustrialisation and, emigrants isquestionable,butthecasestrong.for ordinary Th to theAustralian colonies. ofwhichwasexpressedeconomic change,part intheoutfl ow of160,000convicts economic fl uctuations. It isplausibleto regard crimeasanadjunctofsocialand economy atlarge. We know thatcrimeandsocialprotest were alignedwith perhaps, ultimately, crimewasaresponse tothedislocationsoccurringin beyond theIrish intakes,refl ectedtheshiftingshapeofsocialmovements and fortune inanothercountry’.fortune Australian colonies‘was aff littleelsethan anopportunity orded ofpushingone ’ s towarnagainstthe erroneous impression tothe that transportation necessary of itshorror: in1825Lord MacKenzie, sentencingaprisonertolife,foundit Convictismlostsome and even tocommitcrimequalifyfortransportation. 1820s, even fortheconvictpopulation,inducedotherstothinkof emigrating, ofthepositivequestion butnews benefi emigration. Whether itwasaprecursor tofree emigrationtoAustralia isamoot the populationtocolonies:ittranslatedinternalmobilityintocoerced eAustralasian case From systematicinformationrelating tonearly20,000convictswhowere Information totheconvictsissorichthathistorianshave pressed pertaining BritainCriminality wasexpandedby inlatereighteenth-century several con- Th e criminal justice system operated as a mechanism to extrude part of part e criminaljusticesystemoperatedasamechanismtoextrude econvict dataexposeaworldofmobilityinwhichpeople owed from Ireland intothetowns ofEngland andinto 5 Th e diff erential wasdecisively shiftinginfavour of 6 ts ofAustralian livingconditionsinthe Whether convictscanstandasproxies e fl ow ofpeopletothetowns, ey refl ort ‘to ort seek ected the ected us, 153 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document if theirpriormobilityfi ttedthem well forthestresses ofemigration, 154 Th of thecolonial experience. soon berequired butdistanceandcostwere prohibitive inthefi rstfourdecades wheat andwooland,eventually, tradeableminerals.Immigrants certain would beginning toshow especiallyfortheproduction of potentialforstapleexports, functions andwereeconomic systemsfarbeyond theiroriginal penitentiary or assignedconvicts.By thelate1820scolonieswere emergingwitheff free landgrants– menwhocouldshow capitalstandingenoughtoemploy freed inwhaling,sealingandtrading, andsomeagriculturalistsluredopportunities by commercialnected withtheoperationsofprisons,afew menwhosaw only asprinklingoffree personnel con- immigrants:theywere mainlymilitary almost over by themid-century. Before 1830theAustralian colonies attracted repugnance felt in thecoloniestowards theinstitutionofconvictismwhichwas the motionsofmigrationinBritain, intheface ofagrowing particularly sustaining British populationintheAntipodes tions. Th the taintofconvictismandextreme distancesentailedinantipodeandestina- of British emigration. Th colonies eventually soughtfree emigrantstheyentered theexistingsupplyzones unwanted extradisincentive toprospective immigrants. When theAustralian were completelyfree oncetheyarrived. Indenturing wouldhave created an from the1870s. system intheQueensland sugarindustry tion oftheChineseongoldfi eldsofthe1850sand Pacifi c IslandKanaka ian colonieswere generallyopposedtocontractmigration,withthemainexcep- been given tofree fromcapitalistsettlers).Th afew immigration(apart civilian immigrationatlastemerged.Until the1830slittle encouragementhad Convicts were theoverwhelming supplyoflabouruntilthelate1830swhen times. Indenturing was more feasible,butfailedtotakeholdintheAntipodes. withdrawal from theslave trade;itsrecruitments were setinradicallydiff –thetimingofitsinitialsettlementcoincidedwithBritainface againstslavery ’ s the outcome,Australian coloniesadoptedonlyconvictism.Australia setits introduced laboursupply–namelyconvicts,slaves andindentured labour. In from thefoundingfathersandtheirsuccessors,employed three maintypesof territoriesintheAntipodes.Th models forthenew the basicmodesofmigrationandlabourrecruitment whichmight have provided Th same may be true of their non-convict counterparts whowere oftheirnon-convictcounterparts same maybetrue thefree emigrants. eNorth Americancolonies,over theprevious 180years, hadlongpioneered Australia neededspecialmechanismstoinducemigrationandengagewith In Australia, freedom of contractwasacardinal principleanditsimmigrants e mostunlikelyproject wastocreate afullyreproductive and self- eyfacedlargeresistance formanyreasons, butmostly A newsystemofemigration e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational e American colonies, apart eAmericancolonies,apart e Austral- 7 thenthe ective erent Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document in theAntipodes. by thefree passagesonoff tion intothenormalspontaneousfl ows of British migrants,given vitalincentives above average inliteracyandskill,well-adapted to the needsofcolonies. immigrants were inreality well-selected, volitional andself-determined folk, of urbanisingBritain. Amore sympathetic analysisshows thatthelabouring rised theimmigrantsas‘dross’, the‘shovelled-out paupers’, andthe‘detritus’ imbalance ofsexes intheexistingcolonialpopulation.Some historianscatego- included anumberofprostitutes whoseselectionwasdubiouslyrelated tothe emigrate from destitutelocalitiesinLondon,Dublin andCork; theyprobably fi standards ofthemuchlargertrans-Atlantic transfersofhumanity. intricate, well designed,practicalandultimatelysaferthanthe south Pacifi c by thelate1830s:itawasstate-operatedsystemwhichnovel, stantial fl needs oftheAustralian colonies.So successfulwere thesesolutionsthatasub- Th from theBritish Isles inthenineteenthcentury. accounted for50percentofallimmigrations,halfthe1.6millionbrought it continent.Inthe supplyofsettlersfornew thenineteenth century originally designedby Edward Gibbon Wakefi that oflabourandwiththeactualuseland.It hadagrandtheoretic base, ties ofimmigrationwhichsoughtalsotosynchronise thefl half centuries,untilthe1970s.It channelledcolonialrevenues tomeetthepriori- generated andlubricatedAustralian andNew Zealand immigrationforoneand interests, butessentiallystate-designed.In principlethiswasasystemwhich It wasastate-fi nancedsystem,sometimesoperatingintandemwithprivate the passagesoflargenumberslabouringimmigrants–Immigration Fund. to capitalisticincomers.Th e revenue thusachieved waschannelledtothefunding the colonialauthoritiesnow putapriceonlandacquisitionandsoldthe reversed, the fl ow wasterminatedpromptly. But there were otherimportant and therealistic promise ofbetterment. When thediff Th enough toproduce afl ow ofemigrants,thoughitwasnever entirely predictable. colonial requirements were stringent. Th wayinwhichemigrantsfrom Britainthe primary couldberecruited. Th For theassistancesystemswere indispensable, most ofthenineteenthcentury rst consignmentsoffree immigrantswere generallypoorwomeninducedto eAustralasian case ere were enoughsuggestiblepeople prepared torespond totheinducement Overcoming negative preconceptions Th wasaseriousproblem atthestart. Th Overcoming theimmigrant theseobstacleswere thesystemsdevisedtoservice eAustralian systemwassimpleinconception:insteadofgivingawayland, ow ofthemigrantstreams outoftheBritish Isles tothe wasdiverted erandtheemergingpromise ofeconomicbetterment utaain priorities Australasian eprovision ofpassages wasgenerous eld, whichcontrolled andregulated 8 Th is,therefore, wasaninterven- erential decreased or ow ofcapitalwith laissez-faire 155 e e 9

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the great oceanicmigrations. were almostalwaysnecessary, aswere thefacilitiesandinfrastructures toeff beyond) couldbeattracted.But thesewere atypicalconditions:assistanceschemes conclusively justhow quicklythefootlooseyouth oftheBritish Isles (and of self-fundedemigrants.Th e Gold Rushesto Victoriaintheearly1850sshowed colonial labourmarket fi mation abouttheneedswasoftenoutofphase–emigrantsarrivingin infl Australia ’ s Moreover categorise, andthere were manyerraticsamongthoseostensiblycarefully chosen. system, thoughmostwere free from thoseconstraints.Th Somecolonial ports. were thePoor labouring familieswhohadskirted Law considerable success,asseeninthecompositionofmigrantsreaching the organisation, London.Agentsperambulatedthesecountiesinthelate1830swith probably mosteasilyaroused. Th ey were alsoclosesttothecentre ofcolonial where thesuggestibilitylevels amongthequasi-redundant workforce rural were Britain,rural andmanyoftheearliestwere drawnfrom southernEngland – reproductive andproductive agegroups. Th eyorientedtheselections towards when thediff years, whenthefl moments, certain 156 Th compensated by generous assistance schemes.But as emigrationbecamemore as coloniallivingstandards rose; thedeterrent ofdistanceandcostwaswell in Britain totheideaofemigratingAustralia andNew Zealand diminished petition from otherdestinations(mainly from across the Atlantic). Resistance severe fl which wassuppliedasassisted immigrants.Th civilian economybroadened andexpanded,creating largeappetitesforlabour, perceived transformationoftheHighlands rural (seebelow, chapter 13 ). Inshortage. thiscasetheAustralian consistentwiththe focuswasperfectly productiveparticularly recruiting zone fortwobriefperiodsofcriticallabour ian colonists.Colonialfundswere directed totheHighlands whichbecamea rendered redundant by landlord policies,tothesharpeningneedsofAustral- from theidea ofconnecting‘surpluses’ people,recurrently ofrural famishedand bodies keentopromote suchanoutfl ised by agentsoftheColonialLandandEmigration Commissionandlocal to acloselyfocusedrecruitment ofHighlanders ofScotland,organ- inthenorth system. Th usinthemid-1830s(andagainearly1850s)there was recourse then revealed thediff erent degrees ofsuggestibilityandavailability inthe British recruiters founditdiffi culttoraiseinterest inthemaintargetpopulations.Th emerged topropel rapidexpansion,woolproduction inthefi Th Th Th e colonists sought agricultural labourers and domestic servants inthe e colonistssoughtagriculturallabourers anddomesticservants ere were manytimesintherecruitment ofcolonialmigrantswhenthe e Australian colonieswere producers asstaples transformed intoexport uctuations(e.g.intheearly 1840s andinthe1890s)by risingcom- erential widenedsorapidlyastoproduce anastonishingexpansion ows ofimmigrantswere diffi culttosynchronise: infor- nding thatithadbecomeoverstocked intheinterim. ow swelled beyond theassistancesystem, ow from the region. Th e propulsion came e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational eexpansionwaspunctuatedby eywere diffi rst instance.Th ut to cult ect is e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document descriptions oftheiroccupationalandgeographicorigins. originswithfalse recruited, sometimesthosechosenhavingmaskedtheirtrue andcostly.frustrated Eventually ofurbanmigrantswas arisingproportion were gathered there were recurrent fi shortfalls: llingthequotaswasfrequently the mid-century. Th oughtensofthousandsemigrantsin EnglandandScotland were notreadily recruited; agriculturallabourers were increasingly scarce after easily achieved thoughmostoftheeff security oftheirfuture crops, andwasintendedasaboostforsmallproducers. the ‘LienonCrops Bill’, whichallowed smallfarmerstoraisemoneyonthe inexhaustible supplyoflandforuse’. scheme,called Anotherdevicewasanew good landorders iftheypaidtheirown passagesandthere wasalmost‘an assisted passagesbutspeciallures regarding land:capitalistswere abletogetvery colonial government employed agentsintheBritish Isles andoff distressed ‘cotton operatives’, victimsofthe‘cotton famine’ inLancashire. Th infl settlers.Thwas eagertoselllandnew eoutcomewasatypicallyheterogeneous recruits andthecolonialgovernment fornew land labourmarket washungry who decriedthelandof‘the wildkangaroos and wilder aboriginal’. Th created problems includingnegative publicityfrom disappointedimmigrants of14,000immigrantsarrived intwoyearsin the1860sandaninrush which also rose. respectable andhabituated,thecontributionsofprivately fundedmigration Th and Catholics. In 1841theSelect Committeeon Emigration inNew South Liverpool already. Irish immigrants,manyofwhomhadbeenshippedcheaply toPlymouth or wereand Scottishports inquotasby pickingup abletomakeuptheir shortfalls broadened intothegeneralIrish populations,andshippersoperating inEnglish (atthe time oftheFamine).mode even inthemid-century But recruitment was the Irish orphanagesandpoor housesinCork andDublin, andrecurred inthis recruits forAustralian needs.In thefi rstinstancethecolonies among recruited they were moresuccessfullabour recruitable andsuggestible,generallyvery – labouranddomesticservants especiallyofrural up therecruiting shortfalls, the prevailing colonialprejudice againstboth Irish andCatholics).Ireland made was yieldingalower oftheIsles. percapita supplythanotherparts populationinBritaindiminishing poolofrural andespeciallyin England, which arrived in fouryears. By thistimethecompeting colonieswere reaching intoa America wasintensebutQueensland wasabletoentice35,000immigrants who Competition foremigrantsfrom otherdestinationsinAustralasia andNorth eAustralasian case ow ofpeoplefrom Britain andIreland. Th eyincludedlargecontingentsof Th Australian requirements–were labouranddomesticservants not –forrural In thereceiving coloniesthere wasanxietyabouttheover-proportion ofIrish resort ofthecolonialrecruiters wasIrelandBut theprimary (andthisdespite e new colonyofQueensland enew madevigorous eff toattractimmigrants orts 10

wassuccessful. ort Women inEngland ered notonly e Queens- 157 e 11

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Roman Catholicsto‘Tipperarify themoralatmosphere ofNew South Wales’. Presbyterian J.D. LangaccusedCaroline Chisholmoffl there wasnoneto befound’. herds: ‘800Government in one week, butnextweek immigrantscametoport andshep- to Scotlandreported thegreat ofmaleandfemaleservants shortage rent, exacerbated by theproblems of distance.Th usinearly1849aletterback strikingly prominent. Sudden extreme inAustralia labourshortages were recur- mixed ways,especiallyintherecruitment ofwomen,where Irish women were Th the work ofrecruiting agentswasredoubled. horrors oftheFamine, recruitment demandedgreater eff by the1870sand orts destination.Evencentury inIreland, slowly recovered asthecountry from the in consequence,becamedecidedlymore Irish placesthananyothernineteenth- Ireland theculture wasfullyattunedtoemigration. extended increasingly toIreland, whilein colonialreservations, despitecertain generally increasingly diffi cultafter1850.Consequentlythe sweep foremigrants Irish required lesspersuasionthanothersintheBritish Isles. by kinshiptiesandtheknowledge ofneighbouringmigrants.It islikelythatthe long distancestotheAntipodes:agreat dealofIrish migrationwasconnected schemes advantageously toexpeditechainsofmigrations,even over extremely so muchofIrish emigration.Family andkinship groups were abletousecolonial the fl ows were also reinforced more eff ectively bytheself-propelling nature of eff despite criesofdismayamong thecolonialopinionofday. subsidisation, thecomplexion oftheinfl ows shiftedtowards thetowns andcities, systems ofrecruitment. Th fl of theGold Rushes ofthe1850s.Th iswasawildmomentwhichcausedchaotic respective numbersofthereligious persuasionsinthiscolony’. Wales complainedoftheexcess ofIrish which‘was notinaccordance withthe 158 Th sity tomigratewasclearlygreater. compelled tolookIreland (andScotlandto alesserextent)where thepropen- the coloniescouldnotrely onlabouringemigrantsfrom England andwere and Australia becamedecidedlyIrish andindeedliteratecivilised.In reality, lowestand thevery inthescaleofEuropean civilisation’. Langlostthecontest In hisopiniontheIrishwere ‘the peasantry mostignorant,thesuperstitious ooding totheAustralian immigrantmarket –overwhelming theprevious eAustralian coloniesinterlockedwithBritish andIrishsystemsin migratory ectively andwassometimesprimedby Church andphilanthropic bodies.But Persuading English agriculturallabourers toemigratewashighlyvariable, but Irish emigrationtoAustralia andNew Zealand fi ttedcolonialcriteria very Th emostdynamicshiftsofsupplyhappenedundertheirresistible infl is (andothermineral bonanzasnotablyinSouth 16 By the1860sandbeyond, regardless ofgenerous irpie gold Disruptive 14

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 15 Th eAustralasian colonies, ooding thecolonywith 12 Th e vociferous uence 13

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document schemes that subsidised migrationand channelled thelabouravailabilities twentieth century). twentieth century). higher livingstandards inAustralia formostofthetime(indeedinto factor wasyet more decisive: theessentialdiff Britain –whichrose even whenBritish livingstandards improved. Th the fi rstwasthe rising familiarityandacceptanceoftheideaemigrationin America increased asAtlantic fares were reduced. Two factorsfavoured Australia: duringthesedecades,especiallyas competition fromwere North necessary numbers). Reliance onIreland didnotdiminishandfresh recruitment drives tap off during recessions (e.g.in the1890swhenimmigrationranintonegative colonies rampeduptheirrecruitments inphasesofexpansionandswitchedthe for therest ofthecentury, thoughurbanisation wasemergingvigorously. Th to recruit according totheirneeds,whichremained fundamentallyrural-based their generaldependenceonsubsidisedimmigration.Th isenabledthecolonies gold fi British wasnotcapableofmeetingthesuddenneeds migrantreservoir Australian coloniesby agentsoperating from Canton.Th ey, too, proved thatthe namely theindentured Chinesegold-fi together.decades ofthecentury But there wasparallelfl ow from anothersource: the 1850sAustralia attractedmore unassistedimmigrantsthanalltheother frenetica few years –before itreturned toitsnormaldefaultsoonthereafter. In couldovercomeof suddengoldrushes allresistance todistanceandcostfor Island, New Zealand inthe1860s)demonstratedconclusively thatthemagnet Th emigrants commonlyjustifi the young mother ’ s cape–thenextgeneration,uponwhosebehalfdeparting clearly ofthelower classes.Just visibleinthepicture isafragileinfantbeneath spray off thecliff sof Dover, huddledalsoagainsttheircallow fellow emigrants, and reluctance. Th ey were bourgeoisLondoners huddledagainstthewindand one evidentlycloudedwithmelancholyandapprehension, apicture ofexile,loss for Australia inmid-century. Th ey were depictedinthemomentofdeparture, Last ofEngland’, ofthesensitive recently theportrait marriedcoupledeparting most renowned imageoftheemigrant wasFord Madox Brown ’ s picture ‘Th atheistic socialiststostandard-issue bishops,from convictstomissionaries.Th tions –butalsointheirextreme diversity, from pauperstoaristocrats,from not onlyonaccountoftheirsheernumbers–perhaps10 milliontoalldestina- Victorian emigrantsfrom Britain andIreland were anunwieldybodyofpeople, between Britain andAustralia. eAustralasian case Th –mainlyindeclineby 1856–thecoloniesrevertedAfter thegoldrushes to eAustralian intotheBritish coloniesthusintervened emigrationfi elds. 17 Th is diff Th e spectrum ofemigration espectrum actofemigration. ed their extraordinary erential wasthemosteff ective motorofmigration nders,60,000ofthem,channelledtothe erential created by thegenerally 18 e second

elds with 159 e e e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document and New South Wales inthepost-faminedecades; from theland–somedirectly evicted,asfrom CountyDonegal toQueensland unemployed anddistressed weavers; thecoloniesalsoreceived peopledisplaced oftheantipodeanrecruitments.the event itwasaminorpart the coloniesandalsoallegationsofbeinginleaguewithevictinglandlords. In caused someagitationinthecoloniesaboutfearof‘shovelling paupers’ onto landlords andorganisationstotakeadvantage oftheAustralian regulations. Th its problem ofdistance.Andthere were private initiatives alsocertain by British from theprevailing streams by specialmechanismsspecifi callyinvented tosolve to America.Australia several wassuccessfulindiverting hundred thousandaway lation whicheventually prompted millionsofpeopletowards mostly theports, activate specialresponses. But tothegeneralshiftsofpopu- thesewere secondary Th – usingrecruiting agencies(andpremiums) tostimulatefl ows intheirdirection. 160 Th from the depressed Nottingham industry. lacemakers from Calais,fl eeing revolution, workers whohadpreviously migrated working in Belgium andFrance andthere wasaspecialintakeofunemployed of redundant labour inBritain. Th in 1852–53.Th e methods were recruitment abletotapintospecifi South Australia. Th e Highlandsand Islands Emigration Societywasinvolved Females ColonizationSociety sent400girlsfrom Holborn and Westminster to thropic bodies,includingtheNational Benevolent Society. In 1850theLondon workhouses. Th ere were manydiff in earlyyears thisrecruitment waschannelledby wayofEnglish andIrish and asdomesticservants introduction ofsinglefemaleimmigrantstoserve periodic over-supplies Much andsuddenshortages. emphasiswasgiven tothe ments. But such‘refugees’ were ofthetotal. asmallportion were given passagesby charitiesandthecolonialgovern- descendants. grandchildren andfi in thecolonywhenhedied in 1867agedninety;butthere were also sixty-six Hunter Valley. He marriedtwiceandfathered fi fteenchildren, eleven stillalive who arrived inSydney in1838withhisfamilyandsettledasafarmer inthe as thatofDonald Cameron, a native ofArdnamurchan intheScottishHighlands, colonies butthegrowth wasprodigious. Th ere were some remarkable cases,such 1860s. Localratesofreproduction didnotrival thoseoftheearlyAmerican British Isles. were clearlybeingusedtoexplore themost likelysources ofmigrantsacross the e schemesworked intandemwithprivate initiatives whichalsohelpedto Australia received several batchesofdisplacedpeople:forinstancegroups of Synchronising theinfl ows withlocalneedswasnever easyandthere were In Australia thecolonial-bornbegantooutnumberimmigrants by the 21

fty-fi ve great grandchildren –atotalin1867of106living erent typesofdistressed females from philan- usunemployed railwayworkers arrived after e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 20 Th e mechanismsofrecruitment 19 andpeopleindistress inthe c reservoirs reservoirs c is Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document of alltherole oftherecruiting agencies. looking attheturmoilamongagriculturallabourers atthattime,butmost conditions invarious countiesfrom whichmostoftheEnglish were drawn, cent beingIrish andScots,50percentEnglish. Arnoldanalysedindetailthe New Zealand government introduced 101,000immigrantsinthe1870s,50per of recruiting agencieswasamajorfactorinthedistributionoforigins. emigration toNew Zealand inthe1870sshowed thattheintensityandrange immigrants were ofthesamevariety asAustralia ’ s. Th ework of RolloArnoldon cially duringtheNew ofthe1860s.But Zealand goldrushes mostofits immigration policies:manyofitsimmigrantsindeedcameviaAustralia, espe- Like theotherAustralasian colonies,New Zealand conducteditsown assisted cated by thelargerole oftrans-Tasman migrationthroughout the colonialperiod. composition andoriginsofthe New Zealand incomingpopulationwascompli- century, ofEngland Th begantocontributealargerproportion. thenorth also from Cornwall,theChannelIslands andtheIsle ofMan. Laterinthe the century. Th eycameprimarily from the Home Counties around London,and ranking faltered and becamealower intakethantheirhomeshare fortherest of the English were slightlyover-represented in New Zealand, butthereafter their underrepresentedsomewhat andreceived fewerassisted passages.Up until1852 in Scotland–1872,72outof116agentstheBritish Isles. Th in well-known ways.For high instancethenumberofrecruiting agentswasvery sourcesselections ofmigrantsfrom inBritain, particular theintakes thusskewing and alsoconductedvigorous recruitment drives; similarlyitreceived special as theywere distributed.Chainmigrationstendedto reinforce earlierbiasesin departure andthework ofagents,whoseactivity canbetracedintheapplications until theappetite(orlabourmarket) revived. into aperiodofabstinenceperhapsfortenortwenty years inaphaseofdigestion, was inthehabitof‘bolting’ itsimmigrants,over saytenyears –then,sated,fell famous metaphor:itresembled thefeedinghabitsofboaconstrictor:Australia sudden peaksofimmigration.Astatisticianlaterdramatisedthispatternina most defi intakes. Th were abletodeterminemostoftheselectionandtimingtheirimmigrant levels ofimmigration.Even Australasian intothetwentieth century governments colonies possessedanalmostuniquecapacitytocontrol thecompositionand Th eAustralasian case Th New Zealand assistedaneven ofitssettlersthanAustralia largerproportion Most ofall,becauseremoteness andtheuseofsubsidies,Australian ebiasesintherecruitment seemedtorefl ecttheproximity of totheports ning reputation untilthe1970s.It wasalsoasystemwhichproduced is was the basis for ‘White Australia’ iswasthebasisfor‘White New (and‘White Zealand’), its ooil rivalries Colonial 24

22

eIrish were 23 Th 161 e e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document shaped by distanceandthesystemsadoptedby thereceiving colonies.Th Th – even though searching forpeoplelow intheoccupationalhierarchy. were abletogatherpeopleabove average inliteracy, skillsandage composition recruitability andtheselectivityofintakes.From thelate1830scolonies was relatively well documentedand cast someprismaticlightontheorigins, when risingproductivity inBritish agriculture (amongother factors)waspressing end ofthecentury. insuffi searching wasrelatively successfulintheearlyyears –butwassoonfound tobe unemployment peopleinzones ofhighrural colonies soughtrural andthe “free grantsofland” are off ered asprizes’. competition fortheoutfl and Dalley bemoanedthefactthat‘We fi ndourselves inthemidstofakeen competition foremigrantsfrom CanadaandtheotherAustralian colonies:Parkes course largelydependsonthemoneyed classes’. Added diffi cultycame from the emigration’, and‘this adversepress, feelingextendstothenewspaper whichof landed proprietors were beginningtoexpress a‘strong feelingofoppositionto present by nomeansinexcess oftheirrequirements by employers’. Farmers and ‘Th of peoplewhoemigrate’. Th ere were in England: even signsoflabourshortages ‘Th ofturningthistorrentnational importance ofemigrantstotheBritish colonies’. cost tothemselves’. Th thousands inEngland whowouldgladlyemigrate,iftheycoulddo sowithout could notpossiblyfi that ‘the inhabitantsofNew South Wales, consistingofonly 350,553souls, Dalley toured manydistrictsinsearch ofmigrants.In onelettertheyreported sent torecruit emigrantstoNew South Wales. In 1861HenryParkes and Willam populationtoemigratewerethe propensities oftherural recorded by the men and Scotland. slightly more thantheprevailing peopleinEngland rural ofrural proportion of migrantswere from agriculturalbackgrounds. Th eactual wasonly recruitment sentation ofsuchpeopleinthefl ows to New Zealand, nomore thantwo-fi ing firural migrantsandastrong ndingsisthat,despitethetargetingof repre- of nominationsstrengthened regional concentrations.One ofthemostinterest- recruitment andthustraditionsofsendingoutwere establishedandthesystem 162 Th erelationship by emigration between Britain andAustralasia was,therefore, ere canbenodoubt thatintheagriculturalcountiesofEngland, labourisat eyare afraidof“stimulating” emigration,theytellyou, foritisthebestclass Most fundamentally, Australia beganrecruiting intheBritish Isles at a time Some ofthestateBritish ofthekeenestobservations labourmarket and cient and recourse wasmade toIreland. Urban emigrationemergedby the 25

fortheremovalnd themoneynecessary ofthetens eybelieved that‘English statesmen[were] blindtothe owing populationof theMother Country, inwhich nioen diff Antipodean e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 26 erentials

e fl 27 Th fths ow ow e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ing tounprecedented heightsby 1912. was more widelyavailable toaworldnow more habituatedtotheidea–ascend- assistance schemes.Eventually, by theendofnineteenthcentury, emigration than mostandtheymadetheirwayacross theworldunder auspicesof the West ofIreland, Calais,CornwallandLondon–hadahighersuggestibility tion. It seemslikelythatthesepeople–from, forinstance,theScottishHighlands, unemployment, amongtheyounger genera- famine andgeneralisedfrustration ian coloniessiphonedpeopleoutofzones suff tance. When allofthesefactorsare takenintoaccount,itisclearthat the Austral- New Zealand livingstandards were highenoughtobridgetheproblem ofdis- accorded tothesystemwhicheasedwayofemigrants.Australian and contained withinthe2millionAustralasian immigrants.Much credit hastobe nental Europe. States hadliberatedthemselves their humanrecruitment anddiverted toconti- fi oceanic migration,ofwhichAustralasia wasaspecialcase,andartifi was irresistible. Th incomes inBritain. Th ebasicrationalityofemigration, even totheAntipodes, magnifi Australasia were risingdramatically. Th down onwagerates.Th iscoincidedwithalongperiodinwhichwagerates Th ned withintheBritish Diaspora until1947,longafterCanadaandtheUnited 6 tpe Ncoa (d) ConvictWorkers (ed.), (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, Nicholas Stephen 1825. 6 Sept. Dundee,Perth andCupar Advertiser , 5 ConvictMaids: Th Oxley, e Forced Migration of Women to Australia Deborah See (Oxford: 4 AMerciless Place Christopher, Emma see tried: were options extreme Other 3 2 e epcal Aa Fot ConvictsandEmpire: ANaval Question Frost, (Melbourne: Oxford Alan especially See 2 misfi ‘Colonial Richards, Eric See 1 eAustralasian case None oftheaccountisprecise enoughtopindown theexactpropensities 1988), pp. 8,46,54, 57–8. Review ofSocialHistory 43(1998), 235–63. and E.Richards, ‘Migration anantipodeanperspective’, and opportunity: (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1996);R.Haines, D.Oxley, M.Kleinig Oxford University Press, 2011). (Collingwood: Black Inc, 2011),p. 231. University Press, 1980),andmore generally Ged Martin (ed.), [Melbourne], 49:1(2014),30–9. the average costofincarceration inBritain. AlanFrost, Frost convictswasmore pointsoutthattheinitialcostoftransporting thantwice of Australia ’ s ConvictBeginnings Australia (Sydney: (Melbourne: Hale andIremonger, Melbourne University Press, 1978)andFrost, 1994). outputoverseased whenrural increased overseas wageswhiledepressing equestionatthecentre ishow into allthiswasconverted ts ofthe1830s:three storiesofmigration’, Notes e diff cyclicalering decline,disruption, erential widenedandwaslater Botany Bay Mirages: Illusions Botany Bay: Th Th e Founding of eReal Story International cially con- cially Agora 163 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 164 Th 2 Se ihrs ‘utain a o Biih n Iih literacy’. Irish and British of map ‘Australian Richards, See 27 NSWLegislative Assembly, Votes &Proceedings , 1861–62, vol. 2, pp. 77ff 6 2 Th Sydney Empire 2 2 the , 27May 1867,inMitchell in Cameron Donald of obituary See 21 Nottingham Review , 7April 1848. 0 2 Sin, Sheep andScotsmen:John George Adair andthe Vaughan, W.E. instance, for See, 19 Hueff F.M. 18 17 Valley Tay Tay (Dundee: Valley (ed.), People inAustralia, 1788–1988 McConnell Ken Wages were much higherinAustralia –see,forinstance,Ross Duncan, ‘Casestudies 12. 16 chapter below, See inBritish Parliamentary Papers: Colonies: Stephen, 15 James to letter Elliott, T.F. See Sydney Morning Herald in , 17April 1848. 14 letter Lang, J.D. 13 NSWLegislative Council, Votes &Proceedings , 27July 1841. 2 1 Lettersfrom Emigrants to Queensland, 1863–1885 (OxleyLibrary, Brisbane). 1 1 but self-funded, were immigrants Australia ’ s of half almost century nineteenth the In 10 2 Se ok hlis n Try er, Settlers: New Zealand Immigrants from England, Hearn, Terry and Phillips Jock See 25 Th Arnold, Rollo 24 Encyclopedia ofthe Victorian Era, in editedby James Eli Adams Armstrong, Alan W. 23 9 e Hie e a. ‘irto ad potnt’ 235–63. opportunity’, and ‘Migration al., et Haines See 9 Haines, Emigration andtheLabouringPoor Robin (London:Macmillan, generally, See 8 58. p. Ibid., 7 Migrants, 1840–1920 (Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2015). Library, Sydney, MLDoc 2587. Evictions,Derryveagh 1861 (Belfast: Appletree Press, 1983),pp. 47,63. Raphaelites (London:Th e and Tate Gallery PenguinBooks,1984).191 Piccadilly (London: McCorquodale, 1865),quotedin Tate Gallery, Green, 1896);F.M. Brown, Princeton University Press, 2013),pp. 56–60. living standards, seeIan W. McLean, Reviewnomic History n.s.16(1963),273–4;onthecausesofsuchhighAustralian in emigration:Cornwall,Gloucestershire andNew South Wales, 1877–1886’, Historical Society, 1988),p. 17. Australia vol. 6(Shannon: Irish University Press, 1970),p. 22. of the1850s. sharea disproportionate years inafew ofthesewasaccountedforby thegoldrushes 1997). 3. See alsoRebecca Lenihan, Ireland andScotland,1800– 1945 (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 2008),chap. 1981). (Danbury, Conn:Grolier Academic, 2004),vol. 2. nature andgrowth’, iscomparisonwasfi rstemployed by C.H. Wickens, ‘Australian population:its er, Ford Madox Brown: ARecord ofHis Life and Work (London:Longmans, e Farthest Promised Land (Wellington: Victoria University Press, Economic Record 1(1925),5. Exhibition of‘Work’ andOther Paintings …attheGallery, From Alba to Aotearoa: Profi e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational (rneo, NJ: Why Australia Prospered (Princeton, ling New Zealand ’ s Scots . Th e Pre- Eco- Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document English, simplyadopted metropolitan values anddistancedthemselves from the estates hadfallenintothehands oflandlords who, iftheywere notalready to Welsh historian,Geraint Jenkins, ‘many by thelate eighteenthcentury landed vividly manifestedsomeofthe classicconditionsmakingformobility. According combinations ofstimuli,oftendiffi migrations were thosewhichtook Welsh peopleabroad. out ofeachregion. Th lines ofmobility, theleastpublicisedofwhichwere thequietseepagesintoand retrogression.rural Not surprisingly, thesepermutationsgave risetoconfusing production forawidermarket. Andthere were alsodistrictswhichlapsedinto and Ireland. of Other parts Wales becameregional concentrationsofspecialised immigrants notonlyfrom therest of Wales butalsofrom districtsinEngland Parts were deeplyinvolved ofthecountry inindustrialisationandsome drew during theeconomicanddemographicupheavals ofthelateeighteenth century. ing propensities. direction, velocity andscale;theAustralian experiencehadmirrored theseshift- Sligo toBoston.Th ere were alwayssignifi cant regional variationsintiming, corneroftheBritishstretched toevery Isles, from Shetland toCornwall,from Th strikingly communalcharacteristics, suggestingspeciallocalandsocialorigins. communities andgeneratingoutward fl ows. Some oftheseemigrationspossessed Scottish Highlands. But there were otherpotentforces atwork, disturbing acting asaprecipitant –asitdidfamouslyinCornwall,EastAngliaandthe nently, agitatingpeople ’ s minds inthedirection beginningsinAmerica, ofnew e underlyingconditionswhichprecipitated emigration across theglobe Rural west Wales wasespeciallyprominent intheemigrationaccount;it also Early emigrationfrom Wales, intheeighteenthcentury, demonstratedspecial Wales, incommonwithmanylocationstheBritish Isles, hadamixed career Swaledale andthesequencesofmigration Upland adjustments:west Wales and e bestknown, andprobably theleastrepresentative, Lclsd variants Localised cult todisentangle.Religion fi 11 gured promi- gured 1

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document economy’, andthustheretrenchment oflabour. by alternative employment norby thetraditionalsubsistenceagricultural of populationandtheexcess oflabourwhichby 1815‘could neitherbeabsorbed status in Wales withitspredominance ofsmallfarms.He notestherapid growth Shropshire, aswe have already seen).Howell stresses offarmer theimportance labour fl their livestock forthewintermarkets. and Derbyshire, notablypeoplefrom Montgomeryshire moving totheeastwith theywereHome harvests; alsofoundinMerioneth Countiesforpotatoandfruit the English border counties,and Welsh workers were drawntoLondonandthe to estateagentsas‘these rapaciouscormorants’. He quotes William Jones ofthe Wynnstay EstateinMontgomeryshire, referring tional codeofconductwhichhadpreviously boundthesocialgroups together’. social distance‘especially ashard-hearted stewards andagentsviolatedthetradi- native culture andthetonguespokenby thevast majority’. Th ere wasawidening 166 Th liberty and libertarian idealism–indeeda‘Romantic’ andlibertarian liberty inspiration. Even more psychologythe hillswithaparticular whichwasinfusedwithideasofpopular farmers. Bristol; theywere usuallythewives ofdaylabourers andsomeeven thoseof Women from west Wales, were asdomesticservants, drawntoLondonand – forexample,extendingtothemore in1800. distantLincolnshire harvests in the1790s,amovement ofwartime whichgrew duringthelabourshortages requirements intheirhomecounty. Welsh pickerstravelled totheKent hopfi inHerefordshireto harvests andreturned todealwithslightlylaterharvest to supplementlocalincomeandemployment. Th from upland Wales tothe Vale ofGlamorgan andtotheEnglish Midlands helped most desperatestrataofthehomesociety. to Ohio. Th ey were predominantly offarmingstock,andevidentlynotthe andsettledmainlytogether– somewent to them departed Tennessee andsome migrants were mainlyleavinghillfarmsinMontgomeryshire andhundreds of ministers, whotooktheleadininspiringandencouraging emigration.Th America from the1790s.Th in Montgomeryshire, whichwitnessedsubstantialandpersistentemigrationto emigration whichentered thefolkmemory. One wasthedistrictofLlanbrynmair before 1750,but increasingly thereafter. monplace andmayhave shadedintopermanentrelocation, notsignifi States’. eff were area followed in a sequenceandcontinuedforgeneration,thusthehill farms Central Wales of wasbecomingareservoir inthemid-eighteenthcentury Th Increased mobilityinrural Wales wasmarked episodesof alsoby particular ehistorianClare Taylor associatesthiscontinuingdrainof peoplefrom 7 ectively emptied‘as thecommunityresettled itselfagainintheUnited

4 owing inseveral directions (oneofthemwastowards industrialising David Jones seasonalmigrationfrom thewest charted Wales coastto eseemigrationswere prompted fi rst by thelocal e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 5 6 Short-distance migrationswere com- Th e departures from the Llanbrynmair edepartures from theLlanbrynmair 2 usreapers from Cardigan went 3

Seasonal movements oflabour cantly elds e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document this community: many ofthesocialreverberations thatsurrounded theemigrationdecisionsof a bodyoftwenty Welsh migrants.One remarkable epistleofMay 1805,captured under theleadershipofCongregational ministerRheesLloyd in1796with Pennsylvania (inCambriaCounty).Th e Ebensburgsettlementhadbegunthere fromletters were theEbensburg beingsentbacktoLlanbrynmair settlementin hysteria, whichprobably accentuatedadesire years togetAmerica.Afew later crowd of3,000amassedtoprevent itsactivities.Th ere wasadegree ofcollective instance, theincursionsofapress gangcreated afurore where in Carmarthen a conditions andthepersuasionsofministersearliermigrants.In 1800,for emigration was improbable. Th – theywere intenselyconsciousoftheeconomic‘diff erential’ withoutwhichthe prospects were uppermost,thoughnotexclusive, inthemindsofemigrants and reduced tothestatusofcottagers.Such lettersdemonstratedthateconomic –ofpeoplebeingevictedandhavingto retreatof Llanbrynmair from theland, againsttherisingpressureamid theeloquentoutcry oflandlords onthepeople pastors, andtheradicalheritageinUnited States clearlyappealed’. folkkeptinclose touchwitheachother,Llanbrynmair especiallythrough their Wales toAmerica,‘sometimes attherateoffi ftyamonth’. As Taylor says,‘Th conditions were, theyalonedidnotexplainwhypeoplewere emigratingfrom 1830s andbeyond inAmerica.Powerful by betteropportunities thoughsuch shire, worsenedby rack-renting andtheEnclosure Acts, were matchedinthe was occupiedby spiritualfactors:poorfarmingconditionsinMontgomery- resettlement. Economic conditionsprovided thebackground butcentre stage Calvinistic peopleandtheyexpressed theirreligious solidarityintheircollective fundamental, shecontends,wasatheologicalmotivation: thesewere adeeply Upland adjustments:west Wales andSwaledale Th Such letterswere emphatically Welsh, andsuff these lastmentionedbutIhaveoftheirwives seenfew whoare content. slept soeasyintheirbeds–someshopkeepers,freeholders anddoctorsamong their possessionshave diminishedandwhotestifyquitesimplythattheyhave never …whoare completelyquietandcontentintheirmindsthough in theoldcountry a gentleman,dissatisfi edwiththings… Ihave seenmanywholive comfortably day ’ to s work. from Idonotthinkhave oneoldservant seenanyofthem,apart aremy views quitediff have ifnot allofitbefore livingforthemselves. But theyestablishacomfortable give upalltheyhave tocomeAmerica.Most ofthemspend mostofwhatthey offcomfortably andwhoare to ableto paytheirway reasonably withoutworry inclined nottogive anyencouragement[toemigrate]tofarmerswhoare fairly which theyfi ndthemselves –more thanIever sawbefore …Iammore andmore Th e Welsh inthissettlementoftenappeartobesatisfi edwiththesituationin esocialpsychology ofsuchdepartures wasmuchaff ected by localeconomic erent inrelation tothosewhohave tolive entirely by their e Welsh lettershintatthegeneralised pressure used withreligious sentiment 9

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167 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document probably increased by more than30percentbetween 1750 and1800. west Wales. Most ofall,there wasthedemographicdimension:population In thebackground there were lifein radicalchangestothefoundationsofrural places. born intheUnited States buttheywere increasingly from urbanandindustrial was littledirect report ofconditionsbackin Wales. shared religious faith. broad collective shifts,thesolidarityofwhichwasheavilyreinforced by their community,on therural transmittedthrough landlord demands,precipitating 168 Th were generallytakenforgrantedorsuppressed. broad context.In thecorrespondence between Ohio andwest Wales suchmatters of emigration.Th Such anxiouscircumstances, inalltheirpermutations, were ofthe context part of emigrationfrom thatdistrict. Pen Llynpeninsulaintheyears 1802to1812,whichwasassociatedwithapeak 300 percentin theperiod1801to1830. towns withironworks andlocalmines,e.g.Merthyr inGlamorgan, increased by outwards. Th population growth districtswouldhave been greater inrural butformigration bling ofnumbersover 1750–1851.Th thecentury eamplitudeoftheinitial even inwest Wales, inCardigan, Pembroke there andCarmarthen, wasadou- deliberate removal, notinanywayfeverish. poorest; by ‘mature emigration wasmainlyundertaken families’ inaslow and to traditionalsquatter ’ s rightsonasmallpieceofland’. It wasdiffi unnos (traditionallyhousesbuiltinonenight),which‘staked thebuilder ’ s claim uptheslopesofMynyddpressed andfurther further Bach aspeoplebuilt induced various responses: forinstance,aspopulationgrew, thelineofsettlement a temporary breathing space: a temporary threat from theirevictinglandlord. He wrote oftheirfearandthepossibility Ffordd. His letterexhaledasenseofinsecurity, oftheplightfamilyunder Roberts, writingtoEbensburg, inOctober 1812aboutrecent events in Tan y the Spring andpaiduntilMay 1 ofKingsinhis handwe wereholds thehearts notturnedouttilhalfwaythrough injustice. Our landowner intendedtodousmuchharmbutthanksHim who We …have beensentfrom Dolgadlan Mill astheresult ofmuchoppression and In between Ohio themanylettersbackandforth andMontgomeryshire there Th ehistorianAnneKelly Knowles hasstressed theimpactofenclosures in e diff eimmediateprecipitants ofemigrationloomedlargerthanthe erential growth oftowns over wasastonishing: thecountryside st ua Wales Rural –theynow have acottage. 12 Similarly landpressure inCardiganshire e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 15 13

By 1850there were 30,000 Welsh- 10 Anexception wasEvan 11

cult for the for cult 14 And tai Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ing on common rights, also caused ructions. ing oncommonrights,alsocausedructions. responding topopulation pressure. Th force on with enclosures –especiallyagainstsquatters,whothemselves were shifting towards one-year contracts. expensive but lesssecure thanithadbeenin1793’.Leasesbecomeshorter, in rents. Th usmanyfarmersin1830foundthat‘holdinglandwasnotonlymore At theendofwarlongdepression ofpriceswasunmatchedby reductions societyspringingfrom pressurerising tensionsinrural toincrease productivity. includingMontgomeryshire,for three ofthe decadesacross allpart thecountry of which wasthenthemosttroubled part Wales. Th ere were sporadicdisturbances mid-century, thenlapsingintoadeclineofthesamescaleby 1901. to riseintheearlydecadesofnineteenthcentury, roughly by 50percentby screws to raiseoutputandinducegreater effi signs ofrisingpressure onthelanded community, aturningoftheagricultural consolidating farms,andenclosingmuchso-called‘unused’ land.Th ese were the landagentsleadingthecharge–inducingrisingrents, leases, and new shortening methods in1813.But there waschangeintheair–driven by spiritedlandowners critical oftheoldwaysandstillthoughtthatSouth Wales wasbackward inrural demand forfoodandrawmaterials.Asearlyas1772Arthur Young hadbeen of populationgrowth andthedemandsforhigherproductivity undertherising already underpressure inthelateeighteenthcentury, responding totheimpact Upland adjustments:west Wales andSwaledale towards migration. leading sometimestoriotanddistress andmostprobably toagreater suggestibility a rapidriseinrents. resources. Th e pressure of overpopulation alsocontributedtolandhungerand smallholdings onthecommonlands–aclearsignofrisingstrainlanded was anexacerbatingfactor. Meanwhile thelower classeshadbeenbuilding the landnow under cultivation’. Th eexpropriation ofcommonandwasteland reported that‘the labouringclassofSociety istoonumerous to inproportion latter eventually produced asurplusoflabourincentral Wales. In 1821itwas growing relations hostilityinrural –allmagnifi ed by population pressure. Th Th mainly ‘small ofpeasantry’, farmersandthebettersort inadditiontolabourers. family togetAmerica.More generallytheemigrantsappeartohave been parish vestriesemigrants –forinstanceallocatingupto£30a helpedafew poor rates).But there wasalsoabackground ofunrelieved depression. Some Rebecca protests directed Riotsof1839–40(rural againsttaxes, tithes,tollsand Cardigan, North Pembroke andthiscoincidedwith the Carmarthen, andnorth ere were direct sailings from Welsh to Quebec andNew ports York. During thewaryears between 1801and1814rents trebled inCardigan, Th Symptoms were exposedwhichshowed of parts Wales thattherural were Th is generalisedtighteningofconditionsonthelandwasrefl ectedina e1841censusreporter referred tosubstantialemigrationfrom southern 16 Population districtsofwest intherural Wales continued e intensifi 17 Th ere were aggressive landlord moves to 18 ciency. Allwere signalsofmountingstress, cation ofsheepfarmingencroach- 169 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document very small ports totakepeopleLiverpool, oftenpeopletravelling smallports ingroups. very Newspapers were passagesandshipswere advertising tocalleven at instructed 170 Th was particularly strong amongthese was particularly Welsh folk. we canbutillspareAmerica from them’. thiscountry; Th Yet alarge Cardiganshire landowner saidin1801‘Vast emigrationsare going to reported: A Welsh emigrantwhoreturned homeonavisitin1801from Philadelphia many whowere: Inertia oneobserver, alsoplayed itspart: Malkin, in1807hadsaidthere were impeded by theirlackofmeansandalsoby theirlackoftheEnglish language. Emigration haditseff ectbutthepoorest inthepopulation were, asalways, Th Th characteristic ofthe Welsh incommonwithotherbranchesofthe CelticRaces’. was recollected as‘the great cravingforlandwhichwe foundtobeamostmarked amalgamations onmanyofthelargerestates’. At anoffi with the‘multiple occupationofholdingsandthetrend topermanentfarm land hungerbecameintense.It wasthe product ofpopulationgrowth associated eReport concludedthat e Welsh LandCommissiondrew attention tothe the moneyaftertheyhadgotthere. money …Iwishamethodwas devisedtotakethemover, andletthemwork at move beggingforbread …Myriads aboutthecountry wouldemigrateiftheyhad I cannotdescribetoyou theconditionsofourpoorcountry, thousandsofthepoor that gave them birth’. by atongue oftheirown, they are tieddown by apeculiarnecessitytotheplace oflife.Butin questofhigherwagesand…thecomforts whiletheyare isolated andhardDiscontented quarters fare, withtheirdreary anddisposedtoemigrate living. it, lifeforthemwouldnotbeworth with thefeelingthattheymustatallcostshave alittleholding…andthatwithout persist inprolonging theirmiserableexistenceunlesstheywere whollypossessed can accountforsuchastateofthings.Th esemenandtheirfamilieswouldnot surely there isnothingbuttheconsumingpassion,leech-cravingforland,that diffi buildings, where even inthegoodtimes,theywere abletoexistwithinfi scores ofmountainfarmsallsizes …with theirmudhovels andthedefective Th eentire transformationwasespeciallyvisibleinCardiganshire, rural where culty, ekingoutamiserableand laboriouslife. 22

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 21

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in1896it cial enquiry eimpulsetoemigrate nite 20 19

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document census hadgreatly underestimated thenumbers. seriously defective anddidnotalignwithdocumenteddepartures: the1841 Vugt, ahistorianofthese outfl ows, concludedthatcensusnumbers were tion as‘a low butsustainedmovement overseas’ withoccasionalsurges.But Van Australasia. in bothAmericaand among someoftheCornish migrantsofmid-century reasons’, inaquestforfarmland,even amongtheminers–apattern common mining workers. Many ofthesepeoplewere ‘emigrating ultimatelyforagricultural ofsingleadultsand tion toindustrialoccupations witharisingproportion the outfl ow of Welsh miners. in source, refl beyond; by 1841 Welsh emigrationbecameincreasingly industrialandurban the lengthyadjustment,theyhadsuppliedpeopleto Americanstatesand populations oftheuplandcountiesmid-Wales were inpermanentdecline.In changes –mostlyexpressed ininternalmigrationand,by the1840s,total work with farminginOhio’. areasrural before moving intoindustry. Th eycouldalwayscombineindustrial industrial southeast[of Wales], especiallythosewhohadoriginallyhailedfrom migrations. As Van Vugt reports, ‘Land[inOhio] alsodrew manyfrom the rural poverty,rural especiallyinthe1870s. counties thatabsolutelylostpopulation1841–1911,timesofextreme Welsh of Glamorganshire coalfi elds.Cardiganshire wasoneofthesix English and Welsh tion wasmuchlower thanthatofmales,whichwasprobably duetotheproximity for instance,from Cardiganshire, unlikemostplaces,thelevel offemalemigra- cent, inthenumberofmalefarmworkers between 1851and1891. Upland adjustments:west Wales andSwaledale migration amongtheCardigan emigrants. to thesamedestinationsandthere wasapronounced development ofchain the ‘upper-middle stratumofagriculturalsociety’. Localpeopletendedtofl continuing expansionintothe1830s.Th occurred forsailingfromadvertisements Carmarthen in1816andthere wasa diff capital tospendormusclewherewith towork’. no manorwomanneednow stayathome…allare invitedwhohave either facilities off of theirown’. and farmlabourers were ‘often unabletorealise theirambitionstohave holdings relentless competitionfortenancies–landhungermeantthatfarmers’ sons farming forsome Welsh minerswasalmostmagical’. erence totheavailability ofpassages(asinIreland): forinstance,thefi A sampleof Welsh emigrantstothe United States in1851showed thetransi- Migration oftheadjustmenttothese widerstructural wasevidentlyapart Th Th ere were curiousvariations intheregional experiencesofout-migration: esuddenexpansionoftheCanadiantimbertradeafter1815madealarge ered toemigrantsby competinglinesofocean steamersare suchthat 33

ecting theearliertransitionin Welsh population,notably 28 In 1882aCardigan remarked newspaper that‘Extraordinary 31 30 Van Vugt suggestedthat‘Th eappealofAmerican Even thenthere were atavisticelementsinthe 26 Th osegoingtoOhio were describedas ere wasagreat reduction, by 28per 24 Th e1841censusreported emigra- 29 25

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27 But the ock 171 rst Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document emigrants’ mentalities. refl the aggrandisementofrich,whowere thelawmakers’. Such indignation ofthepoorfor with indignation,describedtheprocess asthe‘legalisedrobbery ‘simple robbery’. Yearscompensation: itwasacaseof later, Wallace, stillsteaming them. Th osewho ownedlandorheldtenancies were given themostmiserable ously beenabletokeepacow sheepbuttheiraccesswasstrippedfrom andafew of principles–outraged Wallace’. Th Tithe Act andtheGeneral Enclosure Act. ‘Th eunderlyingprinciples–orlack andwithhisbrothera landsurveyor wasengagedonwork connectedwiththe changesin ofrural Wales.times, wasasharpobserver In hisearlycareer hewas mated. Alfred Russel Wallace, therenowned scientifi of population and detectthelocaldistant outletsforitsmigrants. district andtheforces ofretention also. research devoted tothisdistrictexposesthelongphasesofmigration outofthe decline of its rural population. decline ofitsrural demonstrates withunusualclarityseveral typicalsequenceswithinthelong-term nomic career of theuplandSwaledale region intheNorth Yorkshire Pennines England were re-instated intheiressentialrurality. Th edemographicandeco- also divorced from theindustrial direction ofeconomicchange.Some of parts Th of overseas destinationswasre-doubled. hunger whichlaybehindthetensionsandexitsof time.Th paralleled by labour-sacrifi demographicincreasedistricts inthetimeofemigration:rapidandunsupported travellers. coloured, andindeedoftenled,by Congregational ministersandtheirfellow of part Wales were themid-western Americanstates.But theentire process was with control over theland.Th ecollateralbenefi tion wasmarked by protest andby outward mobility. Th ewinners were those was notkeepingpaceandeventually lapsingintoabsolutedecline.Rural disloca- of pincers–arapidlygrowing populationinacontextwhichemployment and reduce thepaidagriculturalpopulation. West Wales wascaughtinthegrip pressing forlargerpastoralusageoftheland,abletosqueeze outthesmallfarmers 172 Th and wasaregional Britain. variant ofthecommonexperiencein rural adjustmentstodemographicand economicpressures,associated withmigratory ere were, ofcourse,largetractsEngland whichinthesamedecadeswere ofrural Wales,ected thetensionsinmanyparts andnodoubtcoloured Th Th More generally, west Wales exhibitedtherecurring characteristicsofrural edegree ofangercreated by landchangesin Wales isnottobeunderesti- iswasUpland Britain transition,inwhichlandlords inacriticalrural were 34

cing agriculturalchangeswhichmagnifi edtheland 35 Swaledale change wasaclassiccaseofrural Swaledale ecottagerslivingonthemoorshadprevi- 37 e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Here we are thebuild-up abletochart ciariesby immigrationfrom this c thinkeroflate Victorian e attraction 36 Detailed Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document large crowds’. ‘fi main market town ofReeth hadapopulationofalmost1500in1840:itwas Roman times,whichceasedworking onlyinthelatenineteenthcentury. Th been peopledformanycenturies:there hadbeenleadminesinSwaledale since exodus from Swaledale. the 1890s.Th ofseveral localconditionswhich ecollapsewaspart produced an in declinedunderthecompetitionofimports of employment but theindustry and themillswere source closedin1870.Leadmininghadbeenanimportant these were muchhampered by thehighcostoffuelandlackwaterpower, the populationhadfallento588. mines ofSpain, stilltobeseen.By leavingtheruins themid-twentieth century coalfi 1840. the region lostmore thantwo-thirds ofthenaturalincrease ofpopulation before miles. R.P. Hastings calculatedahighrateofout-migrationafter1780,whereby Most migrationwasinternalandgenerallyrestricted toaradiusofaboutten rents. Th craftsmen,respondingand rural reacting toadvertisements againsthigher sided, grandandwild’. Upland adjustments:west Wales andSwaledale also beginning totakeoff say peoplewithcapital. Liverpool. wereproperty including leavingfrom ports Whitby, Stockton, Scarborough and ting industry hadalready declined. ting industry community: theleadmineswere infullswing,thoughthelocaldomesticknit- their farms. America inthelate1820sand 1830s,theirrelocation facilitatedby thesaleof especially goodfamilieswith manysonstoprovide for. Th ey were for departing expected inthecomingemigrationseasonfrom Hull. middle classesofwholeparishes’ were preparing toleave, asmany8,000 … andclassofsociety’ were leavingthrough Hull, andby March 1830‘the having aneff ect. In 1829there were that reports age ‘males and femalesofevery emigration’ wasunabatedandtheinvolvement ofthetimbershipswasalready ofHull.after 1817through theport In 1818itwasclaimedthat‘the racefor prospects in adiff erent clime’. But mostlytheincreased emigrationoccurred inhopeofchanging theirpresentcontented tobetransported, poverty forbetter passage costsofpoor‘people [whowere] likelytobecomechargeableandwere ne town formerchandise, withtwocattlefarms,andamarket onFridays drew Th Th Swaledale withhighgrassedhills,‘narrow, wasmainlypastoralcountry steep Among thefi rstpeopletoemigrate were farmersandtradesmen,thatisto ere hadbeeneff toestablishindustrialknittingandamillin1835,but orts esequenceofdepartures overseas from Swaledale has alsobeenestablished. elds, andotherstothecottonmillsofLancashire. Some went tothelead 42 Emigrants recorded inthe1770swere mainlytenants,smalllandholders e York Chronicle on 15April 1774reported parishoverseers payingthe 45 But by 1833manyofthepoorer yeomen andsmallfarmerswere 39 Th e townnotonlythefarmersbutalso anindustrial served 38 44 It wasoneofmanyvalleys fl owing eastwards andhad 41 for Canada, and‘iftheycouldaff ord it,to Australia’. Th fortheDurham Consequentlyfamiliesdeparted epress emphasisedthequalityof theemigrants, 40

43 Many peopleofgood 173 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document comparative wagerates. pig hulls’. Th womeninNewfew Biggins andthousandsofbachelors wholived ‘likedogsin high andindependentaseachother’. He alsodeclared thatthere were fartoo [i.e.stewards]beggar –nostuarts tobow to,nogentlemen,we are alloneas to hisbrother: ‘We have noCrown, noduty, noBishops, noryet have Iseena Jonathon AlderstonwhohadleftLeadfi eldfor New Biggins in Illinois. He wrote and itwasstillcheapertoget totheUnited States. clear oftimberandready forploughing’. But even sothere were costsinvolved land, hecouldsave enoughfrom hisfi rst years earningstobuy ftyacresfi of land colonies, where ‘Th emostdestitutelabourer thatcouldbelandedwas promised labouring man’. region. Migrants senthomemessagesthatAmerica‘was for thepoor thecountry America, formingsettlementsinDubuque inIowa, aleadingminingandpastoral to theCapeofGood Hope. In 1845more thanfi fty Swaledale peopleleftfor tion wasgatheringpace,manytakingadvantage offree passagestoAustralia and generally couldnotleave unlessassistedby thelocalvestry’. By the1840semigra- ‘many chosetoaccepta lower standard ofliving ratherthanleave thearea’. were passingfrom Hawes to Liverpool andAmerica,50peopleinonebatch. parish ofpaupers. until theywere safelyaboard theemigratingship–clearlyawayofridding had fallenontheparish’ whowere given parishassistancewhichwasnotpaid money; labourers whohadmanagedtosave up£20oreven £30‘and otherswho small freeholders whohadbeencompelledtosellout;farmerswere losing Merry ofLocktontestifyingthatemigrantsfrom hisdistricthadincluded:former of theseemigrants.Th usthe SelectCommitteeonAgriculture in1833had John reports openedawindow ontheprocessesContemporary at work inthelives 174 Th bottom of the rural hierarchy.bottom oftherural ladder; whereas the‘push’ factorofadversity wasmore decisive forthoseatthe that the‘pull’ forthepeopleattopof wascrucial force ofopportunity off they alsoincludedleadminersandweavers. People planningtoemigrate‘sold laying off ‘like dogs’ andonthestreets. onwharves 1831 thatsuchemigrantswere arrivingpennilessinMontreal, obligedtosleep heading over thehillstoLiverpool. Th their bundlesofclothing,acaskbutterorcheese,andsackoatmeal– except everything theirbedding’; otherswere describedassettingoff Th In themid-1830sassistedpassageswere beingprovided by theAustralian Christine Hallas pointsoutthat‘the poorest families,duetolackofcapital, Yet emigrationwasbothselective andaminorityresponse. AsHallas says, Th ereports varied. In June 1837the ecensussometimesreferred toemigration–pointingoutthatfarmerswere labourers, andgenerallyemployingthanpreviously, fewerservants but e magneticdiff erential wasobviously composedof more than 47 Emigration operatedasasafetyvalve andthere isasuggestion 46

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e e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Yorkshire Gazetteer printedaletterfrom 48 Yorkshire Gazette reported inAugust

50 In 1844Swaledale people with 51

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document employment requirements’. off farmers coped,butonly‘becausemostofthepopulation growth wassyphoned agriculture.economic andsociallifeinparallelwiththenew Many ofthelocal ofwest which wasalsotrue Wales. thanithadbeenin1800, marginally greater attheendofnineteenthcentury the longerperiodof1821–1911;yet even so,thetotalpopulationwasstill inthe1880s andbydistrict –thepopulationfellby two-thirds aquarter over agricultural employment intheregion. Eventually –andnotablyintheSwaledale created more serious problems: ‘expansion through natural increase atthe end chose tostayput. outlets –muchmore wasachieved by internalmobility;but in reality many emigration. vigorous intheyears 1801–31,wasmitigatedanddiminishedby migrationand and rationality. ways were abletopersisteven againstthepressures ofeconomicmaximisation the ‘continuance ofsome ofthepre-industrial’ formsoflocaloccupation:old gave abreathing spaceover thefollowing decades.More exactly, itallowed for to provide scopefortheremaining populationtopersistintheiroldways–it priority wastoremain onthelandandtoretain thefarmasafamilypossession’. and were prepared toacceptlower personalincomesbecausetheiroverriding in theMalthusian mode. resources: anditisclearthatout-migrationfrom Swaledale wasnotreplenished operated asadampeneronpopulationgrowth, reducing thepressure onlocal both relieving andmaintainingthelocalcommunityinasurprisingfashion.It numbers (notablybetween 1881and1901).Th England and Wales) andthecommunitytookmanydecadestostabiliseits (in1811to1821twiceasfasttheaverage forrural of thenineteenthcentury Population growth inSwaledale hadbeenextremely rapidinthefi rsttwodecades Upland adjustments:west Wales andSwaledale than most of the rural populationoftheday.than mostoftherural most places–thelocalpsychology wasmore akintothatofHighland crofters Th lasted longerinthesedistrictsthanelsewhere. pressure enabledabetterfoundation forthosewhoremained. By-employments and,despite‘theby aquarter hardship tothoseaff ected’, the reduced population by-employment thepopulationfell onthefarms.In thelatenineteenthcentury persistence ofsmall-scaleproduction andownership, of helpedby thesurvival and productivity increases were Th impressive, especiallyindairying. eyresponded tothewideningincomediff erentials withlessenthusiasmthan during these years … A large part ofthenaturalincrease during theseyears …Alargepart wassurplustolocal Th Out-migration therefore hadpermittedtheco-existenceofolderforms In nearby Wensleydale, despitesignifi cantmigration,populationgrowth had Th eprocess accompaniedtherelative ofemigration nevertheless declineof econsequenceforSwaledale waseventually positive: out-migrationseemed 53 Th eSwaledale economyremained dominatedby agriculture, 52 Th 55 Most ofall,‘localfarmers“tightened theirbelts” epopulationsurge,whichhadbeenatitsmost 57 54 Emigration wasonlyone ofthe

efunctionofemigrationwas ere wasa 175 56

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document more slowly andlater. employment inagriculture areas begantofallbutthepopulationofrural declined – there hadbeenaphenomenalincrease productivity, inrural andeventually chapel wasfullofSwaledale people. cashire: several streets were colonisedby 248dales-bornpeopleandthelocal leaving from theDales andsettlingintheBrierfi trial Lancashire. Th usthere wasapersistent link between generationsofpeople connections were welded ofindus- between dalesandparts peoplefrom certain provided specialkinshipandcommunity someassistancetothosedeparting; much ofthenaturalpopulationincrease eachdecade.Th e PoorLawguardians surges. Here toothedeclineofleadminingwasdecisive, propelling outwards migration from Upper Wensleydale wasincreasing rapidlyandcontinuedin radical andrigorous inCornwallandtheso-called‘Celtic’ zones. sector.the rural It wasatypeofongoingrestructuring whichwasmuchmore that expatriationbenefi among landowners and rate-payingfarmers,the‘emigrationists’ whobelieved departed manyalsoremained,departed choosingpoverty athomeover migration. feature communities’was a‘basicstructural of…rural –butthoughmany to support thepopulation’.to support wasoutstrippingtheabilityofagriculturaleconomy of theeighteenthcentury 176 Th greatest pressure. remain onthelanddespitefactthattheirlivingstandards were underthe the populationprofi strategy todealwithpoverty. ‘As themajorityofmigrantswere young people, the youth whenoldenoughare compelledtomigrate’. is notabletofi foralltheinhabitants,insomuchthatagreat of ndsupport part poor familiesinthisdale[upper Wensleydale] numerous are …thecountry very 3 ai W Hwl, LandandPeople inNineteenth-Century Wales Howell, W. (London:Routledge, David 3 of AConciseHistory Wales Jenkins, (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity H. Geraint 2 1 For auseful introduction to Welsh migrationquestionssee W.T. Rees Pryce and Comparable adjustments were Britain ofrural experiencedacross otherparts Emigration, ofcourse,wasmerely ofthegeneraltransformation onepart 1977), chap. 2,pp. 95–7andalsoHowell, Press, 2007), pp. 191–2. to Research (Birmingham: Genealogical Pub. Co., 2ndedn1998). David Peate, ‘Introduction’, inJohn Rowlands (ed.), in1793, anticipating risingrents andrenewed pressure from theirlandlord. holders emigratingjustpriorto theexpirationoftheirleasesinCaernarfonshire (Cardiff : University of Wales Press, 2000), p. 120,whichdocumentscasesoflease- 64 Th le …wasincreasingly tiltedtowards theelderly’. is apparent inertia was the cause of much frustration is apparent wasthecauseofmuchfrustration inertia 63 thosewhostayedtted everyone, and thosewholeft. Britain In ofrural peoplewere manyparts choosingto 58 In 1805CharlesFothergill reported: ‘many ofthe 60 Hallas arguesthatmigrationwasthecoping Notes e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Th eRural Poor inEighteenth-Century Wales eld districtofBurnley inLan- Welsh Family AGuide History: 59 By the1810sout- 61 Poverty 62

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 1 Se lo Etat fo te ense ad ot ogdo papers’, Montgomeryshire Dolgadfon Pont and Tennessee the from ‘Extracts also See 10 18 Th 8 1 Th Williams, David 17 36. p. Ibid., 5. 16 p. Before Rebecca , Jones, 84–5. pp. 15 Rural Poor , Howell, See 14 98. p. Ibid., 13 Calvinists Incorporated: Welsh Immigrants onOhio Knowles, Kelly ’ Anne s Industrial 12 Samuel andhisCircle Roberts . (ed.), Taylor 11 Upland adjustments:west Wales andSwaledale 3 Se fr ntne Vn ut British Buckeyes Vugt, and Van instance, for See, 200. p. 30 Exodus from Cardiganshire , Cooper, Kathryn 29 215. p. Ibid., 214. 28 187, pp. Ibid., 27 112. p. Ibid., 194. 26 p. Exodus from Cardiganshire , Cooper, 25 Britain to America: Mid-Nineteenth-Century Immigrants to Vugt, Van E. William See 24 187. p. Ibid., 23 186. p. Ibid., 22 26. p. Ibid., 21 (Cardiff Exodus from Cardiganshire Cooper, Kathryn 20 Th Williams, 19 3 Wlim . a Vg, Wlh mgain o h UA uig h mid-nineteenth the during USA the to Emigration ‘Welsh Vugt, Van E. William 105. 33 p. Britain toAmerica , Vugt, Van 73. 32 p. British Buckeyes , Vugt, Van 31 Ibid. 9 8 Ibid., citingaletterfrom George andJane Roberts toMother andFather, 21May Samuel andhisCircle: Roberts Migration from Llanbrynmair, (ed.), Taylor Clare 7 British Buckeyes Vugt, , pp. 33ff Van See 6 Before Rebecca: Popular Protests in Wales, Jones, 1793–1835 J.V. David (London:Allen 84–5. 5 pp. Rural Poor , Howell, 4 Atlantic voyage in1848’, Collections , vol. C.Peate, 63.Alatermigrationisdocumentedin Iorwerth ‘An 1805. np. 1974), Montgomeryshire toAmerica 1790-1890 National (Aberystwyth: of Wales, Library Lane, 1973),p. 3. pp. 91–2,115. Frontier (Chicago:University ofChicagoPress, 1997),p. 18. the United States (Chicago:University ofIllinois Press), p. 98. (London, 1896),p. 137. 2011), quotingD.Ll.Th See small farmersandsevere criticismofthelandmonopolies‘the great Bull-frogs’. century’, also William Jones, quotedinJenkins, ere wassomenationalsympathyfortheplightofousted Welsh cottagersand Diary of Robert Sharp ofRobert ofSouth CaveDiary , pp. 103,137–84. Welsh Review History 15(1991), 545–61. eRebecca Riots , pp. 91–2,115. (Cardiff e Rebecca Riots omas, , o. 62. vol. Montgomeryshire Collections, Th e Welsh LandCommission:ADigestofitsReport . . Concise History : University of Wales Press, 1955), Britain toAmerica , pp. 99,154. See : University of Wales Press, 177 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 178 Th 36 Th 6 3 (Chichester: ofRichmondandSwaledale AHistory Jennings, B. and Fieldhouse R. See 35 Alfred Russel Wallace: ALife Raby, Peter (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 34 Rural Responses 54 Hallas, , chaps 10and11,pp. 301–5. 16. 53 chapter below, Hallas, ‘Poverty andpragmatism’, 75;seealso W.A. See Armstrong andJ.P. Huzel. ‘Food, 52 Rural Responses Hallas, , pp. 286–7, 293–4,311. 51 143. p. Ibid., British Immigration Vugt, 50 , vol. 2,p. xiv. Van in Quoted 141. 49 p. North , RidingHistory Hastings, 78. pragmatism’, 48 and ‘Poverty Hallas, 286. 47 p. Rural Responses , Hallas, 46 45 Sporadic emigrationfrom theNorth Ridingafter1780isrecorded by R.P. Hastings, 44 Ibid. 43 In 1829there were reports from North Yorkshire that‘America andSwan River Mania Essays inNorth RidingHistory, 1780–1850 Hastings, (Northallerton: North R.P. British Buckeyes , Ingilby, Yorkshire 42 Vugt,Dales and Van Hartley See see 41 Montgomeryshire; in applied conditions Similar 40 252–4. pp. Ingilby, Th Ibid., J. and 39 Hartley M. See 38 and Wensleydale nineteenth-century in ‘Migration Hallas, S. Christine especially See 37 Phillimore, 1978),pp. 108–9. 2002), pp. 17–18. in G.E.Mingay andJoan Th shelter andself-help, thePoor Lawandthepositionoflabourer society’, inrural 1793–1802 (York: Papers, Borthwick no. 52,1977),pp. 7,25,28–9. consequences are accountedinRoger A.E. Wells, by parishcontributions.Recurrent supported was partly andsevere poorharvests no. 61, 1982),togetherwiththesurprisinglyhighlevel ofpauperism.Emigration Poverty andthePoor LawintheNorth Ridingof Yorkshire agonised. See Australia mixed decisionseven more toldofvery outcomes,thusmakingfurther Th to chooseandsomewere sellingoff prevalentis very here atthepresent’. Farmers were agonisingover whichdestination Yorkshire CountyCouncil,1980),p. 138. 71. p. Pennines, c.1770–1900’, ‘Poverty uplandsofEngland: theNorth andpragmatisminthenorthern Yorkshire alization: Th e North Yorkshire Pennines,1790–1914 (Bern: Peter Lang,1999);Hallas, Swaledale’, Journal ofHistorical Geography 23(1997),290–1. margin? Mobility, integrationandoccupationinthe West Riding,1650–1820’, and townships duringtheeighteenthcentury. See Steven King,‘Migration onthe migration’ andtheenclosure ofcommons,wasteandfi eldsinsurrounding parishes ecostofpassagewasavitalconsideration;reports senthomefrom Americaand ere of isevidenceinotherparts Yorkshire ofacloserelation between ‘surges ofout Northern History 27(1991),141–57;Hallas, , . 235. p. Sharp ofRobert ofSouth Cave Diary , 25:1(2000),67–84. irsk(eds), e Yorkshire Dales (London:Dent, 1963),p. xiii. inadvance theirproperty oftheirdepartures. , p 252–4. pp. , e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Th eAgrarian of England History and Wales Death and Distress in Yorkshire, Rural Responses toIndustri- (York: Papers, Borthwick Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Upland adjustments:west Wales andSwaledale , . 294. p. Rural Responses , Hallas, 64 63 See Peter Dewey, ‘Farm labourinEngland and Wales 1850–1914’,inE.J.T. Collins, 84. pragmatism’, and ‘Poverty Hallas, 62 61 280. p. 270. Ibid., p. Rural Responses , 60 Ibid. Emigration outof Yorkshire, Hallas, especiallythrough Hull, wascomplicatedby the by Quoted 77. pragmatism’, 59 and ‘Poverty Hallas, 14. 58 chapter below, See 57 302. p. Ibid., 56 Rural Responses Hallas, , chap. 10,pp. 268,310. 55 Cambridge University Press, 2000),pp. 851–2and 856. Th pp. 381,317ff ofHullHistory (Oxford: Oxford University Press fortheUniversity ofHull, 1989), and manystayed onatHull. See Edward Gillett andKenneth A.MacMahon, through ontheirwaytoAmerica.Th ey produced localhealthandstatistical problems, 41,000 emigrantsfrom Gothenburg, Oslo, CopenhagenandHamburg, passing the Europeanisation ofAtlantic migration:insixmonthsof1888Hull received passage oftransientemigrantsfrom Europe, enroute forLiverpool. To demonstrate 807. p. 1750–1850 , vol. 6(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1989),pp. 794ff eAgrarian ofEngland History and Wales 1850–1914 I(Cambridge: , vol. 7,part . .,esp. 179 A Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document emigration. capita Wales itwasatthetopofleaguetable inthelatenineteenth century: bases. Emigration from CornwalloutstrippedallothercountiesinEngland and Victorian years whiletherest ofthenationaleconomyexpandeditsindustrial insecure dependenceoncoppermining,whichwent intosteepdeclineinthe Unlike seemedtohingeentirely onits variants, theCornishstory therural a highpropensity toemigrate. they possessed many ofthemwere skilled,andin thenineteenthcentury certainly mining thelocaleconomyofCornwall). by reciprocal attractionsgeneratedabroad (which indeedwere directly under- clear response toaspecifi laissez-faire worldofthe caseofglobalrationalisation inthecontextof emigration wasanear-perfect the worldwhichabsorbedoutfl rivaltheir skills,technologyandcapital)tonew copper-producing zones across adjustment by themechanismofmigration,transferCornishpeople(and wasrapidlyexpanding–anexampleofinternational where thesameindustry oftheplanet inEngland totheotherparts from thedecliningcopperindustry ing whathecalls‘the inchoateethnicmass’. a radioactive tracerinthebloodstream ofmigration’. It provides away ofstudy- regarding ofmassmigration, remarked that‘Skill the history acts,asitwere, as better incomes.Frank Th istlethwaite,fatherofmanythebestorganising ideas international migration.Skill tomobility, hasbeenapassport adventure and Skilled labouralwayswas,andstillis,oneoftheprincipaldriving forces in Th e Cornish account – that is, the perfectly rationalexchange eCornishaccount–thatis,theperfectly ofmigrants Cornwall, Kent andLondon 1 Here caseofemigrationoperatingasa wasastraightforward Pax Britannica . c identifi c Cpe ad rationality and Copper iig adjustments Mining 3

ows, asifdebouchingfrom Cornwall.Cornish pressureable extrusive whichwasreinforced 12 2 Th eCornishwere farfrom inchoate; per Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document statistics. most emigrantsinthenineteenth century, lost in theinterminablestacksof migrants from Cornwalltendtobesubmerged inthecommonanonymityof the mid-nineteenthcentury. Th industries thatunhappilydescendedintoasuccessionofsevere slumpsin Kent andLondon Cornwall, globe. the prompt re-location operationsacross ofCornishminerstothenew was theintelligentadjustmentofinternationaltradewhich,ineff the Anglophoneworldaswell asinSouth AmericaandNew Guinea. Th skilled Cornishemigrants.Th Many competingoverseas ofthenewly mineswere pioneered andworked by oftheworld,from Brazilother parts toArizona, South AfricaandAustralia. by miningdiscoveries thespectacularriseofcompetitionfornew inmany mineral depletionandby technicalproblems inthelocalmines,buteven more such changes,andalsosomeofitsvictims. were allparts virtually inducedtore-adjust. Th eCornish were propellants of generated suchafl ofdistanteconomies,that uxofchange,suchanarticulation undercut theirown brethren rural backhome.Th were similarlyblazoningagricultures new infar-off places, whicheventually also was anexperienceby nomeansexclusive toCornwall:thefarmersofBritain in Cornwallandthiswasoneoftheclearest ironies ofthat relationship between lands’. Cornwallandthenew social costandbenefi of Cornwallby theevileff emigrantswhodeclaredthe departure oftearful ‘they were out literallystarved uprootings, dramasandtragedies.In observed 1849alocalCornishnewspaper Th masksthesheertraumathatCornwallunderwent. ofthestory cal construction more successfulcopperminingoperationsoverseas. But mechani- thissomewhat income diff Cornish managerial expertise, andmostofall, by Cornishminers. Cornish managerialexpertise, wasdominatedby Cornish miningtechnology,copper story Cornishcapital, contributed lessthanhalfofthe emigrantsfrom Cornwall, their economicfoundations. In reality theCornishmining sector probably international capital–though there wasno escaping thepressures atwork on grants were notsimplyeconomicautomatonsjumpingtothedirectives of economy whichfuelledsomuchmassmigrationinthe modern era.Th theexpansionofinternational the massive dislocationthatunderwrote eCornishlived through several generationsofturmoil,myriadshiftsand Cornwall wasfullofskilledhard-rock minersinitsown copperandrelated Th Th Th equestforcopperacross theglobe eventually underminedtheoldeconomy e internationaladjustmentby theCornishmigrantswasframedby the elivingdetailof these humanadjustmentsvividlycaptures therealities of erential whichhaddecisively widenedundertheimpactofmuch ts oftheselong-distanceexchanges, there was a ‘bittersweet ects ofFree Trade’. In thelightofcomplicated e Cornish found themselves in every cornerof e Cornishfoundthemselves inevery e decline of Cornwall was partly causedby e declineofCornwallwaspartly 4 Indeed theentire international e evolving worldeconomy 5 wrd It laissez-faire world. andthenon-mining ect, required ect, e emi- 181 is Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document as dependenton‘homepay’, perhapswitha‘husbandinAustralia’. end ofthecentury. Th love ofkindred whomtheymightnever seeagain’, wrote J.HenryHarris atthe young wives andchildren were leftathomedependentfordailybread uponthe Australia, South Americaandtheregions ofKlondike;andtheoldpeople and‘Thwere especiallyjittery e youngmen are spread over SouthAfricaand exodus;in theCornisheconomyproduced inthe1870s,mineralprices afurther Th juxtaposition, creating anexquisite moraltensionfortheir Methodist consciences. It inacontextofeasycorruption. with theremnants ofslavery wasastark strikingly exotic conditions.In Cuba, forinstance,theyworked cheekby jowl some ofitusedtoerect ‘villas by theseaside’ forthereturnees. that moniesremitted by theSouth AfricanCornish keptRedruth ingoodtimes, 182 Th relieved ofitsgeneralisedadjustment. thelocaleconomyaspart of the1860sand1870s.Th e reduced pressure ofsurpluslabour byemigration Many Cornishtookthe‘escape-hatch’ outofthecountyduringsevere crises deep mining. mortality, toooftenfrom diseasesspecifi callyassociatedwiththelungs,from cions. But, justasskill tracedtheCornishmigrants,sotoodidtrailoftheir in thenineteenthcentury, itsincentives, itsinducements,implacablecoer- stories provide theintimaterealities oftheoperationsinternationalcapitalism Imperial story, sentmoneyfortheupkeepofCornishhomeland.Th of remittances from overseas. Even India, intheapproaching twilightofthe Wesleyan chapelsinmanytowns andvillagesacross Cornwall,andallby means by Cornishmenin,say, ,helpedtopayforbetterhousingandgrand retired toNewquay anddiedinLostwithiel, theendofafullcircle. , thenontoCountyCork, Peru, Malaya andArgentinaonceagain.He before hewasforty. By 1902 Oates wasworking intheSanta Fe silver mines in followed by work intheUrals, andMatabeleland inSouthern Rhodesia–all and Argentinawithabriefbreak backinCornwall,returning thentoPeru, before returning toCornwallbemarried.He againforUruguay soondeparted fi astonishing mobilityamongitslabourforce. William Oates (1859–1935)worked of theNew Worlds. Th e great internationalisation oftheminingsystem required copperoperationsinthehard-rocksystems, settingupandmanningnew centres Th indicated thatofminerswhodiedinCornwall64percenthadworked abroad. inCornwall,thenPeru,rst atChacewater followed by astint inBolivia ere were 14,000CornishinSouth Americainthenineteenth century, avital eywere amongthetechniciansofindustrialisation andinternationalmining In thesehecticmigrations,Cornishminers foundthemselves working in Th Many oftheCornishemigrantswere skills. alsoequippedwithhighlyportable ehistorianoftheemigratingCornish,Philip Payton, demonstratesclearly 9 Return high:areport in1904 migrationwasprobably very e Census Enumerators’ Books forCornwallregistered wives eiaei miners Peripatetic e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 6 8 crisis Eachnew Income earned 7 11

ese 10

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document engage inunionisation,whichgeneratedanimosityamongfellow rock workers. Th hard-rock minerswithspecialskillsandpossessedlittleoccupationalfl to theirethnicityandassimilatedlesssmoothlythanothergroups. Th ‘some ofthestrangestracesdwell nextdoortoyou athome’. came upona‘knotofCornishminers’. From thisencounterheconcludedthat Cornwall itself. ofthepenetration‘informalempire’part by British capital,notalittlefrom Kent andLondon Cornwall, Migrant labelswere blurred. sector andsomespecifi c ofagricultural labourersrecruitment inthe British Isles. miners toleave South Australia, thuscreating defi ashort-term rural ciencyinthe the magnetof Victorian goldfi Australia in1854.Th iswasamomentinthe when Australianimmigrantstory labourer toqualifyforanassistedpassagethecopper-ladencolonyofSouth categories. Th promised freedoms oftheirdestinations. rejection ofpoverty, tithes,landlords andparsonsinCornwall infavour ofthe attitudetothehomeland–intheirexplicit Cornwallinacertain departing Cornish emigrantsinAustralia were identifi edwith ‘a radicalideology’, of anddrinkinghabits. folkways, languageandminingmethodsalsoitssports chapels inthecolony, ofthecomprehensive part transmissionof Cornishculture, responsible foraspectacularburstofchurch building,includingthirty-seven churches. In the1850sBible ChristiansandPrimitive Methodists were least twogenerationsofdevelopment inSouth Australia, mostvisiblyinits Cornish infl uxwassuffi cientlyconcentratedtoimprintaspecialcharacteronat antipodean discoveries ofthe1840sand1860swere paradedtotheworld.Th responded across theglobeeven toopportunities before themore spectacular ian copperminingfrom itsdawn,demonstratingthespeedwith whichthey produced some very lateexamples offoodriotsinacontext alsotroubledproduced by somevery British experience.Aseriousfailure ofthepotatocrop inCornwallthe1840s to thebreakdown economy, oftheoldrural andcloselyreplicated thegeneral wasrelated closely decades. Cornishemigration intheearlynineteenthcentury to LakeSuperior, whichestablishedeff ective conduitsfor the owsofmuch later fl promoted by colonialagentsfrom asearlythe1770s–for instanceanoutfl the precipitous decline incopperCornwall.Th eemigranttradehadbeen Th edistinctiveness oftheCornishminerswasmanifestedintheirreluctance to e Cornish story isinspecialneedofperspective, fi eCornishstory Robert LouisStevenson, travelling by railroad through Wyoming in1876, But notallCornishemigrantswere minersandsomeofthemalsojumped In theAustralian theatre ofmigration,theCornishwere intheSouth Austral- us aCornishminercouldpasshimselfoff asanagricultural 12

Facets ofCornish migration elds causedmanyagriculturallabourers and rstbecauseitlongpredated 13 Th eCornishclung exibility. ey were 183 ow ow e 14 15

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Commissioners. a biasby thespecifirural folk by theColonialLand and cselectionof Emigration Cornwallandthispersistedthrough the decade,probablydistricts innorth given interested ingettingland.In 1832themainemigrantsderived from non-mining Th between 1801and1841,reaching itspeakin1861,followed by aslow decline. oftheBritishother parts Isles. Th eCornishpopulationincreased by44percent in Europe’. in England and Wales and‘probably anemigrationregion comparablewithany forces across the‘neo-Britains’ ofthe‘Angloworld’. deep-rooted questforlandandindependence becameoneofthegreat propelling distant frontiers’. Th of Belich iswasanintrinsicpart ’ s‘ideologyofmigration’: a of ‘obtaining theirown land’, and their‘willingness toaccept…rawlandon tion wascommonamongBritish emigrantsand possiblyactivated by adream destination.Th tended toseekfarms,escapetheminesintheirnew Cornish minersinSouth Australia (someofwhom were anyway) half-rural dreams, perhaps atavisticnotionsoffi ndingapre-industrial haven. Th 1870s emigrationactuallyexceeded internalmigration,thoughthiswasatypical. ragged dispersal,hardly anorderly readjustment toregular incentives. In the Cornwall streamed towards Plymouth andLondon.It wasacomplicatedand also becamemore adventurous over time:typically, from domestic servants and Australia. Within theUnited butwomen Kingdom, mentravelled furthest, England, while 1,625went totheUnited States and670went toNew Zealand 1866–67, 1,100minersfrom Cornwallwent toScotlandandtheNorth of powerfully reinforced themovement. the copperindustry, therefore, oftheemigration,thoughit wasonlyonepart States from Cornishminingparishesintheyears before 1850.Th edeclineof migration clearlyparalleledtheexodus oftheminers. andrural coincided withgreater socialchangesintheCornishcountryside social andreligious tensions.Th equickeningofmassmigrationinthe1840s 184 Th freedom’. status quo,hightithesandrents onfarmswithmarginalsoils,andreligious grants, theywere ‘seeking toescape a combinationoffactorsfrom dislikeofthe in the1830sand1840s:anechoofsimilarthinkingamongManx emi- parable tothatofDevon’. Farmers andlocalyeomen were especially departing, ‘Cornish emigrationwouldhave beensubstantialwithouttheminers andcom- Sharron P. pointsout,nomore Schwartz thanhalfofthesemigrantswere miners: adult malesand25percentofitsfemales:118,500peoplealtogether. Yet, as examples among Cornishminerswhoarrived asminers inSouth Australia in eearlyemigrantstoAustralia from Cornwallwere folk,mainly mostlyrural transformationsimilartosomany Cornwall evidentlypassedthrough a rural Cornish emigrants,bothminersandfarmingfolk,continuedtoincubate rural Internal thusforexample,in migrationwasalmostequallyimportant: 19 folkwere Andsuchrural almosthalfoftheemigrationtoUnited 18 Between 1875and 1900Cornwalllost40percentofitsyoung 17 Baines thatCornwallwasthemostmigrantcounty observes e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 20 Th 16

ere were indeedmany is inclina- us the Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document out-movements. simply extendedandextrapolatedthesealready establishedlinesofmigratory global reach ofthehomeeconomy, industrialeconomy. ofathrusting Its decline out technologyandskillsoptimistically. It wastheexpression oftheexpansive were already ‘travelling industrialregion’ from adynamicthrusting andsending Pat Hudson theCornishminers pointedoutthatintheearlynineteenthcentury migration decision,someofthembecomingmore independentasaconsequence. inthe the contextofhousehold–especiallyforwomenwhoparticipated their own priorities across theglobe.Th eseinvolved collective strategieswithin itself. depressed escape outofmining coppersceneinCornwall;theysoughtarural clung onwiththehelpoftheirlargefamily. Th Black Point in Yorke ’ s Peninsula in1855and,despiterecurring hard times,they them fi nancialcapitalusedto buyfarms,housingandsmallshops’. detailed familylettersof‘instancesCornishreturning migrantsbringingwith not allnegative ornecessarilyleadingtoadependencyculture. quotes Schwartz overseas, whichensured thattheconsequencesofemigrationforCornwallwere colony. Th rural eir roots. yearningforlandwasaquestlost ofthe copperminingindustry tion was,ofcourse,recruitment intothenew Goldsworthy familywhoarrivedGoldsworthy inthecolony1847. the 1870sand1880s.Aclassiccaseof‘the miner-turned-farmer’ wasthatofthe Kent andLondon Cornwall, and laboursurpluses. tional outfl rural sectoradjustingtopopulationgrowthow ofmigrantsfrom its was dominatedby thecopperminersbutoperatedintandemwithconven- sessed elementsincommonwiththerest ofthecountry. Its emigrationstory complicated by theupheavals intheminingsector. pos- Cornwall nevertheless origins ofemigrationwereCornwall wasaspecialcaseinwhichtherural prise inCornwall. capital andreturning entrepreneurial emigrantsbecamecatalystsofnew enter- have beeneasedby migration,‘an outward movement oflabourers toplacesas there wasanover-dependence ondecliningtextilestrades.Th e pressure seemsto of populationpressure hadbeenregistered when intheearlyseventeenth century located insmalllocalcommunities measured in tensandhundreds. Some degree decisive terms.In 1603thepopulationofKent hadbeenabout130,000, mainly instark,experienced thedemographic revolution ofthelateeighteenth century purely county, rural withlittleminingactivity, butadjacenttoLondon.Kent Th Similarly ofthe‘multiplier optimisticistheview eff ects’ of remittances from Th eCornish emigrantsare thusinvested withenergeticvolition, following esouth-eastcountyofKent off ersatelling juxtaposition. Kent wasamore 22 It propellant oftheirmigra- wasaparadoxical strategysincetheprimary 24

andthelureKentish rurality ofLondon ey were fl eeingnotonlythe 21 Th eyacquired landat 23

25 Remittance 185 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document new opportunities’.new numbers ofinfantsandchildren. Expanding numberscreated demandsand new lifted, sothevillagesandtowns ofKent begantofi and maritalchoice.Astheconstraintsonmarriage early conceptionwere women ofKent were beginningtorespond eraofgreater toanew sexualfreedom behaviour:we are toldthat‘themomentous shiftsinmarrying young menand marriage’. Economic circumstances appearnottohave precipitated these numbers inthesecondhalfofeighteenthcentury’. mayhave accountedforalmostalloftheriseinpopulation tions ever marrying now believe thatfl uctuations over timeintheageofmarriageandpropor- demographic andfamilialregime ofearlymodernEngland thatmanyhistorians Dobsonables. Mary suggeststhat‘So criticalinKent wasmarriageinthe expansion, aswe have seenalready, favours themarriageandreproduction vari- –are notobvious.across Th thecountry ecurrent explanationofthepopulation rapidly expandingemployment opportunities’. growth begantomove inanupward direction againstabackground ofless income. It wasaformulafordiscontent;meanwhile‘the population rateofrural system ofpoorrelief whichtendedtoretain labouratbedrock standards of depression Kent. across Th rural issituation wasaggravated bythe Speenhamland of livingafter Waterloo ledtoalevel ofpoverty associated withagricultural population’. Demographic pressure, rising unemployment andafallingstandard amongstthefemalesectorof andparticularly outside theseasonofharvest engendered alargepoolofsurplusagriculturallabour, whichwasfeltespecially of risingprosperity orprofi employment andwas notatallindustrialised. far awayasIreland, Europe andtheNew World’. 186 Th reaching 479,000. growth innumbers:Kent ’ s populationdoubledintheperiod1788to1831 in thefi rstcensusof1801as308,000. phaseofgreatlyIt wasanew accelerated population growth to184,000by 1758; thepopulationofKent wasrecorded slow growth, even decadesofstagnation.Th enbeganunprecedentedly rapid there was perhaps 150,000,butfrom the1720stomid-eighteenthcentury earlier’. death rateswere twenty-fi to thepresent dayfi gure of7.7);moreover ‘By crude theearlynineteenthcentury (fromby 180perthousanddown thesubsequentfallinratesforinfant mortality ofthe demographicaccount.That theheart isinitial ectwas greatly reinforced eff why the‘constraints onmarriage’ becamelessrigorous isanunresolved mystery Th At thispointthere wasalready ‘a trend towards earlierandmore universal Moreover thepopulationincrease inKent wasnotassociatedwithanysign eunderlyingcausesofthis unprecedented situation–whichwasechoed 31

27 29 Yet Kent remained inoutlookand overwhelmingly rural Th eincidence ofmarriagehadrisendramatically. ve compared perthousandacentury tothirty-seven employment ‘Ratherit table new opportunities: e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 28

26 llupwiththeever increasing By 1700thepopulationwas 30 Quite Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document poor relief hadbeensubstantiallyreduced by out-migrationduringa four-year schemes hadalready been‘satisfactory’ –asatBenenden where expenditures on to beestablishedbeyond dispute’. It alsoreported thatparochial emigration in Kent where ‘Th e excess oflabourers beyond theactualdemand mustbetaken farmworkers sanktoadepthunparalleledinmoderntimes’. 1815) are rightly viewedasatimewhentheconditionofmajority andsullenresentfulness, andthefistarvation, rsttwenty post-war years (after concedes that‘It isnotdiffi Emigration wasevidentlyirregular andunpredictable. despite thedemiseofvarious formsofassistancefrom colonialgovernments. fasterthanever,economic deterioration;inthe1880semigrationwasrunning the rural peopleofKent. the rural was eroded andlong-distancemigrationby by theredeployment short- of ‘the bigbullfrog’ landlords whohadgraspedalltheland. withrichsoils butthelabourers by hadbeenreduceda corncountry tomisery impressions oftheIsle ofTh the peopleofKent: inhis William Cobbettfamouslyblamedthelandowning oligarchy fortheplightof revolution wasaccommodatedandhow migration fi ttedintothatequation. Cornwall, Kent andLondon Cornwall, waned rarity. Th ere wasa restlesschurning ofthepopulation’. Emigrationwaxed and of Kent –‘beingbornanddyinginthesameparish Victorian timeswasa issue inthepresent narrative. High ratesofmobilityhadlongbeencharacteristic people. ments were enoughtobringimproving conditionstothemain bodyofKentish expressedcrisis partially inoutward migration.Subsequently theinternaladjust- disjunction inthesupplyanddemandforagriculturallabour whichcreated a that between 1815and1840Kent went through adiffi cultpassage: there wasa Looking attheexperienceofKentish farmworkers, AlanArmstrong, country. of anythingmore miserablethanthestateoflabourers ofthe inthispart cow tograze, oreven toliedown upon…It isimpossibletohave anidea the wretched labourer hasnotastickofwood,andnoplaceforpigor treesa few surround thegreat farm-houses.Alltherest isbare oftrees and dividedintogreat farms; no ditches,,grassylanes:acountry In inchoflandisappropriated by thisbeautifulislandevery therich.No hedges, Th Th Th e underlyingquestionfortheKent experienceishow itsdemographic e erelationship ofthesedemographicfundamentalstomigrationisacentral 32 35 Poor LawReport of1834 declared unequivocally thatthere were districts –forinstanceinthe1820sout-migrationwassluggishdespiteserious population, aseverywhere, In ofcourse,thetotalrural thelong-run, 33

anet and the consequences of rural changes.It anetandtheconsequencesofrural was cult tobuildupapicture ofdeprivation, semi- Rural Rides in September 1823hereported his 34 Armstrong argues 187 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document diffi large acentre thatthespecifi of allBritish emigrantseithercamefrom orpassedthrough London. It wasso ated themassive churningofthepopulation inalldirections. Ahighproportion emigration removed onlythebettersorts. seeking employment’ amongthosedependentonthepoorrates–subsidised period. But the 188 Th many ofthemmigrants. radius waswidening.Th of England, includingKent, andwomenwere inthemajority. By the1860s of population’. Th the 1860s.‘Londonwasinfacthubofenormousandcontinuous movements ofEngland and to otherparts Wales –116,000inthe1850sand160,000 per centofthetotal).But there were simultaneousout-movements from London the capital.Andfrom 1861to1871thefi were 286,000in-migrantswhoamountedto12percentofthepopulation 17 percentofthepopulationcitywere migrants.In thenextdecadethere in-migrantsreachedin thedecade1841–50,330,000new into London–and At thesametime,Londoncomplicatedallsuchmigrationquestions. For instance, 1851 there were 109,000Irish-born inLondon,manyawfullivingconditions. reach 4.7million;Londonattractedhugenumbersby inward-migration. In Its populationdoubledbetween 1801and1841doubledagainby 1881to of London,merely fi urbanisation ofBritain. numbered inthousandsandtensofthousands.It ofthegreat wasallpart people –now they were locatedintowns andvillageswhosepopulationswere Kent hadbeentransformedintermsofthedispositionits nineteenth century growth waslittlemitigatedby externalrelease through migration.By thelate from 1815to1840,atimeofturbulenceandanxiety, whenrapidpopulation hadbegunbefore this:Armstrong identifi story thirty-fi small componentoftherisemassemigrationinthesedecades. emigration wasemergingasaforce forchangeinitsown way. It wasarelatively Law emigrationtendedtogive emigrationabadnameattimewhen ordinary force –anditwaspopularinneitherthesendingnorreceiving places.Poor emigration wasnever largeenoughtohave anyseriousimpactonthelabour part ofthosewhoseemigrationistobedesired’.part reduction ofthepoorrelief would‘increase thedispositiontoemigrateon cult todistinguish intheirvast numbers.Dudley Baines provides good data London wasthus thegreat clearing-house ofmobility, anenginewhichgener- Nevertheless, insomecontradictionofitself, the In theselateryears movement wasmore vigorous. Mostly, ofcourse,thelure refl Kent ve countiesshowed districts.But decliningpopulationsintheirrural the ected trends inthenationalstory. Indeed between 1861and1911, Report declared thatemigrationwouldnotcover the‘listlessin einward movements were from thesouthandeast particularly fty milesaway, conduitforKentish people. wastheprimary ere were inLondon in 1861, 250,000domesticservants 37

c originsofitsown immigrantsandemigrantsare e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational gure wasupto331,000 (andagain12 edacrisisinKent inthedecades 36 In reality Poor Lawsubsidised- Report suggestedthat the Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document English and Welsh emigrantswere bornin citiesandtowns. as muchitsmagnet.Baines showed that,between 1861 and1890,halfofall tinuity in the long story ofemigration. tinuity inthelongstory ingly anurbanphenomenonandnolongeradirect result oftheoriginaldiscon- Australia were sourced inLondonitself. becausethemajorityofemigrantshipsto than tootherdestinations–partly the 1860sand1870s.Th counties’. Moreover femaleemigrationfrom Londonwasexceptionally highin London were 50percentmore likelytoemigratethanthenatives ofother and aneven 20percent,ofallfemaleemigrants.‘Natives largerproportion, of In 1861–1900about16percentofallBritish emigrantswere born inLondon, from thelatercensuses:Londoners,hesays,hadahighpropensity toemigrate. Kent andLondon Cornwall, movement’ ofpopulationwithinEngland atthistime. Th born elsewhere, begantodeclineinthefollowing thoughthisproportion decades. London ’ s own population–drawnby its‘metropolitan magnetism’ –hadbeen for emigrationhadanequallylongtradition. anditislikelythatitsroleinternal migrantsfromasachannel across thecountry for AmericaandAustralia. Londonhadalwaysbeentheirresistible magnetof impressive rateandsupplyingtheemigrationmachinewithmostofcandidates emigration issuing out of the north andthewest oftheBritishemigration issuingoutofthe north Isles. shifts. Yet theirturmoilpales incomparisonwiththemore severe versions of ofemigrationandtheimperativesEngland ofpopulation to theopportunities teenth century. eased thepressure thathadseemedsourgentintheearlydecadesofnine- critical decades.Eventually itreached equilibriuminwhichurbanisation anew declineandrespondedof continuingrural by encouragingoutfl ows duringthe mega-infl London ’ s of orbit mechanisminthewideradjustments.Kent, inthe tion operatedasanancillary Britain expanded,suckingawaymuchofthedemographicrevolution. Emigra- top oftheconventional declineastheindustrialeconomyof processes ofrural Cornish emigrationshowed thattheeff ectsofminingdecline were writtenon 2 Th 2 Migration inaMature Economy Baines, , pp. 150,157–9. See 1 ere wasagreat extentof‘fl uxand refl uxconsiderablyin excess ofthenet London wasthusadisperserofpopulation(mostlythrough Gravesend) just Cornwall andKent were two variants ofthegeneralresponsiveness ofrural istlethwaite, ‘Migration from Europe’, 45. eseemigrantswent especiallytoAustralia –farmore uence, experiencedpopulationincrease inthecontext ua responsiveness Rural Notes 41 38 Th

etowns were now reproducing atan

40 Emigration wasincreas- 39 In 1851halfof 189 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 190 Th 10 Bernard Deacon, ‘A Forgotten migrationstream: theCornishmovement inEngland 22 Th 2 2 21 Baines. Payton pointsoutthatmanyoftheincomingCornishminershadalready hadexperi- Dudley Britishness Abroad: Transnational Movements al., and cites et studies’, Darian-Smith migration Kate ‘Cornish in Quoted in Schwartz, 20 156; 136–7, Ibid., 19 Migration inaMature Economy Baines, , p. 159,citedinSharron P. ‘Cornish Schwartz, 18 Th Payton, P. 17 5. 79. Ibid., 5, stream’, 16 migration ‘Forgotten Deacon, 15 331. p. Ibid., 14 316–17. pp. Ibid., 13 132. p. Ibid., 117–18. 12 pp. Overseas , Cornish Payton, 11 23 Th 3 2 2 Qoe i Shat, Crih irto suis, 137. 154. studies’, Ibid., migration ‘Cornish 25 Schwartz, in Quoted 24 9 bd, . 363. p. Ibid., 9 345. p. Ibid., 8 7 316. p. Ibid., Ibid., p. 347.By 1900Redruth wassaidtohave beenreceiving £10,000perannum 6 22. p. Ibid., 5 105–6. pp. Ibid., 4 3 e Pii Pyo, Th Payton, Philip See 3 and Wales inthenineteenthcentury’, from South Africaintheformofremittances, onwhichithadbecomereliant. 1999). (Adelaide: Published by theAuthor, 1975). vol. 2(Adelaide: 1909),pp. 672–73,andAlanJones, in Australia , pp. 77–8.For see theGoldsworthys agriculturists onsmallholdingsinCornwall:Payton,ence aspart-time Replenishing , pp. 28,131,164. Imperial Cultures (Carlton, Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 2007),p. 6.Belich, 136. (2002), migration studies:anepistemologicalandparadigmaticcritique’, 10. p. 1829–47 (London:Pickering, 2009),pp. 179ff 2:Th Volume e Ageof Jackson: British Immigration totheUnited States, 1776–1914. Unitedcases incontemporary States are recorded in William E. Van Vugt (ed.), , hp 10. chap. Land , emigrants toNew Zealand inthe1870s,seeRollo Arnold, 10 (December 1962),28–32.On themixed occupationalbackground ofCornish Australian tradition’, Douglas Pike celebratedtherole ofsuchsettlers in‘Th esmallholders’ placeinthe ples ofthefarmer/minersare citedinPayton, South Australia: acasestudy’, isphenomenonwasnotconfi nedtotheCornishor South Australia. Comparable is drawsonJan Lokan,‘From Cornishminertofarmerinnineteenth-century e Cornish Farmere Cornish inAustralia (Redruth: Dyllansow Truran, 1987), Tasmanian Historical Research Papers Association: and Proceedings e Cornish Overseas e Cornish (, Cornwall:AlexanderAssociates, Cornish StudiesCornish 16(2008),48–77.Many otherexam- Cornish StudiesCornish 6(1998),97. e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational . Cornish FarmerCornish , especially, 67–84. Th eCyclopedia ofSouthAustralia , Curramulka 1876–1975 Th e Farthest Promised 10 StudiesCornish Cornish FarmerCornish

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 2 Mr Dbo, Pplto 14–81, n ln rsrn (d) Th (ed.), Armstrong Alan in 1640–1831’, ‘Population Dobson, Mary 26 Cornwall, Kent andLondon Cornwall, 39 Th 9 3 Migration inaMature Economy Baines, , pp. 162,200 38 London1808–1870:Th Shepppard, Francis 37 3 SG Cekad n EOA hcln (d) Th (eds), Checkland E.O.A and Checkland S.G. 36 270. p. Ibid., 35 Armstrong, Farmworkers inEngland and Wales Alan (Ames:Iowa State University 206–7. 34 pp. Rural Rides, Cobbett, 33 32. p. Ibid., 32 29. p. Ibid., 31 44. p. Ibid., 30 19. p. Ibid., 29 15. p. Ibid., 28 Ibid. 27 , . 57. p. Mature Economy , Baines, nine- See the in 41 provinces and metropolis London: Greater and ‘Great Dyos, H.J. See 40 J. Cape,2007),pp. 77,129–36. Warburg, 1971),pp. 2–4;Jerry White, Penguin,mondsworth: 1974),pp. 486,490. Press, 1988),p. 78. Kent (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1995),p. 11. Urban Past (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1982),pp. 48–50. teenth andtwentieth centuries’, inD.CannadineandReeder (eds), mobility seeDuncan, ‘Case-studiesinemigration’, 284–5. of aBetter Life (Stroud: Th e History Press, 2001), pp. 26,38. On pre-emigration ‘People onthemove: mobilityin Victorian Dorset’, inGraham Davis (ed.), went toadjacentcounties,andwomenwere more mobilethanmen.See John Fripp, ofthese smallproportion population ofitsparisheshadleftthecounty:onlyavery between 35percentand51ofthe second halfofthenineteenthcentury In neighbouringDorset theoutward fl pronounced –inthe ow wasparticularly (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2ndedn,1967),and Wills, their emigrationtoAustralia. See, forinstance,Douglas Pike, Essex, Bedfordshire andBerkshire, whomigratedtoLondonbefore embarking on ere are manyexamplesoffamiliesfrom someofthepoorest villagesof, forexample, LondonintheNineteenth (London: Century e Infernal Wen (London:Secker and (Har- e Poor LawReport of1834 . Paradise ofDissent eEconomy of Humin Hopes . Exploring the In Search 191 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document which recurred andintothenineteenth. throughout theeighteenthcentury resources, subjecttoseasonaldeprivation andrecurrent famine-likeconditions of theoldchieftainlyclass,aseverely hierarchical structure. It wasalsopoorin Britain; itwasaresolutely peasanteconomyunderthethumbandprotection easily governable. Its economywasonlymarginallyconnectedtotherest of diffi the orbitofcivilsocietyinBritain. It wasseenashalf-civilised, stillextremely modes. Until lateintheeighteenthcentury, itwasregarded asbarely within society andrelatively slow toadaptitssocial andagrariansystemstomodern forces. Thof great military e regionwasalso remote from thenormsof British trade routes andcommerce ofthenation,lastregion toexperienceabattle Th permanently altered thepolitical foundationsoftheHighlands; itwasthenalso Changes were setafootmainly aftertheBattle ofCulloden (in1746),which sion ofpeopleouttheHighlands? ing populationprocesses. Did genericpressures inthisregion causethepropul- ofhisdiagnosestheconditionsdetermin- foravitalpart he drew uponitsstory region provided acase-studyinemigrationmuchprized by Malthus himselfand Highlands were surprisinglyearlyinsendingmigrants totheNew World. Th of theBritish Isles derived from theremote peripheriesofthecountry, andthe accelerated socialchanges.Some oftheearliestandmostprolifi turmoil,populationgrowthindustries andagrariantransformation,rural and through complicated changesover thenexthundred years: thegrowth ofnew andtheregionand Atlantic passed economiesby themid-eighteenthcentury eScottishHighlands andIslands were from London,remote furthest from the cult toget(asBoswell andJohnson famouslyfoundin1773)andnot Remote departures: theScottishHighlands Th eHighlands were nevertheless increasingly drawnintothemetropolitan Commotion intheHighlands Rmt yt early yet Remote 13 c migrationsout e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Malcolm Gray putit. dictable fashionbutresponded tothesymptomsofaneconomy‘intravail’, as tragedy ofthetransformation.Emigration occurred inastutteringandunpre- estates.Th walks andsporting people atriskandunabletoretrieve theiroldlandsnow redeployed insheep on potatoesandoats,withanunforgivingclimatepoorsoils.Th without accesstolandwhichtheyhadlostthesheep. Th this leftastrandedpopulationreinstated inconstrictedpeasantcircumstances industries ofkelpandfi occurred inthemiddleoftransition:collapselabour-intensive change.Th incoming sheepfarmersinasubstantialstructural and clearlywantedtoinducethepeoplestay. enterprisetoreinforce theprocess. andauxiliary Thtary eyopposedemigration increased populationsincoastalvillages,sometimeseven developing supplemen- –andlandlords madeseriouseff service) tary to orts retain and redeploy their the increase –inthelabour-intensive sectorsoffi demographic upsurgewasfarfrom uniform. earliest censusesandthe tively andonshakyfoundations.Th decade,cumula- populationchange:thegrewto revolutionary every much reviled by theoldsociety. At thesametimeHighlands were exposed re-structuring oftheoldpeasanteconomy. It change, wasessentiallyadisruptive provided thebasisforincreased productivity andinvestment, butrequired the capitalistic expropriation. naturallyfellupontheHighlands instanceoflandlord astheperfect factors, andthegoverning classes(conventionally London-basedandEnglish). and revulsion ever since–apassiondirected againstlandlords, sheepfarmers, Th expulsion ofthepeasantry, pushedoutoftheregion, even ontoemigrantships. than underitsprevious andgrowing humanpopulation.It wasalandlord-driven dered thetraditional territoriesoftheHighlanders more valuable undersheep population propelled outwards by Th able as exports, notablycattle,wool,kelpandfi able asexports, tunities toincrease rentals. Highland Certain products becameincreasingly valu- productive capacitymore responsive totheoutsideworld.Landlords sawoppor- subjected toinvasive commercial infl Remote departures: theScottishHighlands ecasehasalltheadvantages ofsimplicity whichhave fuelledrecrimination e Highlands present ofapoor aclear-cutcaseofemigrationasextrusion, But, inthecommotion,oldeconomywasdislodgedandconveyed tothe Here economic structure couldabsorb ofthenew wasacentralparadox: part 1

shing (as well as military service) inthe1820s.In brief, service) shing (aswell asmilitary 2 Statistical Accounts ofthe1790sand1830s.But the

ese changes needed a full century toreveal thefull esechangesneededafullcentury Extrusion Extrusion . Th force majeure . enumberswere captured fi rstofallinthe uences creating pressures torender its shingandkelp(aswell asmili- sh, thoughlittleelse.Th e new sheepeconomyren- enew eywere dependent enacatastrophe ey were 193 ey Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the coasts,sometimesinformoftailor-madevillagesfortheirreception. the subsistencepeasantstomove tomore denselysituatedcrofting spotsalong pressure onthelandresources –andledlandlords andtheirbigtenantstopress and thensheepforthesouthernmarkets. Over manydecadesthiscreated rising the endwars. Th young menwere abroad enlistedintheregiments forlong periods. andserved lation were puttoanearlytestintheNapoleonic Wars, whenlarge numbersof tions andrecurrent destitution. doubled andcontinuedtogrow vigorously despiterepeated large-scaleemigra- goodexamplewhere,particularly between 1755and1821,thepopulation be re-fi lled by renewed reproduction. Barra (asmuchas Jura and Skye) wasa to subsistenceandthatanyvacuum created by out-migrationwouldinevitably his mostvitalpropositions –thatreproduction wasstrictlygeared andmortality and Malthus himselfdrew examplesfrom theHighlands before 1801toillustrate less well-documented seepages outoftheregion over theentire century, mostly which reaped risingrents from thechanges,from bothsectorsoftheeconomy. of outward changebrought toa halt. accelerated theexodus; atothertimestheregion seemedtobefrozen, thephase (most dramaticallywhenlandlords actedsuddenlytoevicttheirtenants)which ing outfl out oftheHighlands wasdiscontinuous–there were alternatingtimes of alarm- decades andacross thewideregion. Typically alldistricts,emigration forvirtually role ofemigrationinthisconcatenationcircumstances varied across the and thepotato(intermittentlythenappallinglyinyears 1846–52). Th kelp (inthe1820s),fi (after service shing(even inthe1810s),military Waterloo) tions andvulnerabilitiesofthepast. quicklyandseemedtodragthe communities backtotheoriginalconges- very substantial thepopulationinmanyofmostremote placeswasreplenished from Even 1770to1860,andeven laterinsomeparts. where emigrationwas 194 Th reinforced theoat/barleyfoundationofpeasanteconomy. coast, fi which were conveniently labour-intensive –kelpproduction alongthewestern Simultaneously there developed anumberofsectorsintheHighland economy re-shaped Highland economy addedanotherdimensiontothe service expansion ofthedemandformilitary pastoralism whichhadlittleplaceformostofthepeopleregion. Th helped tosustainthepopulationunderpressure from theparallelexpansionof e population nevertheless grew epopulationnevertheless atunprecedented ratesandthenredoubled at Th Th Th Th egreat stapleoftheHighlands export becamepastoralproduction, cattle ere were largeandsporadicmigrations before the Clearances;there were e new foundations for the peasantry began to crumble andthencollapse: begantocrumble foundationsforthepeasantry enew ekeyproblem inthe West Highlands wasthegreat build-upofpopulation andwest, andespeciallypotatoproduction,shing inthenorth which ow andperiodsofimmobility. Sometimes there were localcircumstances 8

5 –dominatedthroughout by thelandlord class, 7 Th eregenerative powers oftheHighland popu- 6 Th iswastheprecise Malthusian prediction e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 4 Th ese greatly e rapid e 3

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the continuingimpoverishment oftheregion forfartoolong. of broken adjustmentsandequivocal outfl ows, aslow narrative oftenblamedfor the prevailing poverty intheoldsociety. Consequently theHighlandisone story growth intheearlierdecades)and,someinterpretations, tooslow toalleviate gradual(especiallyincomparisonwiththe decline ofthepopulationwasvery maxima, alongslow declinewhichcontinueduntil2001.In otherwords the thepopulationofmostregion slowlymid-century subsidedfrom its – demographicexpansionexceeded thenetmigrationover manydecades.After Yet oftheHighlands until1841–51mostparts continuedtobankuppopulation Lowlands. Th ere were heavilypublicisedcommunalemigrationsinmostdecades. to thevillagesandtowns onthesouthernperiphery, andmainlytotheindustrial Remote departures: theScottishHighlands to in1733;1735 eightyfamilieswent totheHudson River, and four transatlantic migrationfeaturing substantialbodiesofHighlanders: somewent wereonly afew raisedatthattime.In the1730sthere were several episodesof in search ofrecruits fortheill-fatedDarien expeditions inthe1690s,though home. classic mechanisminpeasantsocieties,propping upthefamilyfarms/crofts at intheurbanisingLowlands.women were drawnintodomesticservice Clearances, normallywithoutmuchgoadingfrom landlord expulsions.Highland also intoEdinburgh, Dundee andAberdeen. Th iswasoccurring before the fl were peoplefrom thesouthernandmostfavoured oftheHighlandscentury parts the Highland districtsclosesttotheLowlands: from atleast themid-eighteenth towards ultimateemigration).Th emost eff ective drainofpopulationwas from within Scotland(thoughthiswassometimesthefi inasequenceofsteps rstpart exodus by emigration, butmostoftheintermittentandsporadicoutfl Th with impressive tenacity. was apoormodeofsubsistencefortheremaining populationwhichclungon in thenineteenthcentury. Th female, tothefi even shingprocessors into andtothesouthernharvest, England (intheIsle forexample). nineteenth century ofLewis, sporadic emigration,thepopulationcontinuedtopileup even totheendof main Highland problem wasintherecalcitrant andwest where, north despite zones less inneed,where thepopulationpressure wasmuchdiminished.Th e Highlandwaspunctuatedby recurring anddramaticepisodesof story Th As earlyasthe1690s,colonial projectors were reaching intotheHighlands Th Seasonal emigrationalsoreleased ofthepopulation,maleand several parts ealternative toout-migrationwasgenerallythesystemofcrofting, which econsequencewasthatrelief by migrationwasrestricted mainlytothe owing intotheClyde region, drawnby higherwagesandprospects, and isyieldedremittances backtotheHighlands –a eif y migration by Relief ow was ow 195 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Highlands because ofthebehaviour‘the gentlemen proprietors’ and their of emigration’, andtheextreme diffi cultyin ‘extirpating’ it, especiallyinthe governmental intervention. Th gathering emigrantsinStromness forNew York andotherNorth Americanports. away emigrantsand840peoplehadsailedfromin July. Lewis Th reeships were years later350Highlanders went toNorth Carolina. 196 Th was abletoinducethemleave forPrince Edward Island. John MacDonald ofGlenaladale removed Catholictenantsfrom hisestateand case ofearlyclearance,apparently motivated by sectarianconsiderations:Captain and rationalisationofholdingsleases.In South Uist in1772there wasa the propensity toemigrate. In inlandBadenoch there wastheclearest connectionbetween landpressure and of emigrationspread ‘likeacontagion’ through Sutherland, Ross andCaithness. migration andinevitablysubjecttospeculation. free ofthedemandsanylandlord. It wasthegreat attractionoftransatlantic out settlers.Th eenticementwastheliberalacquisitionofland, crops andstock, inducement toremain inthecoloniesandtohelpdevolve thecostofbringing parcels ofcoloniallandinNorth Americato retired personnelasan military communities by 1790.Th e British government, asearly1763,off tions, butclearlysomeofthempre-dated themainturbulencewhichaff chieftain’. It isnotpossibletoestablishanexactlineofcausationintheseemigra- of landinAmerica,toachieve ahigherstatus,‘not ofaHighland unworthy traditional roles were underpressure, were especiallyresponsive totheattraction across theHighlands foranothereight decades. while rationalisingtheirlanduses.Th promoting theexoduses, butotherswere generallyreluctant tolosetenantseven ture. rents were increased –itwasaformofcollective bargainingby threat ofdepar- also innegotiatingmode,tellingtheirlandlord thattheywouldemigrateiftheir wouldaccepttheirterms;tenantsofthegreat Sutherlandof servants estatewere tion agentsinthedistrictoff eringindentures oncondition thatasuffi 1771–72 were settingpeopleontheroads: there were reports of‘rascally’ emigra- countyofSutherland.stirrings inthenortherly Near-famine conditionsin William’. 308 oftheMacDonald ’ andtheneighbouringdistrictsofForts GlenGarry –250sailedtheotherdayfrom Fortsoon begeneralinthecountry George, all tion from the West Coast:‘Iamthoroughly convincedthattheemigrationwill esereports were oftheanxietybuildingupwhich threatened part to precipitate In September 1773acorrespondent ofthe In 1775HenryDundas, writingto William Eden, referred to‘the disease Th Middle-ranking elementsintheHighlands, notablythetacksmen,whose e1770swere thecriticaldecadeinHighland account.Th ere were major 10 Th emore commonfactoracross theHighlands wastheinfl ationof rents 13 Asmanyastenshipshadbeenhired inthesailingseason to carry 12 14

isambivalence amonglandlords persisted e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Aberdeen Journal reported emigra- 9 Some landlords were 11 In 1772thespirit ered generous cient group ected Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document say, obligedthemtoleave theirnative country’. emigrants ‘complained muchoftheoppression theylaboured underwhich,they deteriorating intheHighlands. Th favourable circumstances inNorth Americaatatime whenconditionswere sibilities across theAtlantic. Th namely, tighteningconditionsoflandaccessintheHighlands andbetterpos- establish themselves inthecolony. Most likelytoo,theyhadread thesigns– people whohadsoldoff substantial tenants(tacksmen)withtheirextendedfamiliesandfollowers – carrying withthem‘atcarrying least£6,000sterlinginready cash’. Highlands, sailingforNorth Carolina, were describedasafi nebodyofsettlers among someoftheemigrants.Th remote Highland andsometimes there ports were reports ofsurprisingaffl but more commonwere Ships familygroupings inlargercohorts. calledat togainanAtlanticlabourers passage.Highlanders andservants usedthismode, emigration wastoAmericaby meansofindentures, whichenabledthepoorest exuberant movements ofyouthful escapees. At fi rstthecommonestformof circumstances outfl whichprompted a particular tenants. Th e West Highlands indeed produced someofthebestevidence were roused intogreat consternationaboutthelossofkinsmenandpaying colonies –andagaininthe1790s. In oftheHighlands manyparts thelandlords outfl of emigration’ there, prompted, hesaid,by ‘general discontent’. Th per annum.In 1773Samuel Johnson describedmemorably‘an epidemical fury were clearlypremised onsubstantialemigration,were rescinded. ment interceded in1803tostaunchemigration,theplansofresettlement, which crofts;the new ‘and declared thattheypreferred toemigrate’. When thegovern- arrangementsbuthistenantsrefusedtried toabolishtheoldrunrig toaccept On theislandof Tiree theDuke ofArgyll attheendofeighteenthcentury seeped intotheLowlands’, butnow theywent toAmericainstead. their dependents’. Moreover the‘superfl the dissolutionofclanship, hadproduced ‘a gloomanddampuponthespiritsof ran even deeper:thepost-Culloden legislation againsttheHighland chiefs,and ‘precipitous andinjudiciousriseofrent’. But Dundas thoughtthatthecauses Remote departures: theScottishHighlands bad name. being Archibald MacNiven, whogave theemigranttradeinHighlands a as earlythe1770s.Th ey were infullswingthe1830s,mostnotorious becamenotorious land/emigration agentswhoseblandishmentsandadvertising bytion ofemigrationwasachieved thevigorous partly andbarely legalwork of Melancholy scenesofemigrationinthe West Highlands alternatedwith Th Th ows occurred intheearly1770s–before theRevolution intheAmerican enumbersemigratingfrom the West Highlands welled uptothousands elinkbetween landhunger/reorganisation andemigrationwas palpable. 16

theirassetstopaypassages,possessingcapital ey were stirred by convincing intelligenceof usin1773agroup ofemigrantsfrom the e London Evening Post reported thatthe uities inthepopulationhadpreviously 19

ow ofemigrantsin theyear 18 Th esewere probably 17

15 Th e activa- e main uence 197 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document caused great across theHighlands. disgruntlement semi-subsistence economyofthepeasantry. Th previously ofthe devoted tocattle,whichhadbeenanintegralpart country growth andthesuddenexpansion ofsheepgrazingover great swathesofthe land oftheregion, pressure derived from theimplacablereality ofpopulation with muchinternaldrainofpeopletothesouth. for adecade,reviving inthemid-1780s.Emigration wassporadicandintermixed by theoutbreak ofwarwiththecolonies,andemigrationwaseff Government intothealarmingemigranttradewassoontrumped intervention idea ofemigration. elevation ofrents, allofwhichmadethepeopleincreasingly suggestibletothe payments inkind.It wasarecrudescence oftheoldsystemintandemwith landlords screwed uprents and andalsoreinforced theirfeudalrightsforservices tion andbycompetingusesforthelandsofregion. new In thetransition was oneresult. But thecompositionofmigrationwasalsorevealing: occupiers, namelythetacksmen.Th ecommunitywasinturmoilandemigration gains from sheepfarming,whichwaseff ectively ousting manyofthetraditional quences oflandcompetition,rents beinginfl ated by themore lucrative Church of Scotland)ontheClanranaldestatesin1791.He reported theconse- famine’. ‘that from year toyear theinhabitantsofthisCountry are threatened with benefi producers were capturingtoomuchofthelocalcrop fortheirown commercial Sutherland, thatlocal whisky( of theemigrantsdeparting angry complicated responses tolandpressure –onewasvoiced by andshortage some were acollective lamentofadversity andangeratthelandlords. Th that adverse conditionswere propelling theirexpatriations:testimonies customs offi cialsabouttheirmotivation.Th ey wereunitedintheirdeclarations from thewest ofScotland.Th migrants were edeparting closelyquestioned by prodded landowners, by thenorthern regarding thelossofpopulation, notably 1772–73. At thattimethegovernment wasstirred toapitchofanxiety, greatly 198 Th truckle tothe favourite tacksmen,ortolivetruckle longerinaland, inwhichtheir themselves andtheirfamiliestoothercountries,scorned eitherto transporting spirits were by extreme notcrushed poverty, andwho,having the meansof Th Th ofthematterwascompetitiveAt pressure theheart ontherelatively poor All theindicatorspointtopressure onthelandedresources by arisingpopula- epeopleturned outofClanronald ’ s [sic]estateswere substantialfarmers,whose e consequenceswere witnessedbyofthe J.L.Buchanan (amissionary t rather than the eleemosynary needsofthelocalpeople–tosuchadegree t ratherthantheeleemosynary 20

ad pressure Land e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational iswasacriticalrupture which ectively blocked Usquebaugh ) ere were Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document emigration intheBritish account. was apotentmobilisingcombination, recurring inmanyinstancesofcommunal Ohio butsettledinsteadatSt Ann ’ s. Religious zeal, intandemwithlandhunger, across theAtlantic, intheirown ships,fi rstto Pictou, thenintendedto reach religious leaders, mostnotablyNorman McLeod who,in1817,led400followers too poortogo. Largenumbersleft Wester Ross in thesameyear, urgedonby for Sydney inCapeBreton Island –organisedby anagent,butmanyotherswere Th the west coast, inadditiontothecontinuingseepagesofpeoplesouth. now positively promoted by theHighland landlords. Largebodiesofpeopleleft Th tant collapseofkelpingreduced thevalue ofdensepopulationsintheHighlands. consequences ofpopulationlosses;thespread ofsheepfarmingandtheconcomi- based resurgence ofemigration,now lesstroubled by landlord doubtsaboutthe in Sutherland in1806–7.Th eendofthewarin1815 brought amore broadly ated withlandlord policiestorationalisetheirestates,asintheearlyClearances Passenger Vessels Act eff ectively doubledthecostofpassagesto Nova Scotia. emigrants, butitwastransparently fortheinterests ofthelandlords. Th introduced underthecloakofhumanitarianconcernforwelfare ofthe passages beyond thereach ofthecommonHighlander. Th conditions onshipboard provisions, aimingtoincrease thecostofemigrant Act of1803,which stemmedtheoutfl heavyandpreciseow by placing very full spatefrom thewest. Th reached intensityclosetohysteriaagainin1803–4,whenemigrationswere in to emigrationcamefrom estateswithkelpresources. Th advocate ofemigrationfortheHighlanders, hadnotedthatthemainopposition required amassofsmalltenants. beaches–anintenselylaboriousform ofproductionalong thenorth-west which landlords, manyhavingcommittedtheirestatestotheboomingkelpindustry Th driven by competitionandthefearofsocialdecline. decline forthenextgeneration–itwasmostbasicallyaresponse toland-hunger Th Remote departures: theScottishHighlands accord, than tobeoppressed likeserfs’. that iftheyfoundlifetoohard thenitwas‘betterfor you to leave of your own usemigrationre-emerged inNorth Uist; and382peopleleftBarra, in1816, e fi e outfl ofthedownwardly iswasthecry mobile,andtherejection oftheinevitable tion ofscallags[i.e.landlesslabourers]. children, ifnotthemselves, must,soonerorlater, fallintothehumiliatingcondi- Even emigrationfrom theHighlands inwartime, continued,usuallyassoci- rst censusesexposedthescaleofpopulationincreases. Emigration was ows continuedandthere wasagreatly heightenedanxietyamong e concerted agitationnow econcerted yieldedtheEmigration adod anxiety Landlord 22 Lord Selkirk, alessthanuniversally popular 23 AGaelic poemofthedayadvisedpeople 21 24

eselandlord reactions is legislation was e 1803 199 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document swelling populationinintensive village/crofting locations,wascastaway. tenancies.Th population andlargesheepsporting manifest economicinterests. Economic conditionsnow favoured areduced By the1820sattitudesoflandowners hadchanged,intunewiththeir landlords now co-operatedwiththeostensiblenecessitiesofdepopulation. active propellants of theprocess. Th e ‘expulsive forces were liberated’ and ment ofthepopulation,readying themfortheemigrationagents–whowere and populationsurges).Now landlords dislodg- atlargefacilitatedthefurther quasi-Malthusian forces (thesewere, inpracticalterms,poverty, recurring famine Highlands andbeyond. but theunderlyingtransformative forces were nodiff the island.Th ere hadbeenspeciallocalandpersonalelementsinthenarrative of ofalltheprevious history clearance, famineandemigration–thecorollary the Highland contextthismeantsheepfarmingandeviction.Th background andbrought thefi nancesofhis Barra estateinto regular order. In ownernew (1840–58),Col.John Gordon ofCluny, wasfrom acommercial fi continued toresist. But allhiseff to orts rescue his fi nancesfailed;theestatewas of sheepfarmingandinsteadsubdividedthecrofts toraisemore rent. McNeill landlord McNeill fellintoterminalfi But thecollapseof kelpincomeafter1815created great adversity andthe minister reported ‘the spiritofemigrationisnow happilyand totally suppressed’. off and thelate1840s)provision ofassistancetoemigrants–especiallythe tion coincidedwithadverse conditions(notablyinthefaminesofmid-1830s sion ofthelandandpressing theircasesbefore theworldat large. on totheirprecarious holdontheedgesof region, re-asserting theirposses- ways thelogicaladjustment was blockedby thecrofters themselves –clinging Highlands. But the emigration solutionwassporadicandresisted. In some question oftheBritish Isles, initsmostintenseformbothIreland andthe restructuredin thenewly economyoftheregion. Thrural iswasthegeneric scribed intheformofemigration–toreduce thepopulationtosustainablelevels estates,thoughitwasnever auniformoutfl particular all itscategoriescontinuedandthere were emigrationfrom boutsofconcerted blurringthelinebetween forceddepart, andvolitional migration.Migration in 200 Th in1836andsoldtotherichestcommonerScotland.Th nally bankrupted er of almostfree passagestotheAustralian colonies after1835. Th After 1815landlords intheHighlands ceasedtoresist theoperationof Th Landlords madeelaborateeff tosteer, orts organiseandcajoletheirpeopleto etransitionwasespeciallyclear-cutinthecaseofBarra. In 1794thelocal e‘Highland Problem’ becamedefi nedas overpopulation, itssolution pre- rsue o leave to Pressure nancial diffi nancial e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational culty. He resisted theintrusion erent from thoseacross the ow.Th eideaofretaining the epeaksofemigra- ere followed 25

e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document a few caseswherea few theevictedwere compelled tojointheemigrantships virtually the previous fi fteen years heconcludedthat: 1843 wasageologistnamedGesner. Reviewing theHighlanders’ experienceover help toemigrate. a pent-updemandwhichremained unsatisfi ed,thatsomeofthepoorneeded up thantheshipcouldactuallyaccommodate’. took three days‘and somanypeoplewantedtoemigratethatmore peopleturned emigrants from theparishofStrath andtheclose-by mainland. Th emigrants toAustralia. Th Highland societycametodominatetheemigrantlists. and philanthropic assistancebeganto emerge,themostdepressed stratumof clearly muchmore eff of emigration.Th the landlords, wasonly recurrently available, addingtothedisorderly character dearer. Brunswick, manymoving ontotheUnited States, thoughlandthere wasactually because there were notithesortaxes. Th emigrants. Th Remote departures: theScottishHighlands As Jenni Caldersays,‘Only emigrationcouldmakethisreal’. settlinghischildren’.the soil,earningcompetenceforhimselfandcomfortably pect oftheCanadianpromise: inCanada‘the poorest becomingapossessorof iswastheimmigrant ’ s dream, andthediff erence from homewasstillwider A knowledgeable ofimmigrantlifeintheMaritime observer Provinces in Th Th stances, torender himselfindependent. toobtainalivelihood, tolivecertain comfortably, circum- andunderordinary £8.5s currency andsecure ayear ’ s provisions untilthefi rstcrop isgathered, is Any industrious manwhocanobtain50acres ofland,thecostwhichisonly A year ofwidespread destitution,1837sawseveral sailingsofshipstaking sumfordefrayingthefreight canberealised.necessary theyhave intomoneyby mustbeconverted him,before everything short, the sends tothesouthmarkets athisown risk,–theroof oftheirhuts,boats,in all ofwhichare madeover totheemigrant ’ s agentathis own price,andwhichhe blackcattleandsmallhorses, maybesaidtoconsistofafew their wholeproperty limitedamong[theprospectivethe circulation of moneyisvery emigrants],and Returning timbershipsbrought inthousandsofimmigrantseachyear toNew A generaliseddream ofregained landwasprominent inthepsychology ofthe e eimpactofClearancesonthe exodus is noteasilycalculated.Th 30 Perthshire Courier inMay 1831reported: Assistance towould-beemigrants,from colonialschemesandsomeof e Chambers’ Edinburgh Journal ofMarch 1834captured thepros- etake-upofsuchassistancewasalsounpredictable –though ective duringthefamineof 1840s.Asgovernmental e William Nicoll sailedfrom Skye toSydney with321 29

28 Th issuggeststhatthere existed 27

31

26

e embarkation ere were 201 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document in theHighlands. passage money. In wastheroot ofmuchcontinuedsuff thisrawconundrum native lands.But theirsheerpoverty madeitimpossibleforthemtoraisethe growth ofpopulations)diminishedthereluctance ofHighlanders toleave their later. It bestknown tolatergenealogists. isalongitudinalstory people andtheiroff -spring,whomayhave some years reached theemigrantports probably thefi rststeptowards greater mobility, alooseningoflargenumbers to leave. wool priceswere recovering. Th ere wasconsequentlyheavypersuasionforpeople Landlord insolvencies were rising,cattlepricesfalling,food pricesinfl even thoughthecrofting low populationwasoftenreduced toavery ebb. generally eff unquestionable, relief measures by landlords andphilanthropic agencieswere Yet wasreal, andthedegree thoughthedangerofstarvation ofdeprivation so toodidemigration–thetwowere connected,thoughnotalwaysco-extensive. in the West Highlands andtheHebrides. In theseyears evictionsincreased and Th their landat Whitsunday …theproprietor candowithhislandashepleases’. please butallwhowere twoyears and upwards inarrears couldbedeprived of that ‘None couldbecalledontoemigrateand theyneednotgounless landlord, however dressed upitwas.Matheson in1851 thusassured histenantry equivocation, thesubtletyofpressure and, ultimately, thefi rmarmofanejecting oriental tradeinopium,pushedapolicywhichcaptured sentencesthe inafew the mostcongestedregions inthewest, thelandlord, Matheson, of fameinthe according toSir Edward Pine-Coffi n,eliminatingthepoor.Lewis, oneof On even where thiswasnotthelandlord ’ s intention. of thedislocationcausedby theClearancesanditstranslationinto migration estate policyatthetimewasdesignedtoretain thepeople.Th iswasameasure unaccounted. Th usathird ofthecleared peoplelefttheestate, even thoughthe to adjoiningestates;661neighbouring83emigrated;while57went ‘removed’, ofwhom2,304were re-settled ontheSutherland Estate;226went instance, inthegreat Sutherland Clearancesof1819,3,331peoplewere show someoftherelocation oftenantsastheClearancesproceeded –for but theevents were estaterecords usuallymore long-drawnout.Contemporary 202 Th induced inmyriadwaysbut all emanatingfi Th e destruction ofthepotatocrop intheyears edestruction 1846to1851wasmostsevere eyfaced‘Hobson ’ s Choice’. Here, andelsewhere, emigrationwasbeing From thelowest strata, worseningconditions(exacerbatedby thecontinuing Dislocations suchasthese clearlyinducedimmediatemigration,butthiswas Th ere wasadeliberateweeding-out ofthepopulation,an‘extermination’, ective. Mortality ratesappearnottohave increased duringthecrisis, 34 Emigration wasneithersuffi ciently largenorrapidenough Highland famineandexodus e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational nallyfrom thepressure ontheland. 32

ating while ering 33

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document tion wasreduced by athird between 1841and1861. to ‘rationality’. lands: itseemsattheendof thedaytobeamatterofpsychological resistance being willingtoacceptlower incomesthanwere obtainablebeyond theHigh- mentality, inhibiting the fulladjustmentofpopulationtoresources, thecrofters to satisfytherationalists.Th Eventinued toriseinmanyparts. where numbersfell,thepacewasnever enough from the crofts wasnevercon- enough –forexample,thepopulationofLewis emigrate. Despite thecrisis,despiteeff to orts reduce population,the exodus on, deeplysuspiciousoflandlordly blandishmentsandthreats topress themto fall andmigrationwasinsuffi cientto relieve muchofthe problem. Manyclung damming upinthecrofter communities.Th e propensity toemigrateseemed symptoms ofHighland congestion persisted;oncemore there seemedtobea decades there was ageneralreluctance amongtheremaining peopleandclassic crises anddespairaboutdepopulationforanothercentury. even thoughthere werebe expectedinthelatenineteenthcentury stillrecurrent that theyactuallyhadretained. Consequentlytheoutfl ofland dig intheirheelsandclingtoquasi-peasantholdingontheparts a reluctance crofters amongordinary toaccepttheirallegedlyinevitablefate, land poverty andoverpopulation. Th eslowness ofthe exodus seemedtoexpress urgent advocates ofemigration,whoregarded thisastheonlysolutionofHigh- at lasttofall,slowly eroding decadeby decadebutnever enoughtosatisfythe population oftheHighlands fortheextreme began (apart inLewis) north-west of philanthropic, landlord andcolonialassistedpassages.Afterthefamine urged onby landlord assistance,pressure andcoercion, aswell astheavailability vulnerability andamisshapencommunity–inthe1840semigrationaccelerated, economy oftheHighlands. to relieve fullythepressure onfoodresources intheailingandbifurcated Remote departures: theScottishHighlands travelled still further, ontoMichigan. ofthemcouldspeakEnglisha few andmanywere illonarrival. Some ofthem 400emigrantsfrom theUiststransport toMiddlesex CountyinOntario –only the early1850s.In 1849Gordon ofClunyhired theship Highlanders were conveyed toNew South Wales inthelate1830sandagain intercontinental exchange wasbeinggirded andlubricated.Several thousand andalsoby coloniesabletopaypassages,especially toAustralia.to depart; Th of theconnection,butespeciallyby landlords prepared topaytheirsmalltenants By facilitieshadbeencreated toexpediteemigrationfrom bothends mid-century Th Famine wasaconclusive symptomoflandhungerandlow productivity, eGreat Famine produced amuch acceleratedevacuation andthepopula- 38

Accelerated evacuation andresistance e Highlands becamerenowned foritspeasant 36

ow waslessthanmight 37 But inthefollowing 35

to Mount Stuart 203 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document symptomatology ofmigrationwasfullyexposedintheHighlands. depart. depart. emigration andwere thusexcluded despite their unambiguouswillingnessto assistance manyofthefamilieswere unabletoraisetheremainder ofthecost assistance from theDuke ofSutherland. But even withunprecedentedly generous in April 1849whenasmany300prospective emigrantspetitionedforspecifi Sometimes ittooktheformofacollective proposition asinAssyntSutherland whose interest wasperceived tobegetridofasmanyhispeoplepossible. Emigration wasfrequently anegotiationtoobtainthebestresults foralandlord, emigrants were destituteonarrival wasasymptomofdesperationintheregion. or tragicmode.Th ere wasasenseof evacuation – andthefactthatsomeof growth andeconomicdeclinemalaise. relative responsibility ofthelandlords asopposedtotheforces ofpopulation debate regarding thedepopulationofHighlands the wasaboutapportioning tion growth andradicaleconomicre-structuring. Much oftheacrimonious regions ofrural conductingtheirevacuations undertheimpactofpopula- story probably theactualdeclineofpopulation. a risingpercapitalivingstandard –themainpropellant ofwhichwasmost between slowly, regions which,very eventually brought theHighlands towards critics. Th e reluctancetoemigrate impededtheconvergence oflivingstandards decline whichwasnever prompt orlargeenoughtosatisfythelandlords andthe characterised by aninitialrapidaccumulationofpopulationandthen aprolonged several suchperipheralzones whichpersistedformanydecades.Th extremely unequal commandofthelanddoesnotaff the obvious result. Th efactthatthediffpartly determined bythe erentialwas the rest oftheworld –withinandbeyond Scotland,andout-migrationwas in theHighlands andbeyond. Livingstandards intheHighlands fellbehind change –thatis,oneoflandhungerandawideninggap between conditions 204 Th 3 Th 3 Capital Marx, Karl 2 Th Gray, Malcolm 1 Th It muchrepeated across theHighlands wasageneralstory –ofteninheroic Migrating outoftheHighlands wastherefore aremote version ofthegeneric Th 1957), chap. fi of whichthere were 500planned(and800in Ireland). History Society, 2012),anexcellent guidetotheplannedvillageschemesinScotland, especially Douglas (ed.), G.Lockhart cottarpopulation.Seeand ameansofaccommodating theexpandingandextruded eHighland modelwasanextreme version ofthegeneralretentiveness of is variability ofresponse doesnotobscure theunderlyingdirection of e planned village system and beyond was part ofanintensifi eplannedvillagesystemandbeyond waspart cationofsettlement ve. eHighland Economy, 1750–1850 (Edinburgh: Oliver andBoyd, (Moscow edition,nodate) VI, p. 173. Notes Scottish Planned Villages (Edinburgh: Scottish e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 39

ect this conclusion.Th 40

ey were e c Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 1 Se rc rge, ‘Th Cregeen, Eric See 17 SomeEighteenth-Century Tracts North concerning Carolina (Raleigh: Boyd, W.K. See 16 3. p. Fast Sailing , in (1774–75) Adam Smith andtheScotlandofHis Day Fay, sailings C.R. these in Quoted of evidence 15 has Campey Lucille 14 Fast Sailing andCopperBottomed Campey, (Toronto: Lucille Natural Heritage Books, 13 Taylor, Th David See 12 MacDonnell, Th Margaret See 11 (Edinburgh: Papers onSutherland Estate Management, 1802–1816 (ed.), Adam R.J. 10 Remote departures: theScottishHighlands 2 Jh Ln Bcaa, Travels inthe Western Buchanan, Hebrides, 1782to1790 Lane 2015). John (July, Am Bratach 21 in Bangor-Jones Magazine M. Lady ’ s , vol. iv, 19 June 1773,p. 389. the 20 in cited As 19 We (compiler), ’ Newton re Indians Sure Enough: Th Michael eLegacyofthe See 18 2 Qoe i Cle, ScotsinC Calder, in Quoted 26 ofClearances History Richards, , vol. 2,p. 223. ScotsinCanada Calder, (Edinburgh: Luath Press, 25 2003),p. 9. Jenni in Quoted 24 23 Religion wasoftenthecementofemigratingcommunities. But itworked inboth 22 J.M. Bumsted provides agoodexampleoflandlord oflosstenants highlyfearful History ofClearances History Richards, , vol. 2,p. 183. See 9 Th Mackay, John See 8 7 Th 7 From ClantoClearance:ontheIsle andArchaeology History al., et Branigan Keith See 6 ‘More Fruitful thantheSoil’: Army, Empire andtheScottish Mackillop, Andrew See 5 thought, previously than earlier Highlands the in introduced probably were Potatoes 4 Edwards andBroughton, 1927),p. 15. University Press, 1956),p. 11. 2002), p. 3. 1999). Devine andJ.R. Young (eds), 2016); Andrew McKillop, ‘Highland estatechangeandtenantemigration’, in T.M. North America (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982),pp. 10,14,4. Scottish HistorySociety, 1972),pp. xxiv–xxvi. than theSoil’ . demonstrating theessentialmechanismatwork ontheextreme periphery. de Crèvecoeur, in of Barra c.850–1850AD (Oxford: Oxbox Books,2005),pp. 140ff Highlands, 1715–1815 (EastLothian: Tuckwell Press, 2000),p. 236. 2015. April by 1741intheextremeand certainly See north. Malcolm Bangor-Jones, . 37. p. Scottish Highlanders intheUnited States (Chapel Hill, NC:Saorsa Media, 2001), Journal ofScottishHistorical Studies 35:2(Oct. 2015),155–88. emigration. directions: manyministers oftheFree Church were vehemently opposedto them anddeteremigration.See Bumsted, by emigration ontheUrquhart estatein1801 –makingthemcounter-off G.G.J. andJ.Robinson, p. 28. e eighteenth-century Hebridean( eeighteenth-century story

Letters from anAmerican Farmer (London:Dent, 1912),pp. 66–86, (dnug: Birlinn, e Wild Black Region: Badenoch, 1750–1800(Edinburgh: eReay Fencibles (Glasgow, 1890),andMackillop, ‘ ecreation ofthecrofting townships in Tiree’, , . 7. p. anada , eEmigrant Experience: SongsofHighland Emigrants in Eighteenth-Century Scotland (EastLinton: Tuckwell, Th c. , . 88. p. Clearance , People ’ s e 1782) wascaptured by Hector St John (Cambridge:Cambridge Northern Scotland: . , London,1793, More Fruitful ers to retain Am Bratach , 205 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 206 Th 2 Rpre i te Edinburgh Evening Courant the , 10July 1837,citedin John Macaskill in Reported 28 ‘Th Cameron, M. James in Quoted 27 History ofClearances History Richards, , vol. 2,p. 280.On theimpactofemigrationon 38 ScottishPopulation History Flinn, (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, M.W. 10. 37 p. Sketches , MacDonald, 36 ofClearances History Richards, , vol. 2,p. 200,fn41. 35 234. p. Ibid., 34 To theEnds oftheEarth Devine, (London:AllenLane,2011),pp. 118–20. T.M. 208. 33 p. Leviathanof Wealth , Richards, See 32 ofClearances History Richards, , vol. 2,p. 246. 31 Ibid. 30 Sketches ofHighlanders MacDonald, (St John, NB:H.Chubb, 1843). R.C. 29 4 In eit n TC Sot Th Smout, T.C. and Levitt Ian 40 273. p. Ibid., 39 (ed.), History , vol. 2(Gananoque, Ontario: LangdalePress, 1980),p. 130. tion totheCanadas,1815–1855’,inD.H.Akenson(ed.), p. 25ff home populationseePaul Collier, 1977), pp. 33,441–54. p. 15,fn238. Scottish Academic Press, 1979),p. 169. . Th eHighland Destitution of1837 (Aberdeen: ScottishHistorySociety, 2013), (Edinburgh: eState oftheScottish Working Classin1843 erole inemigra- ofshippingfrom Scottishports Exodus (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Canadian Papers inRural Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document poor. is thatmostIrish emigrantswere people,manyofthemvery unequivocally rural ofIrishnovelists othercategory life. Nevertheless, andevery thestatisticalreality extremely varied andincludeddoctors,landowners, clerics,teachers,urbanites, to thislineofgeneralisationisthat,likeotherstreams, Irish emigrationwas obvious case of‘the uprooted’, theemigrantas‘the expelled’. Th emainobjection case, theextreme version oftheBritish experience.Here surely wasthemost to buildindustrialAmerica.Irish emigrationwas,ostensibly, theleastambiguous simplyopeneditsdoorsand theIrishfor themostpart fl oodedinandhelped special mechanismstofacilitatetheirinfl generic contextoftheoriginsmigrationfrom theBritish Isles. shaped itsentire politicalcast.Th ischapterdeals with Ireland ’ splaceinthemore scorched theIrish memory, wascentralinitsliterature, initsiconography, and rancour aboutthecausesofboth.Famine andthemassevacuation ofIreland was widelyassociatedwiththeGreat Famine, withthesuff else inEurope, untilitwasovertaken by Italy lateinthecentury. Irish emigration emigrants the rest ofBritain, andremained soforthenexthalfcentury. It yieldedfarmore Ireland hadbecomeaprolifi csupplierofemigrantstothe New Worlds andto requires attention. Moreover particular by themiddleofnineteenth century, mental forces whichgeneratedexoduses outofEurope, and therefore Ireland Irish.was disproportionately Ireland exhibitedinthestarkest termsthefunda- Th tion hadbecome democratisedandspread outwards into thepopulationatlarge. a clearbuild-upofemigration intheprevious decade:itwasasthoughemigra- e fi Th America and Australasia drew heavilyonIreland: theantipodeansemployed eIrish rose tothetopofemigrationleague tableinthe1830s,following rst crescendo ofmassinternationalmigrationcameinthemid-1840sand per capita oftheBritish thantheotherparts Isles, orindeedanywhere Th Iead o h fore the to Ireland eIrish case 14 ows ofIrish humanity;North America ering andendless Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document risk afteronlyoneyear of‘distress’. cent oftheIrish populationlived inpoverty –thatis,theywere serious atvery its progressive sub-division,vulnerabilityandstress. gathering criseswitheachof the emergentsymptoms–pressure onthelandand most rapidpopulationgrowth. James Donnelly Jnr, inparticular, the charts case presented the clearest Malthusian characteristicsduringtheperiodofits phenomenonof Irishtragedy andalsotheextraordinary emigration.Th class was becoming much larger in the century before thefamine’.class wasbecomingmuchlargerinthecentury spectacularly: landlesslabourers marriedyounger thanothergroups ‘and this increasedfamine andemigration.High intheeighteenthcentury maritalfertility increase wasrelatednary tothekeyvariables offoodproduction, landoccupancy, 1780 and1845,thedecadesofacceleratingpopulationgrowth. Th from 1millionto8.5million.Of thisincrease 4millionwasachieved between much ofIreland. But between 1600and1845Ireland ’ s populationexpanded basis tomarriagecouldfi ndit’. iswaspossiblytheearlymodern Th andseekinglandasaneconomic tenants andyoung coupleswishingtomarry obtain. Even ‘there intheearlyeighteenthcentury wasageneralscarcity of the seventeenth century, landinIreland wasabundantandtenancieseasy to Scarcity andcongestionwere notnecessarilytheusualconditionofIreland. In aspectoftheIrishlation explosionengulfedevery predicament. emigration pre-dated andpost-datedtheGreat Famine andthatthepriorpopu- explaining theother. Th 1840s andmassemigration.Th of eydominatethestory Ireland, eachpart together inextricably. Th seen, specifi callyin West Cork and are commonly Tipperary) regarded astied Asalways,there weretion inthenineteenthcentury? longlinesoforigins. and indeedexplanation. Why didIreland have suchmassive recourse toemigra- Of allcountriesandemigration,thecareer oftheIrish needsspecialfocus in theEuropean experience,Ireland populationlevels. losthalfofitsmid-century the falloftheirrankinginworldemigrationwere Uniquely equallyabrupt. Th 208 Th that ofrapidlyindustrialisingBritain. about 1.4percentduringthe100years before theFamine –muchfasterthan Baines pointsoutthattheIrish populationwas increasing atanannualrateof tion –specialmechanisms were required to achieve such mobility. migration, there thatitcouldbetransmutedintoactualemigra- wasnocertainty migration oremigrationinevitable. Moreover, even where there wasinternal epre-eminence oftheIrish asemigrantslasteduntilabout1900.Th eriseand Th Population growth, famineandemigrationintheIrish case(and,aswe have e demographic history ofIreland edemographichistory toallaspectsoftheensuing iscrucial e fi eymarched inlock-steptowards thecatastrophe ofthe ouain n perspective in Population rst disentanglementoftheissuesmustrecognise that 2 By the1840sitiscalculatedthat60per e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 3 But thisdidnotmake is extraordi- in status quo 1 Dudley e Irish Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document south andwest ofthatcountry. were nearest tomirroring themore dire situationinIreland, especially inthe 1830s and1840seven laterinsomedistricts.ConditionstheHighlands Scottish Highlands, whichcontinued tosuff ally displacedby 1800,even by 1700inmostplaces.Anexception wasthe But, over mostoftheBritish Isles, thereign offaminewasonthewaneandvirtu- and there were places. oflocalisedfamineintothe1840sinafew stilleruptions and foodriotsinEngland andScotlandpersistedintothelateeighteenth century, asintrinsicexpectationsinthepre-industrialmortality world.Food shortages Ireland. oftheBritish Other parts Isles experiencedfamineandepisodesofcrisis Famine allpre-industrial wascommoninvirtually societies,notexcluding the genericframeworkofmostmodernmigration,indeed atypical andunconnectedwiththatofothercountries. Was theIrish caseoutside Th emigration thananyothercountry. It wasanextreme demographicabnormality. terms ofintensityandduration),italsolostmore peopleby deathandnet Famine disaster. Ireland notonlyexperiencedanunprecedented Famine (i.e.in Famine evacuation andtheextraordinary whichoccurred intheaftermathof crisis lastedonly twoyears andwascentred onthesouthandwest. In the1740s 1741 catastrophe later, mayhave beengreater thanthatofacentury but the weather, fevers, famineand great mortality. Th eintensityandferocity ofthe ofthemfacedanawfulcombination severewas 2.4millionandalargepart which worsenedover thefollowing twoyears. In 1741 the populationofIreland for Americawithintenyears. Againin 1739there was anothermassive crisis, (the more Protestant areas andeast).In inthe north thatdecade15,000departed marked by great suff eringandpoverty even oftheeconomy intheadvanced parts crisesinthe1720s of the1840s.Climaticaberrationsproduced suddenmortality Th eIrish case ecriticalquestion iswhethertheIrish emigrantexperiencewasindeedunique, Th uniqueamongmajor Europeanfall inpopulation,onascalelikewise countries. the potatofailed,uniquelyhighratesofpopulationgrowth were followed by a process tendingtoremove groups from themostfertile society. Andwhen,fi surplus population,Irish menandwomenemigratedinincreasing numbers,inthe brake onsubdivision.In theabsenceofanexpandingindustrialsectortoabsorb creationunfavourable tothefurther ofgrainfarms,andlandlords triedtoputa Th Th As Clarkson putit,thepopulationsurgesimplyhadtoslow down eventually: esupplyofcultivatable landwasfi nite,market conditionschangedand became edemographic experience ofIreland hasalwaysbeendominatedby the ere offamineinIreland wasalongpre-history before theterminaldisaster ouain rising Population er famine-like conditions inthe sui generis? nally, 4 209

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the country’. combined tocurbnaturalincrease andtoraisethelevels ofemigrationout thereafter ‘Landhungerandtheincreasing resistance oflandlords tosubdivision outofcontrol. Clarksonwas running believes that1815wasthewatershed: – wasthuscriticallyassociatedwithpopulationgrowth. Th eequation, however, 1839 and1842.Th edistress wasworstinthe westerndistricts. Great Famine, citing thefamishedyears of1811–17,1822,1831,1835,1837, E.DalyMary identifi years before esthetimetable offamineinthethirty the seemed tomagnifyineachdecadeandwasexpressed infamine. mostbrutally of allby thepotato. mountainous. emigration wasnotanoptionformostofthevictimsanddeathrateswere 210 Th Geary reports othertell-talesignsofdestitution andpanic: Geary riotsinGalway,and intheanti-cornexport where cornmills were attacked. A glimpsewasseeninsevere inLimerickthehard shortages years of1815–16 mounting crisisbeyond anythingalready witnessed. rapidity ofpopulationgrowth inIreland more thananywhere elsepresaged a employed labour’. It washighlylabour-intensive andprolifi of absorbing…anunrestricted laboursupply’. It soakedup‘surplus andunder- highenergy,tious, imparting andpalatable. It was‘a brilliantly ingeniousmethod well adaptedtotheusesofitinerantseasonallabour;andpotatowasnutri- varied frommarginal land;itsharvesting districttoandwastherefore which replaced fallow, awintercrop forlivestock, anditwasextendableinto shaped by theimpactof potato cultivation andtheassociatedprocess ofextended eight decades before theGreat Famine. Much transformation was of therural Th retarded by highratesofemigration’. have beenhaltedby Malthusianwithout potatoes,wouldotherwise crisesor increased supplyoffoodpermittedacontinuingincrease ofpopulationwhich, course, populationgrowth. Clarkson saysthatpotatoesspread swiftlyand‘Th conditions toprovide themostpositive inducements toearlymarriageand,of ere was,therefore, great turmoilovertaking mostofIreland intheseven or Th Th Cork andtookupresidenceinto north wherever theycould. indigent from Kenmore andotherimpoverished streamed areas ofthecountry 1817–19 were appeared sogreat tobeinmotion.Th thatthewholecountry It during thatthenumberstrampingroads ofKerry wasacommonobservation Th eincreased productivity oftheland–mainlythrough theuseofpotatoes esewere alsothedecadesofastonishinglyhigh populationgrowth: thecrisis e subsequent very rapidincrease oftheIrish esubsequentvery populationwasfacilitatedmost 9 Th 5

ere were multiplesymptomsoftherisingpressure ontheland. 6 Th epotatorequired littleprocessing; itwasaroot crop oaos n vulnerability and Potatoes 8

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 12

10

c. 11 7 Th Th ese were ripe e astonishing e e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document export market inBritain.export scale grainproduction –toproduce cattleandotherlivestock, mainlyforthe continuously increasing ofthelanddevoted proportion topastoralandlarge- Adding immeasurablytothedangerous mixofconditionswastheshifta theexpansion inauniqueconjunctionofforces. potato, whichunderwrote volatile and fl imsyagriculturalframework.Andit was allcontingentonthe failure too. Th iswasthedistressed pre-industrial sectornow committedtoa ies after1810,by thedeclineofdomesticlinenindustry, andthenby harvest in thetraditional mode:muchoftheeconomy remained subsistence-based and, acreage beganwhentherest ofthesectorwasalso underpressure andexpanding the Famine depressed whenimports cereal prices.But thisshiftingofrelative demandswere1780–1840 whenexport rising: theconversion continuedafter society inIreland’. Th econversion ofacreage wasevidentinthe decades described as‘one economyand historical forces shapingrural ofthelongest-run agriculture. In itcausedacontinuingshift topastoralproduction, particular in thelateeighteenthcentury, consequencesforIrish whichhadstructural potato-aided reclamation by wayofintensive subdivision. cultivation andpeasantnumbers.Most oftheexpansionwasderived from holdings onjointtenancies). andclachansystem(aformofcollective farminginextendedfamily old rundale contained withinthetraditionalmodesoflandoccupation,awidening Most ofthechange,andaccommodation oftherisingpopulation,was west communitiesgrowing withnew upinpreviously littlepopulatedareas’. nomic expansionwhichincluded‘a hugemovement ofpopulationfrom eastto and intensifi Th force –livingalmostentirely onpotatoes. expanded peasantsystemtoproduce anextremely cheapanddisciplinedlabour at thecentre ofthechange–andinprocess thecottiersintoan converting force’ –proliferating itsarmiesofcottiersonapotato-wage.Th epotatoes were production system,Irish tillageexpandeditsoutputby expandingitslabour living standards, arapidlygrowing supporting population.‘In apre-mechanical there developed arapidlyexpandingagrarianeconomyfoundeduponfragile tillage andpasture. It wasbecomingafrighteningmonoculture. Consequently revolution thatdestroyed traditionalbalancebetween thepre-eighteenth-century interloper –thepotato’. It wasmore thanadiscontinuity–itwasanecological modern phenomenon–powered by ‘the extensive infi tion were 500feet;by 1840theywere upto800feet.Th isdescribedasa thealtitudelimitsofcultiva- the hillsides:thusinmid-seventeenth century fringe’. But cultivation wasalsoextendedouttothemargins,andespeciallyup pressed outwards operatedasa‘mobile totheAtlantic edges:rundale pioneering eIrish case Th Th Potatoes are accorded theprincipalrole inthisgreat expansionofpeasant evulnerabilityofthesystemwasincreased by thelossofherringfi egrowing demandformeatinBritain eff ectively elevated Irish meatprices ed internalcolonisation.Th espread ofthepotatofacilitatedeco- 13

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ltration oftheecological 14 Cultivation was sher- 211 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document input …andafargreater utilisationofmarginalland’. the growth oflivestock numberswitha signifi was probably anexpansionofboth‘arable outputacreages …intandemwith ‘those beautifulfi eldsare thesepulchres ofthepoor’, itwassaid. strained –especiallyamongthesmallerlandlords –andlandwasbeingcleared: set in;andthere wasaradicalredundancy oflabourers. Evictions were uncon- – pastoralismwasgrowing attheexpenseofcommercial tillage;decliningwages dependence onpotatoes’. After1815there wasfallingdemandforcottierlabour encouraging the‘rampantpopulationgrowth, subdivisionofholdingsand also extended: there wasadeclining demandforlabour, ‘there were places few greater dependenceonthepotato. Th e Irishpopulation rosewhilepastoralism divested whiletheirexpandednumbers were pushedoutwards andreduced to more oftheland,andincreasing ofthelabour force proportions were being across muchofIreland. Th ecommercialised sectorwasengrossing more and on thepotatoes,withimmensecongestion. absorbed theeff Irish basedonthecottiersystemandpotato’. imports, 1790s tothe1830s.‘Th echeapfoodwasmade available bytherapid growth of toEnglandEnglish from consumers:cornexports Ireland rose rapidly from the ence crises and rushing headlongtowardsence crisesandrushing famine’. tive onthe Irish‘rackedby subsist- economy–opposingthenotionofacountry England ’ s foodsupply. Th ofthecontext yieldsadiff isconstruction and50percentofitslivestock. Itwas exported wasproducing one-sixthof produce. In ofcattle,pigsanddairy the 1840s,25percentofIrishexports grain more Irish than80per centofsuchimports. farmerswere alsoincreasing their British (oatsandwheat);by themid-1830stheyaccountedfor cornimports tions forcorncultivation’. was admittedfreely intoBritain. It created whatO’Gráda called‘hothouse condi- to England. Th anincreasingpopulation; atthesametimetheyalsoexported amountoffood farmers andcottiersmanagednotonlytofeedthemselves butalso doubledthe the positive casetoarguethat,over thecritical decades,from 1780to1840,Irish country … accounted for a large part ofthefoodsupplyuntil1840s’. …accountedforalargepart country tion’. Farm consumptionandsemi-subsistenceagriculture ‘across muchofthe as AndyBielenberg putsit,wasnotmarching to‘the ofmodernisa- drumbeat 212 Th regime’. therefore became‘an emaciatedeconomysqueezed by aninexorable demographic dependent populationwasbeingpushed‘ever closertothepotatoprecipice’. It Th Th Th Yet there isanalternative version ofthisstory. Michael Winstanley captures e landlord classwasroundly condemnedforpresiding over andeven esestrikingfactsare notnecessarilyinconsistentwithrisingdesperation emainbenefi ciariesofthesealarmingtrends were thelandlords andthe 20

ishadbeenfacilitatedby theAct ofUnion by whichIrish grain ort to survive: by 18453millionpeoplewere tosurvive: ort totallydependent 21 In the1790sIreland produced 15.5percentof e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational cantincrease inlabourandcapital 22

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19 Andmeanwhilethe 18 erent perspec- Potatoes now 16 Th ere Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document pushing upthelimitsofcultivation tothe1000feetlevel. squatters andsettlers,‘oozing oftheBogAllen’ intothewet deserts and become mobile:‘they comeandtheygosofast’, itwasreported –wretched scenes enactedacross thesouthandwest ofIreland –anunderclass whichhad of mortality andthenmassive migration. of mortality Th destruction ofcabinswhichthey sought.Manydestruction pauper familieshadtheirhouses agents [who]usedphysicalforce orheavy-handed pressure tobringabout the cottagers including‘many thousandsofcasesestate-clearinglandlords and towns’. food andinorder toescape;there ismuchmovement areas from rural intothe on theroads. AsO’Gráda says,‘all faminesinducepeopletomove insearch of In thefamineyears, vast numbersofvagrants, mendicantsandmigrantswere poverty anddisease,increased mobilitybecamethemainanswer tothetragedy. As Donnelly says, probably close tohalfamillion–andmainlyinClare, Mayo, Galway andKerry. evicted formally: this is almost certainly anunderestimate.evicted formally:thisisalmostcertainly history. Donnelly estimatedthat,inthe years 1849–54,250,000peoplewere timetable,unprecedentedon ascale,andwithinshort inBritish andIrish was anongoingrationalisationoflandholdingwhichtook theformofevictions left togobutthehighmountainorwet bog’. Th famine forcedregime’. thepopulationintoanew demographic regimes ofwhichemigrationbecameakeycomponent:‘Th Europe (andprobably correlated withthespread ofthepotato).It created new high ratesofnaturalincrease, whichfrom 1753to1821wasthehighestin family reproduction inheritancesystem,drove dominatedby thepartible very pher. Th us Ireland wasexceptional: high easypotatocultivation, supporting case –theMalthusian version –issummarisedby D.A.Coleman,thedemogra- they were weakened. Th leavingasocietystructurally unambiguous indicatorsofintensifyinglandhunger. eIrish case epotatofailure in1846(andthenextfouryears) produced catastrophic levels poor ratesandlostrents put onmanylandlords indistrictsofdeepdestitution. capacity foreff ective resistance toevictionandtheextreme pressure whichheavy to moderniseIrish agriculture, collapseofeff coupledwithavirtual Behind theclearancesstoodwidespread andlong-standinglandlord desire It largenumbersof –the erasure wasalandscapeofdestruction ofvery But thefaminewasnotonlyforce inducingacceleratedmobility. Th In thesecontextsthemore solvent elementswere seekingtoemigrate;and 27

aie n mobility and Famine 26 For thosenotparalysedby hunger, 25 23 eclassicversion oftheIrish

In 1835there were tell-tale 28 Th e truer fi etruer 24 Th ective tenant ective ese were the gure was 29 ere 213

e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document children’. illness andinfectionrendered andtheir the future saferforthesurvivors Great Famine extirpationoftheunderclass whichharboured thatthevirtual In thebluntestterms ithasbeensaidthat‘It wasone oftheironies ofthe Irish unequalledintheentire populationinproportions European experience. during theFamine andthensetinfortherest ofthecentury, reducing the – famineandevictionwithemigration.Emigration siphonedoff great numbers the poorest ofthepoor, whodiedincatastrophic numbers. escape:thestrongest leftthetragedy,the peoplewhohadnofurther allexcept ernment that the problem of rural ‘saturation’ernment thatthe problem ofrural required ‘radicalsurgery’ wherever possible. Th ere hadbeenwidespread beliefamonglandlords and gov- andinternalmigrationwaswidelypractisedtomaintain theoldsystem porary as possible,ekingoutabasic livinginpooranddeterioratingconditions. Tem- stratagem wasemployed. Most people mostofthetimestayed putforaslong eenth century, butnow Ireland conditionstightenedacross rural andevery Th across the Irish Sea andacross theAtlantic destinations). (andtoeven further Th obvious choice foratleastthree generationsofyoung . ashamed, attheprocesses atwork inIreland. Emigration becamethe most on theshores of Manhattan’. Gladstone himselfwasdeeplydisturbed,even ‘In years afew CelticIrishman willbeasrare inConnemaraasaRed Indian of emigrationwasthe‘natives’ solution’ totheproblem; Ireland.visited uponrural Sir Charles Trevelyan saidthattheevacuation by way established longbefore 1847. version ofinternalcolonisation,butthetendencyhadbeen asafurther country and grazierfarmingwere systemspread simplyincompatible:thenew across the transfers easier, leadinginexorably toalarge-scale graziertenantsystem. system.Thobliteration oftherundale eLand Acts from the 1870s madesuch production. Ireland wastransformingintolargerfarmswhichentailedthe towards large-scalepastoralfarmingandtowards superiorcommercial grain traditional smallholdingsystemwasstrengthened by theswitchinmanyparts before theFamine, were now confi rmedand reinforced. eassaultonthe Th decline oftheIrish population.Th e trends inland-holding,already established net emigrationandlow levelsreproductivity, ofnew reinforcing theastonishing highlevels of which continuedinthesucceedingdecades,associatedwithvery burned, oftenquitelegally, whiletheywere awayintheworkhouse’. 214 Th eantecedents ofmassemigrationfrom Ireland reached backintotheeight- Ireland eevacuation ofrural intoafl eventually issuedforth oodofemigrants It isalmostimpossiblenottomakeadirect connectionbetween theseevents Even inEngland there were qualmsaboutthecomprehensive devastation Th eFamine Ireland, wasthecataclysmic accelerantoftheevacuation ofrural 31

Evacuation e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Th announced, e Times 30 33 Th

32 ese were Rundale 34 – by – Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ‘shovelling outpaupers’. was associatedalsowithpanic pauperemigrationandthere were accusations of moments intheFamine, housed2,981inmates from apopulation of3,854.It depths ofdistress theSkibbereen andmortality: Poor House, attheseverest Cork, which wasinundatedwithfamishedpeople,sinkingintothegreatest poorest areas suppliedfewestemigrants’. and Munster, theregions mostdramaticallydamagedin theFamine, and‘the have reduced rate’. thebirth But therateofemigrationwaslowest inConnaught majority were clustered inthebiologically productive age-bracket, whichmust grated were notarepresentative sampleofthepopulationatlarge; thegreat emigration aswell asmortality’. But, asO’Gráda pointsout,‘those whoemi- the poorer counties ofthewestern seaboard became themajorsources ofFamine county andparishofIreland. Th e habitspread withastonishingrapidity, sothat added that‘Th asa preventativeemigration wouldhave increasingly doneservice check’. He thousands inpre-famine Ireland …Had ‘emigration wasgrowing andbecominganincreasingly realistic optionfor oped elaboratenetworks ofIrish overseas. O’Gráda saysthatitislikely – especiallyfrom theprovinces ofUlster andLeinster–from whichthere devel- in the1830s(aswe sawinCork and Tipperary). Th ere wasalready an exodus high mortality zones. ‘Thhigh mortality edestitutesimplyhadnomeansofemigrating’. had atleastlearnedhow tobecomemigrants. their own land.Th potato regime, whichfreed the smallproducers tofi decades kepttherisingproblem oflandhungeratbay. But itdependedonthe one commentatorputsit,‘ineff soak upthesurpluslabour. Cork, forinstance,didnotgrow muchatall–as those thusshakenout.It wasnotafeasible solution. re-shaped worldrequired rural fewerlabourers thanbefore andcouldnotabsorb landless labourers forwhomwork wouldbefound.Th into the eliminationofsmallholdings,andconversion ofthesmalltenantry Th cus senseintheirsearch forwork’. inthetruest behaviour priortodecidingemigratepermanently, behavingas andthus‘largenumbers ofIrishcentury personshadalready shedpeasant Famine. Th e tothedistantlabourmarkets inthelateeighteenth Irishbecamealert ticular progression before theonsetofmassevacuation by thetimeofGreat Already by 1815,emigrationhadbecomeimperative butwassubjecttoapar- Emigration, asalways,wasselective. every possibleway,every desperationwrittenintothe facesofthemostpathetic who eIrish case One oftheworstplacesinallIreland intheFamine wasSkibbereen, in West Emigration wasincreasing rapidlyinadvance oftheGreat Famine, especially Nor were Irish towns abletodothisjob–there were no internalcitiesto Th eextreme circumstances oftheFamine causedpeopletofl ee Ireland in e eff ishadbeenthedelayingmechanism,butpooragrarians ect oftheFamine wastoextendmassive emigrationtoevery 39 But, inreality, theemigrationrateswere low inthe ect, Ireland ’ s urbanizationtookplaceoverseas’. 38

phytophthera infestans stayed away, 37 36

Seasonal migrationover several nd extraincomebeyond etrouble wasthatthe homo economi- 215 35 40

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document people of every socialoriginsurgedout ofIrelandpeople ofevery insearch ofalivelihood’. eventually tofi ndmoneyenoughfortheonward journeyacross the Atlantic … and theunemployed incattle boatsfrom Dublin toLiverpool, people ‘hoping faith intheland,andemigrationbecamemuchmore desperate–takingpaupers fortable gettingoutfi fortable whichprecipitated emigration–therelatively further in thecountryside, com- – itworked asapreventative check,leadingto adownward spirallingofnumbers tion (andreduced rates),andtheprocess continued longafterthecrisis. birth Th and aftertheFamine. eff policies designedtoclearestatesofdependentpopulations.On the wholethese schemes. Th ehumanitarianimpulsewasoftenconnectedwithsimultaneous the suspicionofmixed motives orworseinlandlord-sponsored emigration in 1849to1857atapersonalcostof£10,000.Th roughoutthere wasalways tenants between them; Vere Foster assisted1,250femaleemigrantstoAmerica eff for theemigrationoftheirtenants:instanceGeorge Wyndham madegreat Protestants withconsiderableassistance.Some landlords paid paidorpartly Ireland –forinstance,thecolonyofNew South Wales recruited anumberof available facilities.Th ere were notable particular ortsto groups evacuate from eff managed toreach Liverpool. Th esheerscaleofthetragedy the overwhelmed 216 Th Waterford. incidence ofpauperism,namelyCork, Clare, ofLimerick, parts Tipperary and of emigration,now shiftingthecentre ofgravitytowards placeswithahigh to remain ontheirfarms.But after1851there wasacriticalanddecisive change the mostlikelyemigrants,possessingcapitaltoemigrateandlessincentive Kilkenny and Tipperary inthesouth.Small farmerswithabouttenacres were mon, Longford, Cavan, Monaghan andFermanagh, andfrom Queen ’ s County, areas: thegreatest outfl ows were countiesof outofthenorthern Sligo, Roscom- in thefi rst years ofthe Famine, which were dominated by themiddle-ranking mechanisms’. remittances and passagetickets:‘Th e emigrantscreated their own informal stone). Mostly, however, Irish emigrationwasfacilitatedby familyconnections, ‘surprisingly sturdy’, reared onpotatoes:oneofthemigrants weighed fi girls were despatchedtoNew South Wales in1848–50 (someofthemwere Among theteemingthrongs were –thus,forinstance,4,000orphaned all sorts eGreat Famine therefore Ireland quickenedtheevacuation ofrural by emigra- wereorts marginaltotheastonishingnumbersoffl eeingmigrants,during torelieveorts hispeople;Palmerston andGore BoothinSligo assisted2,000 O’Gráda arguesthatemigrationnow relieved population pressure inIreland Th eleastadvantaged regions didnotsupplythehighest ratesofemigration 41

44

rst. 42 Th In theFamine theIrish at largeeventually losttheir eculture ofemigration e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational fteen 43

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Resistance toagrarianchangeappearshave shrunk readjustments throughout Ireland, essentiallyweeding outthesmallholders. emigration. stability,a new andalsoarecognition thatIreland itselfhadbenefi theirfarmsfromconverting tillagetopasture’. AsKenny putsit,there was themselves by evicting theirsubtenants,consolidatinglandholdings,and tances from theirfamiliesabroad, andcontributeddirectly tomassemigration from stabilityingeneralterms,theyreceived thenew massive fi sion andemigration’. future forthehugebodyoflabouringpoorthatdidnotinvolve massdisposses- ‘In theabsenceoflarge-scaleindustrialisation…itwasdiffi culttoenvisageany of Irish agriculture now proceeded asthoughinexorably. Connollyremarks that, dained. often embittered. Dublin, Cork andLiverpool are crowded withIrish emigrants’, andtheywere fl ‘Th London News reported roles incities andcoloniesacross theAnglo-world.In April 1852the notion thattheCeltswere aninferioranddecliningrace,relegated toservice between structural changes in rural Ireland changesinrural between structural andthestreams ofemigration. tion lossandthere wasnow, despitediversity, anunmistakablerelationship Thdisrupted. econtractionoftillagebecamethemajordeterminantpopula- grant streams regions emergedfrom therural whichhadbeenmostseverely outcasts whom“modernisation” hadleftwithcashbutwithoutalifeline’. Emi- ‘long-distance emigrationwasbothfeasibleandtemptingtothoseeconomic been themostreluctant toleave buttheywere changingtheirattitudes.Now apalliative drug’.starvation, Th epoorest, forinstancethoseinConnaught,had was reinforced by relative pricemovements. million inthenexttwodecades’. indefi Yet ‘few contemporariesimaginedin1851thatdepopulationwouldcontinue Th out of rural Ireland.out ofrural cottiers andsmallholderswho,by the1880s,hadlargelydisappeared, rationalised stratum ofcausallabourer simplydisappeared. ux oftheemigrationaltidetoward theshore oftheNew World. Th equaysof eIrish case In thepost-Famine phasethe‘strong commercial farmersnotonlybenefi shores incountless multitudes. destined induetimetoovershadow theworldwithitspower andglory, leave our nation, andthatwillbecomeso tothatgreat kindred nationofAmerica,whichis Year afteryear theeffl uxcontinues. Strong life-bloodofthe menthat are the very Landlords andthegovernment regarded theeffl uxofemigrantsas preor- Emigration, according toFitzpatrick, wasa‘safety valve, analternative to nitely, orthattheexpatriatepopulationwouldhave grown by afurther 52 Th eprocess wasinvested withadimensionofracialinevitability:the 51

48 47 Family-operated farmsnow dominatedIreland andthe Th eexodus oftheCeltic Races’: itdescribedas‘the e long-termvictimsofthepotatoblightwere the 53

45 In reality, aftertheFamine there were radical 49 Th eshifttopastoralproduction 46 andthetransformation nancial remit- nancial te from tted Illustrated 50 tted 217

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document itself inregions thatowe nofealtytotheCrown ofEngland’. emigration paysforitself. It seeksnoaidfrom thepublicpurse,but…establishes had ‘driven fl thevery ower oftheCelticraceacross the Atlantic’ and‘Th failure isworking amightyrevolution’. It hadcausedlandtochangehandsand the landofplentyandindependence.Th funds received inIreland inthenext,toenablefriendsandrelatives tofollow to blamed theEnglish. to thepost-Famine exoduses asthese‘vast unaidedemigrations’ –forwhichhe expected. But itwas alwayscontentious:forinstance,Horace Plunkett referred mechanism ofreadjustment. AftertheFamine emigrationbecamenormaland Emigration wasnow builtintoIrish socialbehaviourandwas themosteff central consequencewasreinforced ratesandby by latermarriages. fallingbirth famine predicament, culminatingintheabsolutedeclineitspopulation.Th Quaker philanthropist wasbeggedby localpeopleto‘send usanywhere’. doubt, continueditsassociationwithemigration.For instance, inthe1880s,a anywhere inEurope. Andeven inlaterdecades,sheerpoverty, more localisedno right evictionswere pursuedwiththegreatest vigourandonascaleunsurpassed Ireland, especiallyinthedecadesofFamine, Out- wasradicalandruthless. 218 Th enter thestory, ‘a powerful magneticfi to magnifytheseverity oftheirresistible competition forland. 1828–60. Such menhadlongorchestrated aregime ofsubletting,whichserved managed by theresident agents,oneofwhomheldswayfortheentire period liberal policiesforIreland, buthisown estateswere inconfusionandpoorly was muchmore consumedby hispoliticalcareer inLondon.He advocated of absenteelandlords: year, he visitedtheGalway estateevery even though he Clanricarde estateinGalway. Th e Marquis ofClanricarde wasnottheworst Local variations in thegeneralIrishwere, ofcourse,legion.One story wasthe emigration asaforced expatriationandadenialoftherightsIrish people. country,of every belongstothepeopleofthatcountry’ andheregarded Irish land hunger. Clanricarde ’ s agentwasgiven ‘considerable latitudeindecidingand was commonpracticeinmany placesandatellingsymptomoftheunderlying was repeated controversy over theuseofbribestosecure leasesofholdings.Th agents were actively involved insettingupcompetitionamongtenantsandthere in onenight’. theoraltraditionrecollected peopleleavinghurriedly: ‘OftenKerry theymoved Th Massive continuingemigrationwasnow themainresponse toIreland ’ s post- Whatever theideologicalassumptions,readjustment ofagriculture in egreater thenumberemigratinginanyoneyear, thelargeramountof 56 Chainmigrationfrom Ireland enabledsomeofthepoorest to 58 J.S.Mill that‘Th tooktheview elandof Ireland, theland lniad ad consolidation and Clanricarde eld’ wascreated by earlieremigration. esamereport declared that‘Th e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 54

60 Clanricarde ’ s is mighty e potato ective 55 In In is is 57 59

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the ditchestowhichtheyhadbetakenthemselves forshelter’. only …turnedoutoftheirhousesbuthadeven …beenmercilessly driven from Balinlass inGalway thepeoplewere prepared topaytheirrents but‘were not substance andeffi modernise by theconsolidationofholdingsintocommercial farmsofgreater to 1852.Th eprincipalmotivation wastoridestatesofpoortenantsand evictions were commonenough,butmassevictionbecamenormalfrom 1846 Clanricarde estatewas‘relatively lenientinitspolicies’. Before theFamine single Ireland, targeting landlords, theiragents andsomeofthelargetenants,produced by theEnglish Poor Law system’. Th esensation rural created by assassinationsin lords andcitiestobesupported fordumpingtheirevictedtenantsatEnglish ports displaced, especiallyintheyears 1846–48. Th e British press ‘vilifi ed Irishland- graphic landscapeofthewest andsouth ofIreland; thousandsofcottierswere evict theirdefaultingtenantsandwasalsoresponsible forchangingthedemo- were evicted’. off by yielded noresponse from Dublin orLondon. million expendedinanyotherway’. Asalways,suchpleasforassistedemigration £400,000 laidoutinpromoting emigrationwouldhave more eff send outemigrants.He toldthegovernment: ‘Iamsure that£300,000or meantime urgedthegovernment toemploy shipsbringingAmericantimberto tenants were evicted…inthechangefrom tillagetopasture’. Clanricarde were given thesamefacility. Th ese were yearswhen,inthesamedistrict, ‘many passage toAmerica;thisexercise wasrepeated in1842whenfi said ‘you cannotlive here’. Th eestateagreed ofthema togive forty-nine free had apoorrecord initsadoptionofimprovements. threats. implementing estatepolicy’. He wasunpopularandbecametheobjectofdeath Th numbers ofdeathsinthepoorhousesdistrict,mostall1848. tenants from themurderous clearancesof tyrannicallandlords’. in 1848declared angrilythataBill shouldbepassedto‘protect defenceless ated evictionswhichfedtheoutfl ow ofemigrants.Th landlords wasodiousand worsenedby theevents oftheFamine andtheassoci- reclamation, had becomeeconomicnecessities.But thereputation ofIrish by means ofClearances,togetherwithsubsidisedemigrationandwasteland great detailthestate offarmingandgenerallyrecognised thatfarmconsolidation eIrish case Instead thelegislationof1847gave Irish landowners muchgreater licence to In 1847inRoscommon onelandowner attemptedtoclearhisestate oftenants Th In Clanricarde the1841harvest ’ s agentcollectedthetenantstogetherand Th eregion wassoonthereafter convulsedwith poverty andevictions.Th eDevon CommissionintoconditionsinIreland in in1845hadsurveyed ering themapassagetoCanada,‘but 3,000ofthosewhorefused togo 61 Meanwhile thepre-Famine Clanricarde estatewasbadlymanagedand 64 Th iny Th ciency. atlandlord wasshotdead.In theFamine there were great ere were manysevere examplesinthedistrict:at 62

e Illustrated LondonNews 63 65

ect thanhalfa fysx tenants fty-six

219 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document yet thesystemsoffarming hadnoplaceforthesegreatly augmented numbers: zones were producing muchgreater oftheBritish surplusesinmostparts Isles, population whichgrew intheirmidst after1750.Th areasof rural oftheBritish Isles over thelongerrun. ing andlesscataclysmicprocess by whichpopulation wasdrainedoutoftherest suggests thattheextreme Irish casebore asignifi cant relationship tothecontinu- of theworld’. gence oflivingstandards bothwithinIreland andbetween Ireland andtherest poverty traps,‘causing asustaineddeclineinthe Irish population,andaconver- ing andtheyperishedinlargenumbers.But Famine emigrationhelpedtoremove by O’Gráda, whonotesthatpoverty prevented themostdesperatefrom emigrat- the Italian rateofexodus. its European and,even inthe1890s,wasstillhigher counterparts the scaleofemigrationfrom Ireland eventually declined,itremained higherthan favoured themore literateandlessencumbered population.Although oftherural the centre ofgravitymigrationhadmoved tothewest andsouth,butstill massive, relentless andeffi cientlymanagednationalenterprise’. Within Ireland industrialisation. By the1870s,declares Fitzpatrick, ‘Emigration hadbecomea for mostofIreland, implementedwithoutthe absorptive capacityofcontiguous Th tionably ‘symptomatic’ oftheunderlying shiftsintheIrish economy. the overall shiftsofpeopleoutIreland; emigrationfrom Ireland wasunques- the largerforces atwork. Andmeanwhilethegreat wheelkeptturning,yielding a structure andaphasingtothepatternsofoutfl ow, with regional variants of land hungerandexpulsive forces propelling emigration.But even here there was Clarendon toeliminateassassinations,Lord John Russellsharply: observed little sympathyinEngland. When aSpecial Powers Act wascontemplatedby 220 Th been of‘great benefi tinbuildingupthegreat towns of England’. went toEngland, pointing outthat,inprosperous times,cheapIrish labourhad Clanricarde defendedhisfellow landlords andtherole ofIrish emigrantswho iswasanarrative ofagrariantransformationthemostsevere variety and, It isclearthatnowhere intheBritish Isles the contextsupport couldtherural Th Th failure. Th emurders are atrocious, so are theejectments. at once,andburntheirhousesover theirheads,givingthemnoprovision forthe …Butor partridges neitherdoesanylandlord inEngland turnoutfi thatlandlordsit isquitetrue inEngland wouldnotliketobeshotdown likehares emosttrenchant interpretation oftheimpactIrish famineisprovided eIrish caseexposedthemostimmediateandunambiguousoperationof 70 Th isaverdict withclearMalthusian implications;moreover it 68

eei bt extreme but Generic e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational e paradox was that the rural eparadox wasthattherural 66

per capitathan 67 fty persons fty

69

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document pattern were soonreplicated inwestern Europe andeventually beyond. more gradualinexecution. Th esegradualandradical versions ofthisessential in therest oftheBritish Isles –mostofwhichhadbeenearlier anddecidedly most rigorous andacceleratedversion ofthegenericchangesthathadoccurred the British Isles lostitspeople;theytoowere subjecttoevacuation. zone in rural strophic version every ofthisgeneralparadox: intheendvirtually districtssimplycouldnotretainthe rural theirpeople.Th Th 1 Mr E Dl, ‘Th fl Daly, bloody E. Mary the and 11 fever ‘Famine, Geary, M. Laurence 10 11. 24. p. p. change’, 15 Ibid., landscape post-Famine 14 and ‘Pre- See AndyBielenberg, review ofL.Kennedy and P.M. Whelan, Solar, 13 12 Whether contemporariesever anticipatedthecatastrophe isamatterofcontroversy. 7 ei Wea, Pe ad otFmn lnsae hne, n órér e., (ed.), Póirtéir in change’, landscape post-Famine and ‘Pre- Whelan, Kevin 53. p. 7 Famine’, ‘Other Dickson, 6 ‘Th Dickson, 35. See p. revisited’, 5 population ‘Irish Clarkson, 4 LandandPeople Donnelly, , pp. 19ff 3 Ireland, Sweden andtheGreat European Migration Akenson, of review Baines, D. 2 1 L.A. Clarkson, ‘Irish populationrevisited, 1687–1821’,inJ.M.Goldstrom andL.A. 1 (2002). 10 Ireland History Ireland?’, of history non-Famine ‘A Clarkson, 31. L.A. p. revisited’, 9 population ‘Irish Clarkson, 8 eIrish case Th demographic crisisof1740–1’. Interdisciplinary History 43:4(Spring, 2013),617–18. (Montreal andKingston:McGill-Queen ’ s University Press, 2011),in 1981), p. 35. Clarkson (eds), , p 78–9. pp. Famine , 22. p. Famine , 238–40. Royal Irish Academy, 2007),in (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1989),p. 224. history’, inE.Margaret Crawford (ed.), prepare forthefateawaitingitin1845–9’:‘Conclusion:famineandIrish thecountry tion’, especiallypp. 29ff .L.A.Clarkson, however, declares that ‘there wasnothingto James L.Pethica andJames C.Roy (Cork: Cork University Press, 1998),‘Introduc- of Slaves’: Henry Stratford Persse ’ s Lettersfrom Galway toAmerica, 1821–32 1822. He wasfi lledwithfearforthefuture: detailtheseverity ofthefaminein to themletterswhichdescribedindocumentary Henry Stratford Persse ofGalway senthisthree sonstoAmericain1821,andwrote 125. p. Famine , epost-Famine adjustmentsandmassive emigrationsfrom Ireland were the eothergreat Irish Famine’, pp. 47–53;andalsoDrake, ‘Th Irish Population, Economy andSociety (Oxford: Clarendon Press, eoperationsofFamine relief, 1845–57’,inPóirtéir (ed.), Journal ofEconomic History 71(March 2011), . Notes Famine: Th e Irish Experience, 900–1900 ‘To theLandofFree from thisIsland ux’, inPóirtéir (ed.), eIrish casewasacata- (Dublin: Irish Agriculture 71

, editedby Great Irish Journal of e Irish Great Great 221 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 222 Th 28 Th 8 2 ‘Th O’Grada, C. 27 Great Famine Póirtéir, , p. 73;L.A.Clark- in famine’, and ‘Food Crawford, Margaret 26 25. 26. p. p. change’, Ibid., 25 landscape post-Famine 24 and ‘Pre- Whelan, D.A. Coleman,‘Demography andmigrationin Ireland, North andSouth’, 23 ACompanion (ed.), Williams Chris in society’, rural and ‘Agriculture Williams Winstanley, M. Chris 22 in Society’, Rural and ‘Agriculture Winstanley, Michael in Cited 21 26. p. Ibid., 20 27. 20. p. p. change’, Ibid., landscape post-Famine 19 and ‘Pre- Whelan, 18 Irish Agriculture Solar, (Dublin: Royal P.M. Irish Academy, 2007), and Kennedy L. 17 239. Ibid., 16 3 Cra OGaa ‘atu ad h pefmn eooy, n non . Murphy E. Antoin in economy’, pre-famine the and ‘Malthus O’Grada, Cormac 38 Ibid. 37 32. Ibid. p. revisited’, 36 35 population ‘Irish Clarkson, 34 29. 32. p. p. change’, Ibid., landscape Ruth-Ann Harris, ‘Seasonal migrationbetween Ireland post-Famine andEngland priortothe 33 and ‘Pre- Whelan, 32 fl bloody the and fever ‘Famine, Geary, 31 162. p. Ibid., 30 29 James S.Donnelly, Jnr, ‘Mass evictionandtheGreat Famine’, inPóirtéir (ed.), . 254. p. son, ‘A non-Famine history’. 2008), chap. 10. Lambkin, ings oftheBritish Academy , vol. 98(1999),p. 76;seealsoPatrick Fitzgerald andBrian ing Limited,2001),p. 11. poorer. James S.Donnelly, Jnr, 1845’. Th ey were taller thanthe English,butheconcedesthatthepoor were getting notcareeringwas certainly towards economicandsocialdisasterinthedecadesbefore misses theideathatIrish livingstandards were decliningbefore theFamine: ‘Ireland to Nineteenth-Century Britain (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007),pp. 207–8.Donnelly dis- 208. p. (ed.), 99. p. (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1984),p. 88. (ed.), noque, Ontario: LangdalePress, 1990),p. 364. Famine’, inD.H.Akenson(ed.), See exports. O’Grada,dwarfed ‘Th e Great Famineandtoday ’ sfamines’, p.253. 156. p. Famine , University Press, 2012),pp. xiv, 370,571–9. and Michael Murphy (eds), erangeofestimatesIrish evictions isaccountedinJohn Crowley, W.J. Smyth, Economists andtheIrish Economy from theEighteenth tothePresent Century Day A CompaniontoNineteenth-Century Britain (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), Migration inIrish History, 1607–2007 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, e Great Famine andtoday ’ s ’, inPóirtéir, Atlas oftheGreat Irish Famine, 1845–52 (Cork: Cork Th eGreat Irish Potato Famine (Stroud: Sutton Publish- Canadian Papers inRural History , vol. 7(Gana- ux’, p. 85.In theFamine, ofgrain imports e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Great Famine , Proceed- Great

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 3 Ptik iky ‘Th Hickey, Patrick 39 Th 4 SH Cues ‘Th Cousens, S.H. 41 197. p. Ibid., 40 6 Ibid. 49. 66 p. AGalway Landlord , Conwell, 273. p. 65 ‘Th 85, Browne, vol. Bishop 1846, March 64 30 Deb. HL. 63 47. p. Ibid., 62 39. p. Ibid., 61 AGalway Landlord duringtheGreat Famine Conwell, (Dublin: Four Joseph John 60 Th O’Brien, D.P. 174. p. 59 Gault, Quirky DrFay , in 65. Quoted p. Global Migration , 58 Williamson, and Hatton 57 231. p. Ibid., 56 217. p. Ibid., 55 Ibid. 54 5 Qoe i Jh Kle (d) Th (ed.), Killen John in Quoted 53 Sending outIreland Moran, ’ 100. Gerard s Poor: p. Emigration Assisted toNorth America inthe Ireland and theBritish Empire , 52 (ed.), Kenny century’, See nineteenth 51 late the in emigration ‘Irish Fitzpatrick, David 50 ‘Th Fitzpatrick, David 49 49. p. Ibid., 48 48. p. Ibid., 47 ‘Th Connolly, S.J. 46 180. p. Ibid., 176. p. 45 Great Famine 178. , Póirtéir, p. in Ibid., famine’, from 44 ‘Flight Fitzpatrick, D. 43 42 Cormac O’Gráda andKevin H.O'Rourke, ‘Migration asdisasterrelief: lessonsfrom eIrish case in , . 194. p. Famine , ors 2003). Courts, Press, 1975),p. 344. (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1995), p. 257. emigration inIreland duringandafterthefamine. Nineteenth Century (Dublin: Four 2004)canvasses thegreat Courts, debateabout Studies 22(1980),127–8,129,132,133,138. 66–92. (1980), 7 nomic andSocialHistory suggests thatmilitancydiminishedafterthefamine. Lipton, step ingeneralsocietaltransformation’,often stressful butnecessary seeMichael oftherelationshipa generalisedview between great poverty andmigration,as‘the the Great Irish Famine’, Search ofaBetter Life , especiallypp. 197,204–8. iscaughtinthe lettersfrom America,quotedinDavis (ed.), nineteenth century Th e attractionoflandavailable overseas tosmallIrish tenantfarmersinthelate Transactions andPapers oftheInstitute ofBritish Geographers Why Poor People Stay Poor (Aldershot:Avebury, 1988) eGreat Famine andIrish politics’, inPóirtéir, e ClassicalEconomists Revisited (Princeton: Princeton University eregional patternofemigrationduringtheGreat Irish Famine’, eFamine intheSkibbereen Union, 1845–51’,inPóirtéir, eMahon Evictions,’ edisappearanceoftheIrish agriculturallabourer’, European Review ofEconomic History , 1:1(April 1997).For eFamine Decade: Contemporary Accounts, 1841–1851 rea Journal Freeman ’ s , 29 April 1848. 28(1960),59–60,41. . Great Famine , p. 48, Irish Historical Irish Eco- Great 223 In In Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 224 Th 70 passim Cormac O’Grada andKevin H.O’Rourke, Ireland, ‘Migration asdisasterrelief: Sweden lessonsfrom ,;andD.Fitzpatrick review ofA. Akenson, instance, for See, 69 Emigration from Europe, 1815–1930 Baines, (Basingstoke: Macmillan, D.E. See 68 50. p. Ibid., 67 , . 100. p. Ireland and theBritish Empire , (ed.), Kenny Cf. 71 the Great Irish Famine’, Review (Dec 2001),1760. Bielenberg, 1991), p. 10. (New York: Longman,2000),in European Review ofEconomic History 1:1(April 1997),3. e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational American Historical Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document European ofasingle,althoughcomplex,phenomenon?’ migrationaspart following apriortemplate. generator.facilitator ofemigrationbutitsactualprimary But Europe wasalso more thanever before. It wasasiftheinfrastructure itselfwasnotmerely the across the European continent.Emigration camewithinthereach ofmillions massive intercontinental transferofEuropeans from anever-widening radius chains ofinformation,shippingtickets,loansandremittances. transfer ofhumanitywasachieved by private means,oftenwithelaboratefamily ments wasavailable forsomeofthemore distantdestinations.Mostly thisrising the oceanswere beinglowered decadeby decade;assistanceby colonialgovern- activated topromote theemigranttrade.Th the hundreds ofthousandsemigrants.Banking andpostalfacilitieswere and alsowithinthedestinationcountries.Shipping lineswere establishedtocarry had alsobeenrevolutionised, mostofallby railwaysspreading across Europe Naples, Palermo, Odessa, Trieste, Stavanger andmore. Internal systems transport included Liverpool, Hamburg, Bremen, Antwerp, Riga,Gothenburg, Genoa, Europe. Th egreat were emigrantports fullygeared tothetrade–theynow By thelatenineteenthcentury, emigrantswere streaming of outofmostparts But Britain wasjoinedby othersources ofemigrants, outofcontinental Europe, mass overseas emigration.It setandmaintained thepaceuntilatleast1850s. relationship between thetwo? which eventually becamelessBritish andmore continental.But whatwasthe study, ofthe60millionwholeftinlongnineteenthcentury, part anexodus Britain ofEurope itselfwaspart ofthevast exodus andpart atthecentre ofthis Dudley Baines askedthecriticalquestion:‘In whatsensecanwe thinkofall Th It iscontendedthattheBritish casewastheprototype intheemergence of eseformalandinformalinfrastructures hadbeenestablished toeff Th eEuropean extension Laig Europeans Leaving 15 eimpedimentstomovement across ect the ect 1

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document century overlapcentury with that ofBailyn ’ s epiccentrifugalforces ofthelateeighteenth Overarching ideasaboutthegreat European emigrations ofthenineteenth Mediterranean. extending totheBalkans andGreece, andfi Slavic, Scandinavian, through totheIberian andItalian versions –eventually ‘diasporas’amounting tomanymillions,emergednew from eachplace–German, reachesof thefurthest oftheoldcontinent.Out ofthesefl eastwards andsouthwards, witheachdecadetopenetratesome pushingfurther ofEurope,waves ofemigrantsissuingoutdistantparts moving thesources ofEuropemany parts there were inthosedecades:by thelatenineteenthcentury growth involume inthemid-nineteenth century. Something hadgalvanised Europeans were emigratinginmanydirections withaclearaccelerationand and eventually overtaken; even Ireland asasource ofemigrants. outperformed 226 Th time andplace. was genericandthatthemigrationphenomenawere fundamentallylinkedacross common origin–itsexplanationisatestoftheproposition thatthe British case lisation ofsomanymillionspeopletoleave theoldcontinent suggestsa whether andhow they related totheprevious British case.Th eextendedmobi- overhanging questioniswhethertheypossessedalsoalargercoherence and were intheircircumstances. But oftenhighlyidiosyncraticandparticular the outwards from complicatedand diverse locationsacross acontinent,andthey ofagreater thiswiderangeofmobilitiesissued comprised parts whole.Certainly commonfeatures,certain arecurring patternofmobilisationandexit to mesmerisingvariations. Nevertheless thesediverse movements possessed national, regional andlocalcharacteristicsoftheexoduses –allthesewere subject ignition. Th Th ‘much ofwhat happenedinIreland occurred elsewhere inEurope’. ered as‘a wide-frameinternational phenomenon’. Specifi that callyheasserts D.H. Akensonconcursinthiscommonusage,suggesting thatitisbestconsid- the singular, thatis,as‘Th e Great Migration’: theinfl uentialCanadian scholar ticularity. It issignifi cantthatthe European experienceiswidely referred toin – likeindustrialisationitself. At issue isthedepthofsuchroots andtheirpar- and demographictransformations.Moreover longroots eachdimensionhadvery tion inthemodernmouldwasindeedBritish, ofitsagrarian andwasacorollary is noexception, claimthattheoriginal massemigra- sinceitpursuestherunning and insularinmanythingsincludingtheirhistoricalsense. Th selves asspecial, even unique,oratleast eymayhave eachconstitutedseparatephenomena,propelled by localfueland Th Th esegreat movements were notmerely areplication ofthepriorBritish case. ere is,however, arecurring complaintthattheBritish alwaysregard them- etimetablesoftheoutfl ows, thelocalcircumstances, the European, Th e uprooted? e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational sui generis –thattheyare introverted nally eastwards even beyond the epresent account ows ofhumanity, 2

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document single dismissal, it is a view ‘nowsingle dismissal,itisaview discredited’. the severe changeswhichaffl icted Europe inthenineteenthcentury. In Baines’ their homelandsby poverty, famineandoppression. Th as the‘huddledmasses’ attheDoors oftheRepublic. Th of unhappyEurope. Th ese were thepeoplecelebratedin1886 by EmmaLazarus of traumaandexile,thedispossessedpathetic,broken andbooted-out Atlantic as composedofpeoplewhowere essentially‘Th e Uprooted’, animage was thatofOscar Handlin. He depictedthegreat massemigrationsacross the decades ofthetwentieth century, ofEuropean thedominantview emigration world required substantial shiftsofpeople’. Somehow agrarianandindustrial universal, anditwasessentially because‘modern economicdevelopment ofthe tionalism’. hadmigrated,buttheexodus Before few became the1820svery teenth century, [and]wastobreak down thisdeepage-oldandlocalisedtradi- singlephenomenonofthe nine- peoples, whichisperhapsthe mostimportant exoduses as‘Th described theadvent ofmid-nineteenth-century of thestory. Th of immenseterrestrial spaceswillnever againberepeated’. translation oflargepopulationsacross thegreat distancesandtheiroverspreading and rapidlyexpandingglobalcommerce. Andthiswasthereason ‘that the were seized, andemigrationwaspulledby the richrewards ofcheapresources historicalmomentwhentheattractionsofcolonisation a long,opportunistic mable thoughoftenoverlooked anddiscounted’. ‘the socialandmaterialdevelopment ofbackward countries[which]wasinesti- and there wasaneff ective stopto European transoceanicmigration. by 1914when,‘the lastremnants oftheso-calledfree land[had]beengrabbed’, and laterpetroleum)’. Th Migration astheseizure andoccupationoflandresources (timber, iron, gold able landofplanetearth’. Th iswas ‘the prepotent characteristicofthe Great eff Europeandescribed thenineteenth-century emigrationsas‘the extremely must ceasetobreed emigrants’. In whatsense wasEurope ‘breeding emigrants’? when hedeclared that‘If we wantforthefuture toreduce emigration…we used astrikingphrasewhichhintedatdeepmechanismswork across Europe western fringeofthiscontinent.Similarly theSwedish economistKnut Wicksell century, whichsuggestedanoutward dynamismalready aff ectingtheentire Th nations. poured intovacant areas oftheNew World andformedtheframeworkforfuture valve fortheuntapped energiesincrowded centres ofpopulation’. Th conditions intheOld World andtheappealofNew’. It became‘a safety European phenomenonwasamigration with‘many roots, chiefl ytheadverse eEuropean extension ective, ifslightlyoff -hand,joboftaking over most oftheuseableandcolonis- Emphases amonghistorianshave shiftedmarkedly. For example,inthemiddle Yet elementsofHandlin ’ remains view prominent even inmore subtleversions Th eCanadianhistorian Norman Macdonald declared thatthegreat diasporic 4 With ahintofimperialcondescensionhecredited theemigrantswith us Eric Hobsbawm employed similarphraseologywhenhe egreat phaseofEuropean migrationcametoanend 8

5 In more robust termsAkenson eywere sundered from eywere thevictimsof 7

euprooting of 6 It hadbeen e migrants 227 3

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document systems, counteractingthehigh urbandeathratesofthetime. age, afterthe1620s,wasalmost entirely due toimmigrationdown theriver called ‘the North Sea System’. Th recurring movements ofHolland of peopleintotheestuarialquarters inwhatis North America inthe1760sand1770s.AndDutch historianshave shown the emigrants, especiallyindentured migrantsfrom theGerman states,headingto the nineteenthcentury. Th some long-distancemigrationswhichpredated thebetterknown movements of tion ofemigration wasslow, even sluggish,andemigration from Europe inthe tive ofEuropean emigration Virtually allhistoriansaccepttheexistence ofadiscontinuityinthelongnarra- anything likedomineering,oroppression’. turned outoftheirfarms…are amanlyrace;…Inever yet have heard of next generationwithoutfragmentingfamilies:‘Th elsewhere’, sheremarked. Th epeople were secure andlandpassed down tothe intosmallfarmsproduces adegreeerty ofequalitywhichIhave seldomseen life:‘Thattributed thesteadyequilibriumofrural edistributionoflanded prop- Norway. She wasimpressed by thewayinwhichlandwasheld,toshe Norway andDenmark remarkable in1795sheobserved stability, notablyin much ofEurope. When theEnglish writerMary Wollstonecraft visitedSweden, point ofrebellion orrevolution’. Most ofall,emigrationwas‘the safetyvalve whichkeptsocialpressure below the became amobileinternationalworkforce, an‘impermanentfl rapidly industrialisingcountries…were alsothegreat ofmen’. exporters Th men’. Th elandlessandtheland-poor were thepioneers. Butultimately ‘themost change withinEurope hadbecome‘a giganticmachineforuprooting country- 228 Th of numbers,onapopulationbalancewhichsoonproved tobeimpermanent. nineteenth century. Th whichshotuptheleaguetableofemigrationbyNorway thelate –acountry Norwegian of lifeinthe1790sgave nopremonition rural ofthelaterhistory system. Emigration wasadiff erent mattersinceittookpopulationrightoutofthe compass, withlittlelong-distancemigrationexcept inunusualcircumstances. of populationinmostlocalities:mobilitywasconfi nedwithina relatively narrow as inEngland, itwasgenerallylimitedinitsscope,withlittleeff ectonthebalance was there inpre-industrial Europe? Internal migrationhadbeenwidespread but, extension ofemigrationby themid-nineteenthcentury. But how muchmobility Rural lifeinEurope mayhave beengenerallystablebutthere were already Tenurial traditionsprobably constrainedthemovement ofpopulationsin 11

eoldwayoflifewasprobably contingentonastability Stability inpre-industrial Europe eriver systemsofwestern Europe witnessedfl 10 –displayed mostclearlyintheaccelerationand egrowth oftheDutch populationinthegreat 9

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 12 Th is extreme predictability of efarmersnotfearingtobe oating population’. 14 Yet themobilisa- ows of ows ey 13

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the late nineteenth century eventually returned home. the latenineteenthcentury the return ofemigrantswaslarge:possiblyhalfthosewhowent overseas in Britain) were largenumbersofimmigrants.Moreover simultaneouslyimporting within Europe European; went toAmericainthemid-nineteenthcentury. Most migrationwasintra- thanemigrationeven aftertheadventimportant ofthefl for emigration. raising emigrants.So alsowasthereliance onconvictandindentured candidates Th Crown. AsC.R.Boxer reported, itwasatimewhen implemented aschemeforsendingentire familiestoBrazil attheexpenseof ofemigrantsforitscolonies.Fromespecially short 1748to1753Portugal idea ofcolonisationandemigration.AcaseinpointwasPortugal, whichwas appeared totestifyasupply-sidedefi ciency, andageneral resistance tothe ofpotentialemigrants.Thby thedearth e recoursetoindenturingandslavery wasrelatively slight.Empire-buildingeighteenth century wasgenerallylimited Th contrast to that of north andwestern Europe.contrast tothatofnorth high ratesofpermanentreverse migrationtosouthernEurope, insubstantial emigration aresult ofoppression somuchas adesire toescape restrictions: men attheirhead’. It wasnot asimplefl forwhatevervillage communitiesselltheir property theycanget,withtheclergy- in thesubsistingstateofcountry’. He continued:‘inBavaria especiallywhole the timeclaimedthat‘the pre-disposing causesare notoccasionalbutpermanent, had risento60,000p.a., risingto80,000p.a. in1846.ABritish commentatorat inemigrationonalargescale.By participating 1840German emigration country was noticedinBritain in1846whenGermany wasdescribedastheonlyother by geographyofemigration,fi anew tion wasmainlyaBritish Isles phenomenon,but itwasslowly being paralleled emigrants from Europe over thecourseofacentury. Before 1840massemigra- Th eEuropean extension iswasarare strategyofcolonisationandwassymptomatictheproblem of ere wasasequentialextensionofthecentre ofgravityinthesources of parts in the late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century . inthelateeighteenth-and nineteenth-century parts Florianopolis) region ofwhitebloodascompared ahighproportion withother but suffi cientnumbersofbothsexes arrived togive the SantaCatalina(modern Grande doSul. Th e projected totalof4,000emigrantfamilieswasnotattained, groups ofpeasantfamilieswere sentfrom theAzores toSanta CatalinaandRio As intheBritish case,internalmigrationinEurope continuedtobemore 16 thuseven atthepeaktimeofemigration,mostItalians migrated 17 (e.g.Germany and andsomeofthemajorpeopleexporters Take-off rstmanifestedby theGerman states,which from Europe ight from poverty, norwasBavarian 19

18 Shipping dataconfi 15

oods ofpeoplewho 229 rm Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document was temporary andseasonal,withhighreturn rates. was temporary emigrants headedfortheeasternUnited States, thoughmuchofthemovement mass labourmigrationreached intothesouthandeastofEurope, whence it derived from acontextofpoverty After1880thegatheringof inmany parts. wasostensiblyfree andvoluntary,of workers ofthelaternineteenthcentury but and Bremen’. and, after1885,by theagentsofsteamship companiesinHamburg, Antwerp pioneer migrantswere solicitedby therecruitment agentsofAmerican employers rapidly andincludedmanyBohemians, Hungarians, Slovaks andCroats: ‘Th out-migration declinedsteeplyafter1886,whilethatof - rose to 2millionperannumtheUnited States intheyears 1900–10.German andethnicRussians, whichincreased ingreat leapsby 1913,rising mainly after1870–seenspectacularlyintheoutfl ows of , , , and graphsoftheemergingexoduses. farmers of100acres ormore in theAmerican West’. ing andcircumscribed peasantlifeinGermany andtobecomeindependent declares that‘Th e from unpromis-great majority…sought,inessence,todepart in AmericaandSiberia created incentives for permanentmigration.Nugent in the1880s.Settler migrationwasanothermodelforEurope: cheapfarmland was laterreplicated by themigrantsissuingoutofsouthernandeasternEurope employment. Th e Irish, even before the1840s,hadestablishedthismodelwhich from hillyormountainousdistrictstomore zones notablyforharvest fertile themovementsstart were dominatedby regional andseasonalmigration,often daily labour. Hoerder hypothesisesseveral stagesofEuropean migration:atthe overtaken by labourmigration,by poorer peoplewhodepended entirely ontheir fl was directed almostentirely totheUnited States. restricted totakewithhimequal£24inEnglish money’. German emigration cannot, infact,butitisthosewhohave somelittletospare. Every emigrantis by anidealofUtopia inAmerica.‘It poorwhoemigrate;they isnotthevery the emigrantssought‘absolute, politicalandreligious freedom’. Th ey were moved 230 Th belonged toquitediff erent systemsaccording to Hoerder. upper Rhinevalley andBritain. years. Even inthe1860smigrationfrom Europe wasstilllargelyconfi the British Isles andGermany. Th isfellto50percentinthefollowing twenty-fi emigrated toNew Worlds atfi sources –indeedbetween 1841and1880,ofthe13millionEuropeans who that inthefi ows became self-perpetuating:thefi rstmigrantsbecamethemobilisers ofthe Th Th By theoldermodelofsettlermigrationhad been thelatenineteenthcentury Th eextensionofmassemigrationtoeasternandsouthernEurope occurred ediscontinuityinEuropean migrationisbestdepictedinaseriesofmaps e creation of better transport facilities was crucial. Subsequently ecreation facilitieswascrucial. ofbettertransport theout- rst phaseofcontinentalmigration,Germany dominatedthenew 25

rst (1845–50),about80percentderived from 22

21 e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Th estatisticsofemigrationalsoshow 20

23 24 Settlers andworkers Th emassemigration nedtothe ve ve e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document UK wageswere only60percentofthose obtainableintheNew World; the emigration and also maintained high proportions offemales. emigration andalsomaintainedhighproportions Jewish large,wasthemostthoroughly permanent component,whichwasvery extended totheU.S.A.chronically inneedofworkers’. Evidently ‘the traditionalpractice ofseasonallabourseekingtomigratecouldbe strong familytiesathome,andaslower rateofsocialandpoliticalassimilation’. imbalanced astheseindicateareluctance toformfamiliesinthehostsociety, waves ofEuropean emigration,maledepartures dominated:‘Sex ratios as planted sailbymeansofexitformillions.In 1871andopenedupnew thelater which wasespeciallydamagingtomanyJewish communities.Steamships sup- handicraftsectors– rise ofurbanindustrialsectorsdemolishedtheoldrural eventually tothecreation proletarians; meanwhilethe ofalargemassrural ated cumulative long-termeff In produced muchdeeperchangeswhichgener- theeastabolition ofserfdom during thisperiod,leadingtoanincrease inthesupplyofyoung mobileadults. of migrationthanever before. Fertility rateswere ontherisethroughout Europe Europein rural where economictransformationwasinducingmuchhigherrates marriageable agewithdiminishedprospects athome. ofyoung peoplereachingmarriage patternsandlargerthannormalcohorts outofarisingpopulationtrendproportions) by 1870,whichwasrelated to Iceland showed asuddenincrease ofemigration(equaltoSwedish andBritish propellers ofpopulationgrowth andagrariandislocation.Th usthecaseof per cent,Slovaks 56.1percent,andCroats andSlovenes 59.8percent. returning attherateof7.8percent;Germans 15.5percent,Hungarians 48.7 Italians andGreeks, butlow fortheIrish andtheJews. In 1907–8Czechs were labourers ratherthanaspermanentsettlers. people from easternEurope migrant were asseasonalortemporary departing local people‘go wildwithenvyanddesire’. many At theturnofcentury wealth andtheirabilitytoinvest athome–theirreturn appearancemadethe culation wasobvious’. Moreover returning emigrantsdemonstratedtheirnew America thanintheirhomelands,even asunskilledlabour:‘the economiccal- Thnext cohorts. new immigrantscouldearnseven etotentimesasmuchin Th of thecontinent.News ofwage-ratediff authenticated by betterinformationchannels stretching corners tothefurthest prodigious, withIceland asurprisinglygoodexemplar. accumulated over theprevious decadesandmovements outwards hadbecome were ofthesurpluspopulationthathad abletoabsorbonlyasmallproportion of theEuropean populationhadmoved Some beyond theirbirthplaces. regions eEuropean extension Th Most ofall,intheactivation ofemigration,wastheoperationtwin Return rateswere surprisinglyvariable: theywere notablyhighamongthe Wage rateswere notonlymuchhigherinAmerica butalsonowwell very elure ofAmericawasirresistible magnifi butwascrucially ed by changes economy.ects ontherural Th esechangesled erences wasdiffi cult to resist. In1870 29 By 1900almostathird 28

27

26 Th 231 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document rates. was eventually re-stabilised –aswagesconverged toproduce lower emigration a result of‘the friendsandrelatives eff ect’. thebalance In thetwentieth century the north by 1914. the north 1880s. Italy becameaprimesource andwithinItaly thesoutheventually overtook Europeans after1885.Slavic, Jewish andItalian migrationhademergedby the to 1914. of thecentury. Russian rapidlyinthedecades1860 emigrationincreased very – thusAustria-Hungary wassendingmore thanamillionperannumattheturn decade later, thenupto2,000,000in1910.Th esource countries were spreading annual numbersrose from 280,000p.a. in thelate1870s,to780,000p.a. a 1875 to1914,34millionemigrated,25ofthempermanently. Th and spread oftheEuropean geographicallyintotheheartlands continent.From became inevitable’. steam technologieshadlowered thecostoftravel suffi ‘Th equivalent wageswere 4percentfortheIrish and26percentforthe Norwegians: 232 Th in France –thus theFrench emigrated ataratethirty-three times lessthanthe highforNorwaylow emigrationpercapitawasvery butvery nineteenth century sequential, evolution across thecontinent,with vital commonroots. Th ofcircumstances andresponsestiming, andthespectrum waswideanddiverse. Diaspora, stretches credibility. It way, lackeduniformityinevery including and St Petersburg. the great in1861,fi estates aftertheabolitionofserfdom rsttowards Moscow wasslow todevelop internalmigration,but surpluslabourbegantoleave tended towards Vienna andlower Austria before theyveered totheAtlantic. andmining.Austriangravitated mainlyintoindustry and Russian migrants Hungarian emigrantstotheUnited States were agrarians, thoughonarrival they folk:inthevast flrural ows ofthe years from 1899to1913,68percentofthe greatly over theprevious three decades.Most oftheseEuropean emigrantswere considerablyaboveand very theEuropean average, whichitselfhadclimbed ateightperthousand,fltwentieth century owing tothree distinctdestinations, liberal context. eastwards across thecontinent. economies begantoexperiencerisinglivingstandards andthenetwidened workers couldraisethepassagecosts.Somewhat laterthepoorer European costs boostedemigrationratesfi rstinthemore advanced richereconomieswhere is,however, doesnoteliminatethepossibilitythatitwasaprogressive, even egainsfrom emigrationwere thuspotentiallyenormous.Andoncethenew Hence, by 1875,therangeofemigrantshadalready extendedspectacularly Baines hasdemonstratedthemanifoldunevenness inthe record. In thelate To callthiskaleidoscopeofmobility a singleEuropean movement, aunifi Th us populationgrowth, economicrestructuring, anddecliningtransport 32

33 Even more strikingwastheemergence ofsouthernandeastern 30 34 Th Similarly Polish highby theearly emigrationwasvery is was the new oceaniclabourmarketis wasthenew inauniquely 31 Th isemigrationwasinitially self-reinforcing, as e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ciently, mass emigration ciently,mass ed e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document from underlyingchanges whichaff ectedthecontinentin repeated andsequential Th European zones which apparently missed almostentirely thefolkstage. migrations dominatedby singlemen,especiallyinsouthern-andeastern- in 1910–14. basic factthatRussian Jews ofallAmericanimmigrants accountedforaquarter explanationisundoubtedly requiredless prone toemigrate.Aparticular forthe levels ofpoverty. Th usthe Sardinians were justas poorasthe butmuch Abruzzis, Sardinia’. Th ese variationsappearnottohave beenconsistentlycorrelated with from southernItaly, whohad‘ten timestheratesforEmilio-Romagna and from Russia; Transylvanians from ; andtheSicilians andCalabrians guished by highpropensities toemigrate:notablyJews, Poles andLithuanians rather thannational.Some minoritieswere clearly over-represented anddistin- boundaries were notcriticalmarkers andthatmostemigrationwasprovincial emigration washighlyregionalised anduneven. Baines emphasiseshow national England and Wales, 14percentcamefrom thewest ofEngland. Th came from West Prussia andPomerania; andofthosewhoemigratedfrom half oftheemigrantscamefrom Galicia andBukovina; inGermany aquarter Vaasa inFinland yielded athird ofallFinnish emigration;from Austria-Hungary Ireland. In somecountriesthere were outstandingemigrationregions –thus – aswe have already of seeninthecaseofCornwallEngland, andinparts over time.Moreover there were pronounced discrepancies very withincountries grant receiving country. (1871–1900) were unskilledlabourers. By 1930Sweden hadbecomean immi- cent ofDanish emigrants(1868–1900)and55percentofSwedish emigrants towards individualmale-dominatedlabour migration.Hvidtfoundthat69per there wasabroad changefromnineteenth century folkfamily-settler migration the decisionsofprospective migrants. for emigrants–thesewere thesocialnetworks thatwere anessential elementin of kin.Family systemsminimisedriskandalsoprovided support onward funding wards. Th e roleoffamilieswascentralinsuchemigration,allwithinthenetwork fl generating further were inauguratedinsomeplacesandnotothers,afl ow onceestablished that thesevariations related tolocalcontinuitiesandchainmigrationswhich unpredictably fromwith emigrationratesvarying villagetovillage.It islikely emigration zones standoutandlocalconditionsseemoftentohave beencritical, susceptible. Particular inthenarrative. villagesanddistrictsprotrude Localised Norwegians. Th eEuropean extension ewiderdeterminantsofthesegreat European outfl ows were eventually derived localitieswereCertain andmystifyingly emigration- thusdisproportionately 36 35

Lessspectacularvariations occurred across thecontinent,especially ows by theinfl uenceofinformationand revenues home- change Demography andrural 38 Some locationsseemtohave leap-frogged directly into 37 Nevertheless, duringthecourseof us European 233 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Ireland. populations, compared with66percentfrom Norway and100percentfrom and Germany were sendingoutonly10percentofthenaturalincrease oftheir slower andFrance muchslower still.By thelatenineteenthcentury, England some doubledtheirnumbers(Benelux, Germany, Austria-Hungary); Italy was their populationbetween 1800and1910(e.g.Finland, Denmark andEngland); navia toland-richplacesinpromised America: and theFinns inthe1860s.It wasmigrationfrom land-poorregions inScandi- fi were emigration. which gave astrong attachmenttothelandandcoincidedwithlow ratesof population remained ontheland,invillagelife,asystemofagriculturaltenure growth low oftheFrench andalsovery rates ofemigration:alargeproportion At theotherextremespectrum. wasFrance, whichexperiencedlow population were themostlikelytoproduce emigrants.Ireland waslocatedatoneendofthis to have beenmore broadly based–thecountrieswithfastestpopulationgrowth those regions withtheconceptof‘crisis emigration’. But thecorrelation seems crisis ofthe1840sinsouthernGermany andIreland whichwasassociatedin mass emigrationwasalsofi rsttoemerge. It wasmostintenselywitnessedinthe Unprecedented populationgrowth wasfi rstmanifestedin western Europe, where the world. destinations duringtheinterim.It becamethemostdenselypopulatedregion of 1900 –despite,ofcourse,theheavyleakagenetemigrationtonon-European its share oftheworld ’ s populationfrom 21percentin1800to25 laterthanintheBritish Isles.after 1850,thatis,ahalfcentury Europe increased and 401millionby 1900.Th to about185million.Th the totalEuropean populationwasabout 150million;by 1800ithadincreased wasoneofsurginggrowthdemographic story by thenineteenthcentury. In 1750 lock-step) withpopulationgrowth andagrarianchange.Th phases. Most ofall,thepatternmigration coincided(andseemedtomove 234 Th by 0.7percentp.a. in theyears 1775–95.Th ereafter, it ‘exploded’, reaching1.4 Th eNorwegian Th caseisespeciallyinstructive. e population grew Norwegian dwarfed theinternalmigrationthathadgonebefore.dwarfed the century, thisform ofemigrationfrom manyregions ofScandinaviahad more alluringthanmoving to the cityorremaining athome.By themiddleof It altered thecalculusofmigration.Th esefabulous prospects madeemigrationfar Th Th Transatlantic Norwegians Scandinavianemigrationemergedby mid-century: epopulationrevolution wasdecidedlyuneven. Th ussomecountries trebled e chronology ofEuropean populationgrowth wasthushighlyvariable. rst inthe1820s,thenSwedes inthe1850s,followed by the 39

ereafter itrose muchfaster–to266millionby 1850 eswiftestrateofaggregate populationgrowth was e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 40

ebroad European Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document terms. percapita 1901–10 Norway, ScotlandandItaly remained atthetopofleague tablein sequence ofmigrationmoved across Europe eastwards andsouthwards, yet in European countries,especiallyafter1880,andemigrationspread withit.Th aspect ofEuropean populationgrowth andEuropean industrialization’. broad sensetobetreatedmigration isinavery asamajor, butsubordinate, the supplyofpotentialemigrants.AsTh istlethwaitedeclared, e great overseas ‘Th changesintheframeworkofexistenceandtheyclearlyaff massive structural areas, especially in western Europe becamerelatively over populated’. Th before theonset ofdemographicgrowth. Meantime, andearlier, ‘many rural for emigration.For instance,muchofeasternEurope hadbeensparselypopulated bigger thanithadbeenin1800. in 1850,despiteearlyemigration,thepopulationofNorway was50percent century.the nextquarter Th iswasoneofthefastest growth ratesin Europe and per centp.a. highrateinto between 1815and1835continuingatavery Th when urban migration emerged in larger proportions. when urbanmigrationemergedinlargerproportions. conserve’ wayoflifewhichlastedtotheendnineteenthcentury arural ‘a Godsend toScandinavianpeasants’. In essenceitwas‘a radicalattemptto ‘It toown isnotsurprisingthatopportunities Americanlandbeckoned’. It was ‘where lostsocialworlds mightberegained’. Th migration: rural-to-rural iswas psychology waspropelled by theideaoflandedfutures intheUnited States did out-migrationratesexplode’. According toonecommentator, thecollective possibility ofemigrationdiff long-standing traditionsofinternalmigration,onlywhenknowledge ofthe areasrural whichwere aboutAmerica:‘despite beginningtoheedthenews up thesurplus. ingly commonamongthefreeholding peasantsandthere wasnobigcitytomop structures oflocalsocietyhadbeenirrefutably altered’; landlessnesswasincreas- as landlessfarmers’. Th average ageatmarriage:‘Population surgedasaresult, leavingmore andmore consequences of thisgreat theirmaincourse. change tookseveral decadestorun inRussia was theabolitionofserfdom frommost crucial the1860sbut thoughonradicallydiff everywhere, introduced virtually worldwas beingre-structured.rural Changesintenurialarrangementswere and industrialchange,which carriedtheultimatecausesofmassmigration.Th Population growth wasevidentlyoccurring inatransformingcontextofagrarian eEuropean extension Later inthenineteenthcentury, populationgrowth wasstronger ineastern Th Emigration wasthemainNorwegian response, overwhelmingly from remote eimpactofpopulationgrowth way, wascomplicatedinevery andsoitwas 43

e framework of rural societywasthusundermined:‘Th eframeworkofrural ayn Erpa timetables European Varying used intoremote Norwegian peasantcommunities 41 Th ere seemstohave beenacriticalfallinthe 42

erent timetables.Th ere were 44

ected 235 e e e e 45

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document of industrialprogress’. In France there had beenlittleofthispressure to induce isoneofthemostcompellingcauses ing populationontheresources ofacountry boon: E.D.Howard, writingin1907,remarked that‘Th e pressure ofanincreas- specialisation’. becausetheeconomicdevelopment ofEuropecentury impliedanincrease in ‘Part oftheEuropean populationbecameperipheralinthelatenineteenth ing from the industrialisationofmanufacturing.It hasbeensuggestedthat were exacerbatedwhenlocalindustriesalsocaved underthecompetitionderiv- people already proletariat. Th existingasarural easternEuropesuggests thatinthelatenineteenthcentury witnessed 5million radical re-organisation andthelarge-scaledispossessionofpeasants.One estimate eastwards. For instance, itaff ectedthe Polish provinces and with Hungary larger unitsofproduction. Th self-suffi land altogether. Commercialising agriculture involved takinglandfrom small uses, whichmostoftenpressed smallholderstotheedgeofestates,oroff seen atwork: itentailedwidespread commercialisation ofthelandandits little forthemarket. In manyregions of Europe thesameprocess canbe as incompatiblewithpeasantproduction, especiallywhere subdivisionyielded demands forfoodthemarket, atendencywhichwasgenerally regarded resources.of peopleonrural division oflandswasthemosttellingearlysymptommountingpressure Highlands, Portugal, northern southernGermany andmuchofItaly. Th seems tohave happenedmostclearlyinPolish Galicia, Ireland, theScottish and alarmingsubdivisionofthelandstoaccommodaterisingnumbers.Th the fi rststages. Often populationgrowth moved intandemwiththecumulative poverty andunemployment arisingfrom thesechanges’. absorbed. European was ‘facedVirtually every country withseriousproblems of for labourwasnotdiminished,theriseinsupplyof labourcouldnotbe organisation offarmingoccurred throughout Europe; even where thedemand nomic historiansMilward andSaul, whopointedoutthat changesinthe workers onlargeestatesresulted inhighout-migration’. industrialisation camelate’. In Germany ‘extremely low wagespaidtoagricultural ‘Migration beganlaterbecauseinmostareas and theabolitionofserfdom 236 Th centuries earlier. introduced ofEurope, inthewesterly parts mostnotablyintheBritish Isles, two preceded externalmovements. Such changeshadlongbeen fundamentalrural Th Th Rising populationandconcomitanturbanisationcreated muchgreater Th esurplusoflabour created inthese wayswasregarded by someasagreat ereaction todemographicand economic forces wasvariable, especiallyin edangerous eff ectsofpopulationgrowth were encapsulated by theeco- cient producers andtheconcentrationoftheirholdingsintomuch 48

47

is commonprocess acceleratedasitextended e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational eir tightenedcircumstances 49 46

Regional migration e sub- the is Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document of thebasicforces inEuropean history’. States wasthemainforce governing migrationseemtohave littleunderstanding that‘Th migrations, andtheyassert holdings. Th the risingpressure ofpopulation onthelandandconsequentsubdivisionof Johnson inthe West Highlandsearlier. acentury But behindthefrenzies was amounted ‘almost toafever, anirrationalfrenzy’, derived primarilyfrom internalEuropean conditions. clamouring foremployment’. ‘Here we have oneoftherequirements ofcapitalisticproduction, aproletariat industrial employment anditseff Th coinciding with the very highratesof emigration. coinciding withthevery was evidentlyconnectedtotheemigrationoflandless andtheland-poor, with acceleratedlandtransformation.Th were includingmuchofHungary exporters, andRussia, whichnow responded imposed tariff Th badly inthe1880sand1890s,coincidingwithmajorexoduses places. from rural societies.Italythe generalderangementofoldrural wasaff severe fromeconomiesoverseas thenew competition.Cheapimports addedto began tofl oodinto European markets, depressing pricesandintensifyingalready offoodstuffhigh volumes ofcheapimports sandrawmaterials(e.g.copperore) previous emigrationbecamemanifestinthelastdecadesofcentury, when environment wasmademuchmore hazardous whentheironic consequencesof the continentwhopossessedscantlegalholdontheirlands.Th against thewelfare ofthesmallproducers, especiallyamongthepeasantriesacross became proletarianised. Such peoplefacedfallinglivingstandards or, theother population population felldecadeby decadeafter 1845andmuchoftherural population increased continuously. In Ireland (theexceptional case) thenation ’ s undeniable. In England theagriculturalpopulationfell absolutely whiletotal the growth labour-usewas ofpopulationsandthesubsequentdeclinein rural Th streamsenhanced mobilityandfurther ofmigrationinternallyandexternally. the landwithincreased tenacityandferocity. Some ofitwasexpressed in resistance. Some oftheturmoiland tensioncausedsmallproducers toclingonto pressure methodsandpeasant ontheland–evictions,amalgamations,new industrial opportunities. industrial opportunities. migration wasrelated toincreasing labour, surplusesofrural butwithfewer eEuropean extension eimpactofforeign competitionwasnotuniform,becausesomecountries emovements were mesmericandare not easilytracedordisentangled–but solution,withinandbeyondEmigration Europe. wasapartial Sometimes it Th Th eintensityofthepressures forgreater productivity onthelandoperated ewidespread eff ect oftheseparalleldevelopments wasgrowing turmoiland is,saySaul andMilward, causeofEuropeans wasthemostimportant s: theseincludedGermany, Sweden andFrance. But otherplaces 51

50 Further east,especiallyinRussia, risinginternal ects were therefore negative. But inGermany: osewhoarguethatthepull from theUnited 53 eAgriculturalDepression ofthe1880s Andthustheoriginsofmassmigration 52 anechoofDr Samuel ected particularly e competitive 237 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document together withunfavourable inheritance policies. the landby theeff ectsofthedemographicexplosion and by poor soilconditions labourers’, intendingtoreturn totheir homeland. Th ey were beingdriven from ‘economic whowere mostlytemporary the peasantry sojournersandtransient a minorityandtheirnumberswere quicklyovertaken by emigrantsfrom among butthesepioneerswerereligious deserters refugees, politicalactivistsandmilitary earliest Ukrainian migrantstoCanadainthelate andBelarussian Tsarist erawere ofEuropedemonstrated. Other parts followed adiff erent path:forinstance,the at theendofcentury, asuddenmassphenomenon. large,which,accordingand very toDino Cinel,wasanauthenticdiscontinuity seen emigrationbefore. Th dominated by peasantsissuingoutofextremely poorplaceswhichhadnever dia . In thegreat years ofemigration,1890–1913,Italian emigrationbecame by thesmallandmediumfarmersratherthanpeasantsof large ofthetotalpopulationanyway.minor proportion In Italy theleadwastaken It poorwhoemigrated;andtheemigrantswere wasnotnecessarilythevery a Italy there were generalised symptomsofanunderlyingpressure ontheland. Emigration wasuneven buteven everywhere amongthemarked variations in cumulative –ofswelling numbersreaching themainemigrantports. was selective andgenerallymarginaltomostplaces,buttheaggregate eff revelation destinationsoverseas, ofnew costs.Emigration andfallingtransport option, migration.Emigration wasameansofescape–helpednodoubtby the 238 Th abolition of serfdom. Thabolition ofserfdom. proletarianisation ofthe peasantry,ere hadbeenapartial tion, capitalismandtheextension ofthemarket economy–andespeciallyby the byinto theRussian modernisa- homelands hadbeendisrupted world;theirrural general way, theUkrainian peasantswere and Belarussian notfullyintegrated and there wasahugeamountofseasonalmigration. separated Italy from France’. Italian migrationofthe1890salsoinvolved ‘jumpingthe invisiblefencethat tural landsituationinItaly. –italsoreflspoke involumes oflandhungerandconservatism ectedthestruc- in order toacquire landbackhomeonwhichtoretire. It wasastrategythat many ofthemdidso. It strategy:toaccumulatefundsinAmerica wasaparticular Up to90percentoftheemigrantsdeclared theyintendedtoreturn toItaly and ised by aspecialpsychology: thiswasemigrationpremised ontheideaofreturn. America. panied by excited afi talkoftheastonishingearningsavailable further Th Much oftheItalian wascharacter- emigrationofthelate nineteenthcentury ecommitmenttoreturn wasnotuniversal, asthecaseofémigré Irish e outfl 57

55 Almostalloftheemigrantswere folk, rural hr contrasts Sharp ow from southernItaly toAmericawassudden e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 58 More fundamentally, ina 56 It wasnaturallyaccom- 54 Nevertheless the ect was ed in eld, latifun- Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document precarious existenceandperhapstoincrease rural meagre landholdings’. a topreserve their familiestowork abroad toaccumulatethefundsnecessary Hoerder haspointedoutthat‘Peasants from Norway toItaly sentmembersof mobility were associatedwithhighlevels ofremittances. More generallyDirk temporary, typicallyover thespanofthree years. BothformsofUkrainian movement ranparallelwithmigrationtotheUnited States, muchofit also numbers intothetowns andminesofGermany, withheavyreturn rates.Th were onthemove; butitalsofl muchofitwasrural-oriented owed inlarge level ofmobilitywasextraordinary. Asmanyas20percentp.a. ofthepopulation migration from Ukraine toGermany, whichcanbetracedtothe1880s. In thedecadesbefore theFirst Word War, forinstance,there washeavyseasonal and even inthemostemigration-minded country, Ireland, there wasalways a landlords inthelatenineteenthcentury. Most people, ofcourse,didnotemigrate ofEuropeparts amongcommentatorsand wasacommonsource offrustration a suddenhaltin1914. the landinabsenceofmainlymaleemigrants.Th Women were involved butthere wasalsoanecessitytostayhomelookafter labour inorder toretain orregain landathome,asbest exemplifi a commonthread wasthepowerful impulsetoraisemoneyby seasonalexternal employment’. countries had(relatively) surpluspopulations,withchronic orpermanent under mobilisation oflabourtowards America.Hoerder arguesthat‘Labour-exporting which ledtomore seasonalmigrationortoasecondmigration,andthen but inmanyplacesthelocaltowns failedtoabsorbtheinfl uxoflabourers, , despiteconsiderable controversy withinCanada. agricultural population,mainlyUkrainians followed by Austro-Hungarians and numbers ofthesecentralEuropean peasantries.Th westwards between 1900and1914,especiallyintoSaskatchewan, attractedlarge behind. the emigrantsreceived lettersthreatening divorce from womenthey hadleft of theCanadianmigrationwasessentiallysojournerincharacter–andsome married.Much mainlynewly malepeasantsintheirtwentiesordinary orthirties, westward-oriented andlookedtoNorth America.Andtheywere primarily andeastwithinRussiacolonisation headingnorth –butmostlytheywere the populationfactor. joinedtheburgeoning Some ofthedisengagedpeasantry scarcity ofarableresources, andthelackofurbanopportunities. the which wasalsoassociatedwiththedemographicupsurgeincountryside, Th eEuropean extension Consequently much ofthemobilityineasternEurope wasnotpermanent. Despite thisevidentmobility, inmany ofthedisplacedpeasantry theinertia Th Canada continuedtofavour British immigrantsbutthegreat surgeofsettlers wasthespectacleoflandpressure centreAt oftheeasternstory thevery and ere hadbeenincreased movement tourbanareas inEurope by 1850 62

ey were essentiallyanew emovement cameto 59

ed inGalicia. 61 Indeed 60 Th 239 is e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document international labour force the ‘light cavalry ofcapitalism’.international labourforce the‘lightcavalry and Australasia. Th and, increasingly, intothemushroom-like citiesspringingupintheAmericas labour needs–pouringintothegreat commercial agricultures export-oriented adjustments. Andthesepredominantly peoplesuppliedtheNew rural World ’ s than thosewhodidnotemigrate. ofEuropeancrust peasantsociety, whichgenerallyhadmuchlower standards in thelastdecadesofcentury. In reality manyofthemwere from theupper continental immigrantsandthereceiving populationinAmericahadwidened bedraggled onarrival atEllis Island, becausetheincomegapbetween the inpart the betteroff ,themiddlinggroups whocouldaff ord thepassages. Th Gerber points out,emigrants,even from thepeasanthomelands,were typically captured inEmma Lazarus’ indelibleimage–wasprobably misleading.AsDavid extraordinary: Europeextraordinary: ’ s industrialcitiesattracted foreigners in vast numbers, for Thcritical factor in thelongrun. escale of intra-European migrationwas Th tion from thecountryside. migrantdestina- countries possessedatleastone bigcitywhichwastheprimary to Europe and ultimatelyfedintoitsrisingurbanconcentrations.Most European responseimportant tothepressures justdescribed.Most migrationwasinternal ,despitethehugenumbersinvolved, wasnotthemost they were leftwithmore landandotherresources’. general betteroff owners attheexpense oftheworkers. Moreover ‘Th osewhomigrated were in structural’ change,reduced theoversupply oflabourand alsobenefi well-being’. AsAkensonexplains,migrationhelpedtopromote ‘fundamental tomaintain‘evenout-migration wasnecessary aconstantlevel ofeconomic populations continuedtogrow andpressure onthelandmounted;consequently and where theagriculturalsectorconfronted decliningreturns tolabour. Yet problem, notablyinthosezones where industrialisationhadlittleimpact forces ofthetime. Europe suggestthatthepeasanttenacity forlandwasintegraltothemotivating modicum ofresistance. Return ratesfrom emigrationinlatenineteenth-century 240 Th industrial tothecapitalistsystems. world economy’. It oftheaccelerationchangesfrom thepre- waspart nies’] economieswere andintegratedexternallywiththe internallydisarticulated and European imperialismwere responsible foraprocess ‘whereby their[colo- modern commentatorsproclaim theproposition thatinternationalmigration Th Th Across muchofEurope there wasafundamental inthelatenineteenthcentury iswastherationalcaseforemigration:rationalityinformofresponsive e actualappearanceofEurope ’ s emigrantsonAmerica ’ s doorstep–as , andthosewhodidnotwere alsobetteroff inthat,percapita, eglobalimplicationswere evident:Marx calledthemobile Absorbent citiesofEurope eabsorbentcapacityofcities and towns wasthe 66 65

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 63

64 In asimilarvein, ey looked tted land tted Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document it waseasiertogethome. and Bukovina. Return migrationwasgreater inEurope thanin Americabecause been bornthere –theycamefrom Bohemia,Silesia, Hungary, Bosnia,Galicia internal migrants;in190046.4percentofthepopulation Vienna hadnot to thoseofAmerica:thusin1907,47percenttheGerman population were and ports. and ports. impulse,through thetownswho thensubsequentlyemigrated,inasecondary zones wasoftencomplicatedby theinclusion ofmanypeopleborninrural story Finland andDenmark, aswell asinBritain ofGermany andItaly. and parts Th nineteenth century. Urban from Norway, emigrationwashigherthanrural moved upwards even asurbanisationandindustrialisationintensifi edinthelate dislocated large numbersofethnicpopulations ineasternEurope, even before the rapiddemission ofempire inEurope, mostofalltheOttoman Empire, entries toacountry. alisation andurbanisationwhich hadvariable eff Emigration evidentlypassedthoughstages andrefl ectedthepassageofindustri- emigrants camefrom Londonaloneand ofthese,75percentwere London-born. 22percentofallthe was urban-dominated;inthelatenineteenthcentury increasingly dominated by urbanpeople.AllofEnglish emigrationafter1861 than halfthepopulationwere already urban by 1850andemigrationwas required work. todomuchoftherural there was‘an absolutescarcity ofagriculturalworkers’: andGerman womenwere of foreign workers. Poles were migratingtotheRuhr by the1890satwhichtime country. Many operationsintheRuhr were heavilydependentonlargenumbers industrialisation wasonthemarch andGermany becameanetimmigrant tion. Meanwhile inGermany emigrationdeclinedafterthe1880satatimewhen of thegreatest emigrantcountries,Italy andIreland, experiencedlittleurbanisa- Klaus Bade ’ image,Europes colourful Hesse towards Paris, repeated across’ industrialisingEurope: inastory itwas,in s own ‘Wild West’. example Poles totheRuhr inmanythousands,whileGermans streamed outof Th but mostmigrantswent intothecities. tant thanemigration. living standards. Even in Scandinaviatheinternalmovements were more impor- urban labourforces whicheventuallysources yieldednew ofwealth andrising surplusesandcreated15.2 percent.Citiessoakeduptherural thegreat new building, andthustheSwiss foreign-born populationrose from 4.5percentto labourbecameindispensableforrailandtunnel 1860 and1910;thisimported borders toPoles in1870.Meanwhile Italians fl eEuropean extension Th But theequationwasnotabsolutelyapplicable:inBritain netemigration Th Urbanisation appeared asasubstituteforemigration.It issignifi cantthattwo Internal migrationwastherefore amassive process withcountlessvariations, eEnglish casewasmostaff earlyindustrialisation–more ected by its very ere were concurrent infl 69

uences whichalsoinducedmigration.For instance 68 70 Many European citieswere similar very

ooded intoSwitzerland between ects on departures from and 67 Prussia openedits 241 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document general fl made by theprevious century ’ s marcher lords’. Th emigrants were now ‘engaged intheprocess ofsubfeudating[sic]theconquests workers andmostlyfrom southernEurope. He seesthisasa‘fi mode–now mainlycomposedofurbanandindustrial became theprimary the old‘settler conquestversion’ wasovertaken by ‘labour-migration’ which to thepointof paralysis.For instance,Dudley Baines off regions orcountries,funnelledtothesehighly developed outports. froma few theirown localities.Th eemigrants were mainly en route from other –Rotterdam,emigration ports LaRochelle, Liverpool andHamburg –tookonly substantial commonoriginsand commondestinies.It issignifi cantthatthe great ‘blended’ AmericansorAustralians together and,despiteseparatisminmanyplacesandtimes, theyemergedas ended upinmeltingpots,whichtheEuropean ingredients generallymixed overlapped ofexitandplacesdestination.Th andconjoinedintheports from one another. But thesediasporaspossessedobvious parallelisms;they phenomena, withtheirown literatures, anddisconnected myths,particularities, Ukrainian, Italian andGreek diasporasare commonlyregarded asindependent owingpartly todefi nitionalproblems. For instance,the Spanish, Serbian, Whether there existedasingular‘European Diaspora’ isdiffi Britain inparticular. policies were adoptedtoassistandattractrenewed fl ows ofemigrants,from and Canada,thedemandforimmigrantswasresumed withsomeurgencyand imperatives hadeased. Yet insomeofthereceiving countries,notablyinAustralia population growth agriculturaloutputhadincreased; hadshrunk, theemigration tural production intheDepression. equilibriumhadbeenreached Anew – States restrictions of1924–27;by totalitarianrestrictions; andby excess agricul- Much ofthedeclinewasexplainedby: reduced overseas investment; by United of migration.European emigrationwasgreatly reduced intheyears 1925–39. inEuropeand maritalfertility were declining,presumably reducing theurgency rates emigration; thedemographicimpulsehadalsochanged–by 1914 birth the emigrants’ destinationshadnarrowed, thereby reducing theadvantage of and out-migrationinmanydirections. nationsintheregion.new Political changethusoperatedasaforce fordislocation peoples, especiallyamongtheBalkan , asaresult oftheformation the cataclysmofFirst World War. Th 242 Th After 1914adiff erent formofemigrationemerged:according toAkenson, Explanations ofthegreat European emigration attractscepticism,sometimes In decadesthevitalwagediff theintervening erentials between Europe and ux oflabour-migration’. eiul questions Residual 72

Th et al. 71 e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational

ere wasawidespread ‘unmixing’ of ese melting‘diasporas’ exhibited ey became part of‘Europe eybecamepart ’ s ers an astringentand cult to determine, to cult lling in’ –the ey Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document Europe, – thisissuggestedasthepeaks andtroughs inemigrationcoincidedacross of conditionsatthedestination seemtopredominate inthelinesofcausation us abouttheirmotivations onlyby inference’. ‘information aboutthesocialandeconomiccharacteristics ofemigrantscantell what wasintheirminds’. Motivations are notoriouslydiffi culttodetermineand tions were threatened by technologicalchange?Of course,we cannever know through the mindsofpotentialemigrants’. Did they‘feel …thattheiroccupa- necessarily benefi labourmigrantswhowere notauthenticsettlersandwhoweretemporary not –oftencomposedof ist core exploiting theunskilledlabourofperiphery ‘Core/Periphery’ forces: thatis,thecapital- distinct version wastheoperationof tions atthedestinations were thedecisive factor– andthatknowledge ofthose economic diff fl European experience. markedlyno credible diff explanationsofthevery little concernedwiththeoriginalimpulses.Baines indeedclaimsthatthere are overseasopportunities andtheimpactresponses atthedestinations:theyare general desire forbetterment.Most studiesoftheEuropean diasporasare about instance thatemigrationwasprompted by internationaldevelopment andthe about emigration.His verdict allows fornopatternsexcept themostbanal,for onthehazards surroundingsharply analyticalcommentary causal propositions Th explain whysomeemigratedandmostdidnot.Th thousand ofanyhomepopulationemigratedineachyear. We are not ableto in thelongnineteenthcentury, itisgenerallythecasethatlessthantwoper the component parts oftheintegratinginternationalsystem. the componentparts interacting movements emergedtheconvergence ofincomesandreturns between and more effi cient redistributionof European populations. From theseeffi sensibly withotherfactorsofproduction between countries,leadingtoarational a growing interdependence withintheinternationaleconomy, andlabourmoving to becomeanindependentforce’. outtobefreed andcrying Andromeda, chainedtotherock ofnationalhistory few.very Th ofemigration was istlethwaitelongagodeclared thatthehistory ‘an highinNorway,very low very inFrance; someregions produced many, some emigration across thecontinentwere extraordinarily discrepant –forinstance benefi persisted throughout, andconsequentlymanymore Europeans couldhave wage levels between homeandoverseas –the uctuations coincidedroughly across allEuropean countries–despitegreat eEuropean extension Of thegrandeconomicexplanations,twodominateaccount:fi As formotivation, Baines that ‘We asserts cannotknow whatactuallypassed Despite theastonishingoutfl tted from emigration thanactuallydid.Aswe have seen,theratesof 76 andtheUnited States tooktwo-thirds ofoverseas emigrants. Economic erences inthesendingcountries. It istherefore likelythatcondi- tted by theprocess. ows from Europe ofabout60millionemigrants 73

75 Baines arguesthatthestrength non sine quaofemigration– erential exoduses across the erawdiff erential between erential 74 Asecondand ciently rst sees 243 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document conditions wascritical. 244 Th who hadaccesstomore informationthanothers. from placeswhentheywere caughtinthemidstofchange,especiallypeople readiness torespond. It isequallyprobable thatpeoplewere more likelytomove upon whichtheinfl of peoplereproducing inEurope intheageofmigration.It wasthequestion European Demography andEconomic (ed.), Lee W.R. 14 in ‘Norway’, Drake, Michael See 13 See Jan Luiten van (London, Zanden andMaarten Prak, ‘Demographic changeandmigra- Letters Written inSweden, Norway andDenmark Wollstonecraft, Mary 12 (Blooming- Migration in Western Europe since1650 Moch, Page Leslie especially See 11 ‘Th Boyd, James recently Most 10 Ireland, Sweden Akenson, 7 , pp. 256ff 6 1. p. Ibid., Ibid., chap. 11,p. 257.See alsoGeorge AlterandGregory Clark, ‘Th 5 (Aberdeen: Canada: Immigration andColonisation,1841–1903 Macdonald, Norman 4 261. p. Ibid., 3 Ireland, Sweden andtheGreat European Migration, Akenson, Harman Donald 15. 2 p. Emigration from Europe , Baines, 1 9 rc osam Age ofRevolution 1789–1848 Hobsbawm, ([1962]New York: Mentor Book Eric 9 Emigration from Europe Baines, , p. 79;seealsoBaines, 8 Th transition andhumancapital’, inS.BroadberryandK.H.O’Rourke (eds), Aberdeen University Press, 1966),p. 30. 261. 1815–1914 (Montreal andKingston:McGill-Queen ’ s University Press, 2011),pp. 1, (London: Sphere Books,1977),pp. 228–9, 231–8; edition, 1964),pp. 169–70;Eric Hobsbawm, Th chaps 1and2. versity Press, 2010),pp. 59–60. Cambridge Economic ofModern History Europe vol. 1(Cambridge:CambridgeUni- p 271–94. pp. working intheRhinelandandPennsylvania intheeighteenthcentury’, ibid., p. 245,andRichard W. Unger, ‘Income diff erentials, institutionsand religion: (eds), tion fl Growth (London:Croom Helm, 1979),pp. 284–318. 1796), p. 41. 1600–1900: Th eDrifttothe North Sea (London: Croom Helm, 1987). ton: Indiana University Press, 1992),andJan Lucassen, German Atlantic world’, (London: Guild Publishing, 1987),pp. 37,169. egreatest singlechange,as Wicksell hadimplied,wasinthesheernumber ows inHolland, 1500–1800’, inMarcel van derLindenandLeo Lucassen Working onLabor:Essays inHonor ofJan Lucassen (Leiden:Brill, 2012), uence ofMalthus hasnever waned. 77 But theactivation ofthesefl ows required acrucial Historical Journal 58(Oct. 2015),1–25. eRhineExodus of1816/17withinthedeveloping . Notes e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational e Th Migration inaMature Economy , eAge ofEmpire, 1875–1914 , 1848–1875 Age ofCapital , Migrant LabourinEurope e demographic Th e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 1 CR Bxr Th Boxer, C.R. 15 Th 1 Fr mrsin o itra mgain n ieenhcnuy rne e Graham see France nineteenth-century in migration internal of impressions For 16 3 O psae ot, e Fak Th Frank see costs, passage On 31 (eds), O’Rourke and Broadberry 30 107. p. ‘Migration’, Nugent, Cambridge Survey , 97–100. 29 pp. 28 Cohen, Europeans’, ‘East in Morawska, move’, 103–7. 27 See Helgi Skui ‘Icelandic Kjartansson, emigration’, pp. inP.C. ‘Migration’, Emmer andM.Morner the Nugent, on 26 Europeans ‘East Morawska, Ewa 25 LaborMigration intheAtlantic Economies Hoerder, to (Westport, Conn:Greenwood D. empires 24 Austro-Hungarian and German the from ‘Migration Nugent, Walter 23 Th Saul, S.B. and Milward S. Alan 22 Th al. et King Russell See 21 Journal Edinburgh , anthologisedinR.C.Bridges, Chamber ’ s Economic Review History 0 in 68(2015),755–6. 2 review Fitzpatrick, D. 19 29. p. Ibid., 18 17 Between 1876and1914,44percentofItalian migrantswent toEuropean countries, 33 vol. Cambridge Economic ofModern History Europe , (eds), O’Rourke and On easternandRussian migrationsseeA.S.Milward andS.B.Saul, Broadberry 32 eEuropean extension Robb, 1969), p. 169. . 78. p. in Hatton and Williamson (eds), quoted by R.Faini andA Venturini, ‘Italian emigrationinthepre-war period’, emigration 1815–1914’, to widenandwasindeedtendingnarrow slightly:‘European inter-continental those years whentheincomediff erential between thetwocountrieshadceased that ‘Italian emigrationtotheUnited States reached massive inprecisely proportions 2, pp. 15–19.Th ecorrelation J.D. Gouldpointedout wasnotnecessarilyperfect. andEuropeAfrica, Asia (New York: Berg, 1992),chap. 5. (eds), 97–100. pp. Press, 1985),p. 8. (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1985),p. 104. North America’, inRobin Cohen(ed.), 1850–1914 (London:AllenandUnwin, 1977),vol. 1,p. 148. 28–9. (London: Macmillan, 1969),pp. 157–8. 29–35. pp. tion from Europe , 29 percenttotheUnited States, and23percenttoSouth America.Baines, of theEconomies ofContinentalEurope (Cambridge,Mass: Harvard University Press, 2, pp. 15–19. Review 67(2014), 170–91. British andIrish emigration,andreturn migration,1815–60’, York: Harper, 1959),pp. 13–15,andJohn Killick,‘Transatlantic steeragefares, European Expansion andMigration: Essays ontheIntercontinental Migration from Th eDiscoveryofFrance (New York: Norton, 2007),pp. 145–64. (odn Hutchinson, e Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825(London: eAtlas ofHuman Migration 2010),pp. (London:Earthscan, Journal ofEuropean Economic History 9(1980),302, istlethwaite, , vol. Cambridge Economic ofModern History Europe , eDevelopment oftheEconomies ofCentral Europe, Migration andtheInternational LabourMarket Th (New America andtheAtlantic Community e Cambridge Survey of World Migration Nations andEmpires Economic History Th e Development Emigra- 245 , Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 246 Th 35 Between 1550and1820thepopulationofFrance increased by 79percent,while 34 Italy becamethelargestsupplierofemigrantstobothNorth andSouth America– 39 Th 9 3 Th Flight toAmerica: Hvidt, K. 38 Ibid. 37 Economic Review History Fitzpatrick, 68(2015),755–6. See 36 40 Th 0 4 41 Russell King,‘Migration inaworldhistoricalperspective’, p. 28;Drake, ‘Norway’, 5 ED Hwr, Th Howard, E.D. Economies ofContinentalEurope 50 Saul, , vol. 1,p. 142. and Milward 49 48 Ibid., p. 23.On thestatusandtransformationofEuropean peasantlifeacross the 22. p. Ibid., 47 46 Note thespecialfeatures ofEngland: that10percentofthelandwasworked by Ibid. 45 10. 44 p. Emigration from Europe , Baines, 43 Jan Lucassen arguedthatmigrationineasternandcentralEurope hadlongbeen Th Frank 42 in England. See Baines, migration; inFrance thesystemofagriculture gave abetteradhesiontothelandthan tion remained onthelandrightupuntil1920s,coincidingwithalow rateof that ofEngland increased by 280percent.In France ofthepopula- alargeproportion million toArgentina,and1.2Brazil. between 1880and1914,4.1millionItalians migratedtotheUnited States, 1.8 pp. 250ff G.T. Robinson, and thebeliefinSiberia as‘aend ofthenineteenthcentury kindofUtopia’, see 1977), vol. 1,p. 146.On thegenesisanddirection ofRussian migrationatthe (eds), (London: Fontana, 1970).Anothersynopticaccountisthat ofKlausJ.Bade etal. York: Academic Press, 1975). bridge University Press, 2011). and ‘Introduction’, inLee, Cambridge University Press, 1985). Cambridge Survey , pp. 85–90,andGjerde, 1870–1914 (London: Arnold,1972),pp. 77–9. anthologised inS.Pollard andC. Holmes, Norton, 1998),esp. pp. 235–42. eastern regions, seeDavid Landes, 29. p. 1814–1914: Migration andModernisation , per centofthelabourforce waslandlesslabourers in1851.Crossan, people whoowned it–mostofit,90percent,wasrented outtotenantfarmers; 80 Europe , p. 213 impeded by andslavery. theprolongation ofserfdom Lucassen, (Urbana: University ofIllinois Press, 1986), Vecoli andSuzanne M.Sinke (eds), ere is a good summary inAndré ere Armengaud, isagoodsummary issectionbasedonJon Gjerde, ‘Th eScandinavianmigrants’, inCohen(ed.), Th e Encyclopaedia ofMigration andMinorities inEurope (Cambridge:Cam- istlethwaite,‘Migration from Europe overseas: postscript’, inRudolph J. . . Rural Russia undertheOld Regime (New York: Macmillan, 1932), e Cause and Extent ofRecent Industrial Progress (London,1907), , p 23–6. pp. Mature Economy , European Demography , pp. 14,21–2. (New eSocialBackground of300,000Danish Emigrants Th A Century ofEuropeanA Century Migrations, 1830–1930 (e York: (New e Wealth andPoverty ofNations e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational passim . (Cambridge: From Peasants toFarmers Industrial Power andNational Population inEurope 1700–1914 Migrant Labourin Guernsey Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 6 Kzstf aa n Celw atc, Wrig o Urie Uriin seasonal Ukrainian Ukraine: for ‘Working Partacz, Czeslaw and Lada Krzysztof 60 Saskatchewan: ANew History Waiser, Fifth (Calgary: House, 2006). Bill See 59 From Peasants toLabourers: Ukrainian Emigration andBelarusan Kukuskin, V. See 65. 58 p. From Italy toSan Francisco , 162–3. Cinel, pp. Economies , 57 Saul, and Milward 56 From Italy toSan Francisco55 Cinel, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, Dino See F.L. 54 Dingley in1890,asquotedPollard 145. andHolmes, p. 144. Ibid., p. Economies , 53 Saul, and Milward 52 Russian Life in Town andCountry Palmer, F.E.W. (1901),quotedinPollard and 51 , . 36. p. Emigration from Europe , Baines, 77 304. p. 71 Ibid., 70 Roger 11. Brubaker, ‘Aftermaths ofempire andtheunmixingofpeoples’, inKaren Barkey p. Hoerder, LaborMigration , 69 68 Oxford Vecoli gave thelongperspective onthesegreat movements: ‘Over thelongperiod (Oxford: A Very Short Introduction 67 American Immigration: Gerber, A. David 66 Referred toby LeoLucassen, inreview ofKlausJ.Bade, Th Agnew, J. and Knox P. 238. 65 p. Age ofCapital , Hobsbawm, 64 Ibid. 63 62 6. p. European Migrants , Hoerder, 61 didNewD.H. Akenson,‘What Zealand dotoScotlandandEngland?’, inBrad passim. Emigration from Europe Global Migration , Baines, , pp. Williamson, 15,19. 76 and 75 Hatton especially See 74 Ibid., p. 21.See alsoDudley Baines, ‘European emigration,1815–1930: lookingat Mature Economy Baines, , chap. 2;Th istlethwaite, ‘Migration: postscript’. 258–9. 73 pp. Ireland, Sweden , Akenson, 72 Th eEuropean extension labour inGermany, 1905–1914’, sity Press, 2007),p. 9. from theRussian Empire toCanada (Montreal andKingston:McGill-Queens Univer- 1982), pp. 25,35,36. Holmes, and Mark von Hagen (eds), per centtoOceania’. Quoted inButlin, per centtoAmericas(90ofthesetheUS);2 toAfricaand.5 1876 to1976,52percentofEuropean emigrantswent toEuropean countries,44 International Review ofSocialHistory 47(2002),115–16. University Press, 2011),pp. 71,79. University Press, 2009),p. 136. 1989), p. 240,quotedinR.A.Butlin, 2002), p. 187. Patterson (ed.), the emigrationdecisionagain’, , . 294–6. p. Industrial Power , Th eIrish inNew Zealand (Wellington: University of Victoria Press, eGeography ofthe World Economy (London,Edward Arnold, After Empire (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997). Economic Review History 47(1994), 525–41. Itinerario 37(2013),87–99. Geographies ofEmpire (Cambridge:Cambridge , . 160. p. Geographies ofEmpire , , . 304. p. Industrial Power , , in Europa inBewegung , 247 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document But thepopulationfactorisnotsoclear-cut. argues, wastheprecursor ofthemodernexperience, now seenacross the globe. and thenemigration,mostlymove intandem.Th e British case,thischapter increasing thescale andvelocity ofmigration.Population growth andmigration, times ofrapidpopulationgrowth created thepressure topushpeopleoutwards, migrate incontextsofdemographicchange,andthesimplest suspicionisthat questions aboutthemobilisationofmigrants.People mostcommonly Th in theprocess ofemigration. coming ageofemigration,specifi but hisintellectualandmoralinfl from Ireland andelsewhere inthe1840s.He wasamanofprevious epoch, until theendof1820s.He hadnoanticipationofthefl was notmuchengagedwiththesurginggrowth inthenumbersofemigrants regionsparticular oftheBritish Isles attheendofoldcentury. But Malthus the colonies.He wasalsowell-informed aboutthesubstantialmigrationsfrom reproductive landsin featsoftheAmericancolonistsandpotentialnew only towards theendofhislife.He waskeenlyaware oftheextraordinary rapid transitiontowards massinternationalmigration.Th Th the operation of various mechanismsofrestraint. Th ards were related andalsolimitedreproduction tohighratesofmortality through of theBritish Isles had beenheldbackby Malthusian checks.Low living stand- e populationfactor, aswe have witnessedinmanycases,hovers above all elifeofRobert Malthus (1766–1834)spannedthedecades in Britain ofthe Th British emigrationandtheMalthus model ecommonhistoricalunderstandingisthat the pre-industrial population Th enewdemographicorder Sann te transition the Spanning cally indeterringgovernment from intervention powerfuluence wasnevertheless intheforth- 16 en,at sometimeinthe is becamemanifest ood ofemigrants Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document though lessthanintheNorth Americancoloniesintheeighteenthcentury. year from 1742to1871–anditwasmuchmore rapidthanelsewhere inEurope, way. Th iswas ‘thedemographic revolution’.Th erewassustainedevery growthin Isles) begantoincrease annuallyinasustained,unprecedented andcumulative eighteenth century, thepopulationofEngland (andmostoftherest oftheBritish British emigration andtheMalthus model and relatively –relates stablemortality totheescapefrom ‘the Malthusian trap’. number ofpeoplethelandcouldsupport’. arisingfrom technologicaldevelopments. Th industry) was undoubtedlytheresult ofincreased productivity inagriculture (andthenby sian tetherthatboundpopulationgrowth toreal wages’ was‘snapped’ and‘this standards were andinsecure. uncertain But, asAndrew Hinde says:‘the Malthu- slowly. Th ere istherefore a remainingpuzzleastowhynuptiality rosewhen living decline undertheweight ofpopulationgrowth, thoughreal wagesrose onlyvery did notfallaspopulationrose. Nutritional levels didnotcollapsenoreven For thefi rsttimein recorded history, itiscontended,wagesandlivingstandards populations were mostlikelytosendoutemigrants. period ofrapidpopulationgrowth; orthatcountrieswiththerapidlyexpanding It couldhardly bepure coincidencethatlarge-scaleemigrationoccurred ina internal colonisationaswell astheeff it hadreached 750million.Th is great expansion hadbeenparalleledwithmassive million. By 1800itwas188million;by 1914itwas458millionandin2000 graphic contextsuggeststhat,in1000AD,Europe hadapopulationof30–50 Germany andeven Russia alleventually followed. Th ewider European demo- fastest off restlessness. sectors.Thrural ismayhave beentheultimatesource ofturmoil,mobility, of an intermittentover-supply andredundancy oflabour, andmostofallinthe doxical eff ectofgrowth, whichwassoerraticandunpredictable thatitproduced tion puzzlesthat are encountered by modernisingsocieties pastandpresent. agriculture. Th seriouspopula- iscommonperplexitywasatthecentre ofthe very population growth intheageofindustrialisationand commercialisation of refl sion whichsurrounded thesubjectin Regency andearly Victorian times.It in whichMalthus wrestled withthequestionofemigrationtypifi edtheconfu- consequences ofpopulationgrowth, whichwere generally ‘dismal’. Th proposed a seriesofapparently inescapabletendenciesregarding thecausesand Over theselargespheres Malthus continuestocasthispowerful infl ected the immensediffi anddangers of cultyoffathoming thetrajectory Th demographicregimeA new hadbeeninauguratedandEngland hadbeenthe emostfavoured demographicorder explanationofthenew –risingfertility themark intheyears 1750–1820but,aswe have seen,Holland, atu equivocating Malthus ect ofcolonisingoverseas andemigration. 2 On thenegative sidewasthepara- 3

esegreatly increased the uence. He uence. e manner 249 1

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document a possibleoption. more pressingly, withregard togovernment policyforwhichemigrationoff and, in populationnumbersdemandedaresponse intermsofpopulationtheory is most useful as a temporary relief’, andcouldbeused to reduce theadjustment relief’, is mostusefulas atemporary In thesecircumstances, in1817,Malthus wasprepared toallow that‘emigration reduced, causingseriousmassunemployment inmostsectorsof theeconomy. especially intheyears after Waterloo whenthedemandforlabour wassuddenly occurred duringthevolatile conditionsinBritain duringtheNapoleonic Wars, infl limitsofsubsistenceunlessother population tendedalwaystoexpandthevery subsistence. His prescriptions were connectedwithhisbroad principlethat ofemigrationasameansrelieving thepressureotherwise ofpopulation on Malthus’ best-known propositions aboutemigrationrelated totheutilityor discounted. industrialworldisnowborne outandtheirapplicabilityinthenew generally emigration. In theoutcomeMalthus’ predictions aboutemigrationwere notwell regardingforming publicperceptions andparticularly thepublicfundingof Malthus’ diagnosisoftheunderlyingdemographicquestionwascriticalin overseas whilesimultaneouslyrelieving theBritish Isles ofitsexcess population. nineteenth century. Th of poverty, destitution andover-population across theBritish Isles intheearly actively opposed,tothosewhourgedemigrationasasolutionthe problems anticipated benefi advocate ofemigration.He wasgenerallynegative andunenthusiasticaboutany primarily restricted to its consequences for the sending country; primarily restricted toitsconsequencesforthesendingcountry; understanding ofpopulationdynamics.Moreover hisinterest inemigrationwas Emigration featured inMalthus’ thinkingbutinarelatively marginalrole inthe 250 Th even more alarmistabouttheimmediatefuture. Malthus beenproperly aware populationsize hemightwell ofthetrue have been it wasactuallymuchcloserto11million,anunderestimate of44percent.Had of Britain in1798 was only7million,whereas itwassoontoberevealed that the fi rstcensusesandhelaboured underthesevere delusionthatthepopulation which wasfargreater thanhehadever anticipated.His earliestwritingspre-dated (1801–21), whichexposedtheastonishinggrowth oftheEnglish population– in theeconomyand,even more alarmingly, theresults ofthefi question even before thefi minor attentiontoitsultimatecauses. Thuences actively intervened. eevolution ofhisthinkingonemigration Th Malthus wasamanofthepre-industrial age,confronting thepopulation is wasthecontextinwhichMalthus emergedasadecidedlyequivocal ts forthehomecountry. He ifnot wasmostlylukewarm, eir ideawastopopulatetheexpandingBritish World rst censuses.He lived changes toseetherevolutionary Th e vacuum e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 5 Th e newly revealed enewly explosion rstthree censuses 4 hepaidonly ered Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document immediate successors todismissemigration asarelieving mechanismforthe remedy wasaconsequenceofthe‘vacuum eff Parliament, Malthus arguedthattheineff ectiveness ofemigrationasapermanent it identifi ednumbertwenty-fi ‘Will ve as: Malthuscontinuetobe wrong?’ mid-2005, thusian trap’. Th rising livingstandards throughout mostofitscareer. Britain escaped‘the Mal- Isles asawholerose cumulatively for200years, andwasclearlyassociatedwith predicted. population andthe‘vacuum’ simplydidnotwork inthemannerMalthus 150 years. ofthecause;emigrationindeed diminished Emigration waspart fell likeastoneaftertheGreat Famine anddidnotbegintorecover for another fall absolutelyafter1851;muchmore sensationallythepopulationofIreland Malthus pointed.Th hadparticularly e population ofthe Highlandsbeganto ofthetwositestowhich itwasalsoeventually true tractsofthecountry; rural was eventually shown tobe inoperative inpractice.Th large true of very iswas a permanentreduction by migrationinpopulationlevels: the‘vacuum’ eff record didindeedregister ofthecountry washighlyvaried, butthatmanyparts told adiffin thenineteenthcentury itbecameutterlyclearthatthe erent story: in whichthere-generation ofthepopulationwasfullyprevented. and intheScottishHighlands andheencouragedemigrationonlyinconditions civilisation and‘the more generalcultivation oftheearth’. expedient’. Andemigration,incidentally, wouldhelptospread thebenefi a vacuum’, whichwouldrender theeff ectofemigration ‘nugatory’. As Malthus putit: ‘Th ere isalwaysanaturaltendency towards the fi llingupof of holdingsandearlymarriagesfollowed round by of‘prolifi afurther subsequent re-growth ofpopulation,facilitated by thereturn tothesubdivision space released by theremoval ofemigrantswasinevitablyreplenished by a labour’. required untilpopulationwould‘conform itselftothestateofdemandfor British emigration andtheMalthus model most, a‘weak palliative’ totheproblem ofoverpopulation. emigrants. ofhousesandcottagespreviouslyliteral destruction occupiedby thedeparted Thdeparted. iscouldbeaccomplished bythe prohibition ofsub-divisionandthe if peoplewere prevented from re-occupying thelandwhenceemigrantshad inundation ofEngland by destituteIrish. alluding especiallytoIreland andtheScottish Highlands buthealsofeared the Nevertheless, theinfl uence of Malthus caused hiscontemporariesandtheir In 1826/7,in hisfamousexplicationbefore theEmigration Committeeof Even more broadly for Malthusian predictions, thepopulationofBritish Ultimately, aftertheendofMalthus’ life,theBritish experience ofemigration He wasprepared toallow thattherefi llingofthe vacuum couldbediminished 6 Emigration wasonlymarginallyuseful‘as andtemporary apartial 12 11 Science magazine rank-ordered the‘Big research questions’ oftheday,

Malthus inhisadvocacy wasstraightforward ofClearancesinIreland ewrongness ofMalthus seemstobecomplete.Indeed, whenin ect’ 9 –by whichhemeantthatthe 7 8 Emigration was,at

10 He was cness’. 13 ts of ts 251

ect Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document end ofthegreat historicalphaseofpopulation release tothe rest oftheworld. into netimmigrationthere wasagrowing beliefthatEurope hadcometothe a vitalcomponentinthewidening scaleofBritish production around theworld. supply sidewhichMalthus hadindeedemphasised. Emigration wasundoubtedly standards duringthe Victorian Age–whichisrecognition ofthesuccess ofeconomicgrowthdoubt aboutthestory andultimately therisingliving Malthus’ prescriptions withregard totheemigrationvariable. But there isno as ‘only anexpensive palliative’. faithfully echoingMalthus’ thoughtwhenhedescribedtheideaofemigration asin theunemployment run, crisisof1922,Keyneslimits. Andintheshort was limits, Keynes becamepessimistic.He sensedtheendofextendedMalthusian the territorialexpansionofEuropean peopleseemedtoreach itsgeographical the meansby whichEurope escapedtheMalthusian disaster. But when, by 1914, constituted theengineofdevelopment inthelong Victorian era.It hadalsobeen Malthus, arguedthat thegreat expansionoftrade,settlementandmigration entirely clear. Th ence. How muchfl exibilitythispermitted inthe Malthusian frameworkisnot of employment’, whichwouldleadtoabetterbalanceofpopulationwithsubsist- urban andindustrialdevelopment wouldultimatelyincrease ‘the expandability Spengler, forinstance,claimsthatMalthus wasaSmithian andbelieved that was justasemphaticthatthesuppliesofsubsistencecouldbeincreased. J.J. tion drunk onMalthusiantion drunk wine’. demographic pressures oftheday. According toMark Blaug thiswas‘a genera- 252 Th at lastitslong,continuousdecline. followedpopulation history asimilarpath,risinguntil1851andthenbeginning humanity wasdoomedforever toretreat tobedrock subsistenceandmisery. sian doctrinethanisconventionally understood.Malthus wasnotsayingthat Thconcerning thelonger-run. ere waslessrigidityandpessimismin Malthu- gradual bettermentover thefollowing century. reduced theIrish helpedtosustainits population;andemigration certainly edition ofhis Merivale lived towitnesstheimpactofGreat Famine and,inthepost-famine possible benefi the Malthusian ‘vacuum’ eff ect. It encouragedgeneralisedscepticismaboutthe then proceeded togrow muchfurther. Th century. Yet withinagenerationSkye hadre-couped itsoriginalnumbers,which which 8,000ofatotalpopulation11,000emigratedinthelateeighteenth Colonisation in1839–41,citedthewell-known caseoftheIsle ofSkye, from Th When, inthe1930s,European emigrationnotonlyceasedbutwas reversed Th usthere issome doubt, whichisnotunusual,abouttheimplicationsof ere existsadebateablelet-outclauseforMalthus, locatedinhisdoctrine ts oflarge-scaleemigration,even from Ireland. In theoutcome Lectures in1861,heconcededthatemigrationhad now hugely eeconomistJ.M.Keynes, alineal intellectualdescendantof 17

14 Th usHerman Merivale, inhis e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational is seemed to be a perfect exampleof isseemedtobe aperfect 15 In thecaseofIsle ofSkye, its Lectures on 16 He He Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document he said. wreaked devastating eff ectsuponindigenouspeoples:itmade‘humanityshudder’, enabled themtoovercome obstacle.He every notedalsothatemigrantsoften spirit ofadventure, andreligious enthusiasm’ –andwhich,intheircombinations, places, whichtheyovercame by ‘those powerful passions, thethirstofgain, celebrated thecourageofemigrantswholaboured undergreat diffi migrant behaviour–thatis,thegreat variability ofmigrantpsychology. Malthus rational. Andhere heputhisfi Emigrants inMalthus’ expositionwere notnecessarilyeitherpredictable or non-European places. than ithadever beenandyet Europe ofpeoplefrom hadbecomeanetimporter easier thanever before. Moreover theaggregate populationofEurope wasgreater this turnabout–fornow movement terms, abouttheglobewas,intransport growth ofbetween 0.5percentand1annum. per annum.Th rising unprecedentedly toanaverage growth rateofbetween 2and5percent moment whenMalthus waswriting,thegross nationalproduct inEngland was E.A. Wrigley pointsout,thesewere economictimes:atthevery revolutionary home economytoexpanditssupplyoffoodstuff sanditsdemandforlabour. As It wasnotsurprisingthatMalthus misunderstoodtheactualcapacityof mechanisms andpsychology ofemigration. emigrants thenandsince,continuetochallengeourunderstandingofthe and freeholders’. had left‘from mere humour, andafantasticalideaofbecomingtheirown masters to ‘whole tribes,whoenjoyed oflifeinareasonable thecomforts degree’ and emigrate’ hadencouragedextreme procreation inthehomeparish.He referred appeared tohave ceasedemigratingacross theoceans. thisindeedseemedtobethecase–Europeansthe latetwentieth century Authoritative spokespersonsannounced ‘Th e EndoftheAge Migration’. By British emigration andtheMalthus model any achievable economicgrowth. Now, forthefi rsttimeinhuman existence, in whichpopulationgrowth seemedalwaysmostlikelyto outstripandswamp being overturned ashewrote. Th e Malthusianworldwasa pre-industrial world predictions. Malthus derived histhinkingandpremises from aworldwhichwas revolution beyond thelimitsofMalthus’ mindandwasunaccountedforinhis At thesametimeMalthus notedcaseswhere the‘excessive tendencyto 19

is wasaquantumleapover thetypicalpre-industrial ratesof 20 Th is‘humour’ andthese‘fantastical ideas’, commonamong esms ad optimism and Pessimism irn psychology Migrant nger ontherecurring problem ofanalysing

18 Th ere wasaparadox in 21 It was,ofcourse,a culties in new 253 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document as afractionoftheworkforce’. but inwhichemployment littleinabsoluteterms,andfellsharply grew very do’. Th ‘inwhich outputperhead rosemarkedly iswastheone great industry engaged inotherwork thanhispredecessor inthe1800shadbeenableto the 1850swascapableofmeetingfoodneedssignifi cantlymore people per man’ fortheentire period1600–1850.‘Eachmanatwork onthelandin ofthe‘very1811 to1852,whichwaspart handsomelong-termriseinoutput outputpermanincreasedestimates thatrural by 42percentinthe period massive growth largelyhomefed’. ofthehomepopulation‘remained very He agricultural labourforce inEngland intheearlynineteenthcentury, yet the able, yet generally unidirectional andpermanent. Cornwall, West Cork, Wiltshire andwest Wales were alsofi tfulandunpredict- the oldsystem,cheek-by-jowl withthenew. Th In Swaledale bothprocesses operatedintandem,withconsiderableretention of pre-industrial baseandwasaccompaniedby extreme congestionanddeprivation. by thecontinuedre-growth ofthelocalpopulationwhichrested on theold subsidise emigration.His infl terms ofdomesticbenefi dissuade government from takinganypositive stepstoencourageemigration–in First, itislikelythathisrepeated advocacy ofthe‘vacuum eff ect’ helpedto home farms. dependent onManx agriculture withoutimpedingrisingproductivity onthe ment by wayofemigrationwhichhelpedtoreduce theabsolutenumbers for instance,there wasamodestandselective evacuation, anagriculturaladjust- regions whichremained closest to thepre-industrial world.In theIsle ofMan, the time.Malthus’ domesticdiagnosticswere essentiallyapplicabletothose increasing emigrantsandhemayhave addedafi optimismofdeparting on theprodigiouslandsandcolonisationchimedwith possibilitiesofnew colonisation. schoolofsystematic someintellectualencouragementtothenew imparted endorsementofemigrationin1830nevertheless the 1820s;hislukewarm had muchimpactonthespontaneousandrisingenthusiasmsforemigrationin vention inemigrationprojects. It is,however, equallyunlikelythathisdoctrines society. Revolution changedtheunderlyingrelationship between populationand ‘rising numbersnolongerposedathreat tolivingstandards’. Th 254 Th and then was often accompanied by persistent structural unemploymentand thenwasoften accompaniedby persistentstructural inthe grow untilthemid-nineteenthcentury. Only after1850didstagnationsetin Englandagriculture continuedto little,the total populationofrural grew very E.A. Wrigley littleexpansionofthe alsopointedoutthatthere wasvery Malthus’ writingsinfl uencedthecourseof British emigrationintwo ways. In thesecondplace,Malthus’ positive thoughlesswell-known disquisitions 22

23 In the West Highlands emigrationwassporadicandcounteracted t itwas(except inemergencyconditions)pointlessto uence deterred thegovernment from active inter- 25 Paradoxically, even thoughemployment in e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational e rural outfle rural ows from Kent, 24

e Industrial llip to llip Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document were accusedofdemographicsabotage. sizes began toshrink:apopulationtransitionhadbegunandAustralian mothers infl in Australia, forinstance,the local demographicincrements outpacedimmigrant American population.Th is record – continued through thenineteenthcentury emigration. Malthus himselfwasstaggered atthenaturalgrowth ofthecolonial British componentoftheworld ’ s populationrose spectacularlyintheageof the spread andtheir sheerreproductive behaviouracross themigrant world.Th British emigration,thefl their people. zones wererural producing unprecedented foodsurplusesyet couldnotretain thepopulationwhichgrew after1750.Thsupport isaparadox becausethe Isles over thelongerrun. What isclearthat nowhere world couldtherural oftheBritishprocess parts by whichpopulation wasdrainedoutoftherural main island,there wasnoresurgence ofthepopulations depletedby migration. But, aswe have seeninIreland ofthe andinthemostresolutely parts rural by theeff ectsofimmigrationbut by thepower ofurbanandindustrialgrowth. to riseandlivingstandards increased; lossesby emigrationwere replenished not markets. trades whichwere onlylocal notsubjecttomuchspecialisationandserved for example,tailors,butchers,blacksmiths,carpentersandbricklayers, thatis, actually contributingdirectly tothegreat productivity increases. Th tendencies inbothspheres. say, theremote ScottishHighlands waslessthandefi 1840s and1850s. England, andmore especiallyIreland, diff wouldhave lookedvery erent inthe countered by CharlotteErickson ’ s credible thatwithout emigration, assertion Famine ofthe1840s. Yet anydiminutionofthe impactofemigrationissurely uniqueinthisrespect:virtually theIrish populationfellcontinuouslyafterthe a smallimpactonitsdemographictrajectory. Th e Irishaccountisdiff syphoned off emigrant countriesuntilthe1930s. fl tinued across theBritish Islescontinuedtosupplyfl andthecountry In thefullnessoftime,course,itbecameclearthatpopulationgrowth con- countryside. countryside. British emigration andtheMalthus model ows ofemigrantstoothercontinents –Britain andIreland remained net ows by the1870s.By 1900,aftermanydecadesofhighreproductivity, family Despite therelatively modestannualpopulationpercentage involved in Emigration did notfollow Malthusian inBritain. rules Population continued emigration thereOver thelongrun wasacentralparadox inthestory: 27 Th usthecontrastbetween advanced areas ofEnglish agriculture and, arelatively oftheBritish smallproportion populationandhadonly 26 Consequentlymanypeopleremained onthelandwhowere not 28 Th isshouldberelated tothecontinuingandlesscataclysmic ows ofemigrantshadcolossalconsequencesinterms aaoe o numbers of Paradoxes 29

nitive –there were retentive ese included, erent and erent uctuating 255 e Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document modern migration. continents. Yet thishasbeenarelatively ofthebroader fl smallpart of largenumbersdesperatepeoplebetween countries,andnow between phenomenon. Its mostpublicfaceisthatoftherefugee andthepanicmovements and give risetospecialmechanismsintheattemptcontrol andlimitthe impact andconnectedproblems consumeagreat dealofpresent-day diplomacy rise andtomeasure, oftenbarely visible,commonlycloakedandunoffi British emigrations. Human migrationisoftenelusive, alwaysdiffi Australia andtheCaribbeanalmostdisappeared undertheinfl uenceofthe consequences. Many oftheautochthonouspopulationsNorth America, within andover oldboundaries,oftenwithfundamentalpoliticalandeconomic mindedly? Th change inthecompositionofBritish population. itbecameanurban movementcentury: by thattime–refl into emigrationislessclear–andevidentlyitchangedinthelatenineteenth mobility. In thisequationMalthus proved afascinatingandconfusingguide. infl possessed amore complicatedlifeofitsown, aff to demographicimperatives. Emigration responded topopulationchangesbut predictions. Th 256 Th 5 Th 5 4 He was,however, muchengagedby thepossibilitiesofpopulationgrowth inthe 3 e Msio iiBc, Th Livi-Baci, Massimo See 191. p. 3 Population , England ’ s Hinde, 2 England Hinde, ’ Andrew s Population: sincetheDomesday AHistory Survey See 1 evacuums intheseplaceswere notrefi lled–indeed,indefi anceof Malthus’ uenceswhichunderminethesimplecorrelation withpopulationgrowth and Was theworld therefore repeopled by suchemigrantsasthoughabsent- Population growth undoubtedlyfuelledmigration,buthow thiswastranslated Most ofall,itbecameclearthatemigrationwasnotmechanicallygeared University Press, 2016),chap. 7. Joyce E.Chaplin, countries ofdestination,even inAustralia. See, forexample,AlisonBashford and 2000). Gregory Clark, 1, pp. 18–21.For avigorous re-statement ofthe‘Malthusian trap’ doctrine,see Broadberry andO’Rourke (eds), Voth, ‘Understanding growth in Europe, andevidence’, 1700–1870:theory in (London: Hodder Arnold,2003), pp. 177–8,189;Joel Mokyr andHans-Joachim, of Historical Geography 8:2(1982),192,fn2. took anotherthree decades to disperse.See E.A. Wrigley, ‘Malthus reassessed’, is was the source of much late eighteenth-century demographiccontroversy, iswasthesource ofmuchlateeighteenth-century which ere wasaquickeningandwideningofthemovement ofhumanity A Farewell toAlms (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007).

Th eNew Worlds ofTh omas Malthus Robert (Princeton: Princeton e Population ofEurope (Malden, Mass: Blackwell, , vol. Cambridge Economic ofModern History Europe , Notes e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ected by localandgeneral 30

ecting thestructural cult to catego- cial. Its cial. os of ows Journal Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 1 Mr Bag ‘Th Blaug, Mark history’, 14 science social ‘Big Steckel, H. Richard in Quoted 13 Q.3231. Ibid., 11 12 In bothplaces,ofcourse,emigrationwascommonlyassociatedwithwidespread Th 0 1 British emigration andtheMalthus model 15 See Th e e S 5 1 2 Ms prse (ite ot f wnyoe rahd hi mxmm ouain in populations maximum their reached twenty-one) of out (sixteen parishes Most 23 22 D.A. On theremarkable of growth ofproductivity inBritish agriculture, see CormacO’Gráda, review Petersen ’ s William also See 189–90. pp. reassessed’, ‘Malthus Wrigley, 285. p. 21 1, vol. Ibid., 20 Malthus, Principle (1803),vol. 1,p. 340. 19 Moving Europeans . Moch, See 18 population’, of view economist ’ s ‘An Keynes, J.M. 17 eff in optimistic, was Malthus term long the For 16 9 Ibid. 9 An Essay onthePrinciple ofPopulation Malthus, , ed.Patricia James ([1803]Cam- 8 T.R. Malthus: Th (eds), Parry Hughes Trevor and Pullen J.M. See 7 6 .. Malthus, An Essay onthePrinciple ofPopulation T.R. 6 1 (2007),4. from muchwidercauses. Clearances andevictions,butthemainoutfl 1968), pp. 311–27;Q.3198,Q.3231,Q.3222,andQ.3395. in bridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1989),vol. 1,p. 340. 103–4. pp. bridge University Press fortheRoyal Economics Society, 1997and2004),vol. 1, Papers intheCollectionofKantoGakuen University vol. 1(London: William Pickering, 1986),p. 41. Principle ofPopulation: 1stedn(London,1798),eds.E.A Wrigley andDavid Souden, 307. Malthus in1798; madethesameassertion T.R. Malthus, Wrigley andDavid Souden, vol. 2(London: William Pickering, 8vols, 1986),p. pp. 125,143. Flinn and T.C. Smout (eds), 1851 orbefore. Th etotalpopulationoftheisland, however, rosecontinuously tothe 210–18, esp. 211. ‘Farming highandlow, 1850–1914’, in Coleman andR.Schofi 17 August 1922. 7. chap. Worlds , Malthus’ doctrinesandhiswiderhorizons, seeespeciallyBashford andChaplin, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987),p. 103.For ageneralre-appraisal of and progressive improvement inhuman society’. Quoted by Donald Winch, were notnecessarily‘entirely andby nomeanspreclude disheartening, thegradual small families. With regard tohisprincipleofpopulation,hesaidfuture prospects ird Report from theSelect CommitteeonEmigration from theUnited Kingdom,1827, European Journal ofPopulation 2(1986), 407–10. British Parliamentary Papers: Emigration vol. 2(Shannon: Irish University Press, omas, , . 5. p. Migration andEconomic Growth , emythoftheoldPoor Lawandthemakingofnew’, inM.W. eld, Th Essays inSocialHistory (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), eState ofPopulation Th Agricultural Review History 49:2(2001), ows proceeded atamuchfasterrateand ect advocating balancedgrowth and Manchester Guardian Commercial , eory (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), , 2vols. (Cambridge:Cam- , 6thedn(1826),eds.E.A. , 31: , Social ScienceHistory An Essay onthe e Unpublished Malthus New 257 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 258 Th 2 ‘vcain ws h tr apid y rne Th Brinley by applied term the was ‘Evacuation’ 24 30 On theemergenturbanbiasinemigrationmid-nineteenthcentury, seeDewey, (Sydney: Destination Australia :Migration toAustralia since1901 Richards, Eric See 13. 29 p. 295–337. LeavingEngland , pp. Erickson, land’, 28 the on ‘Men Wrigley, 27 Th 6 2 25 E.A. Wrigley, ‘Men employment inagriculture onthelandincountryside: in ern [1900]). reprint and Ramsey. See A.W. Moore, end ofthecentury, mostoftheincrease relocated intheurbancentres ofDouglas ‘Farm labour’, p. 849,citingBaines, Press, 2009),pp. 33–4. University ofNew South Wales Press, 2008;Manchester: Manchester University Gained (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986),pp. 295–337. England’,early nineteenth-century inL.Bonfi eldetal.(eds), 118. p. Growth , Th internal migration,compoundedby thelossofemployment incottageindustries. tion’, 9–10,13.Moreover femaleemployment fellgreatly andwasprecipitating much istendencyprobably pre-dated population. the absolutedeclineoftherural craftsmen edeclineofrural ’ s employment isconsidered inSaville, ‘Internal migra- History oftheIsleHistory ofMan , 2vols. (Douglas, 1992 , . 279. p. Migration inaMature Economy , e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational omas, Migration andEconomic Th eWorld WeHave Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document understand. the past knew abouttheconditionthatenvelopedthe pastknew andcontrolled theirown life’. their own understandings:‘to know more insomerespects thanthedweller in historian, G.M. Trevelyan, believed thatsuchpeopleneed tobeexplainedbeyond so clear, thoughemigrationwasoften enoughprecipitate. Alessfashionable Whether thisproposition appliestothelife-changingdecision toemigrateisnot iron age’. talism hadbrought themappallinghardships, thattheyhadentered ableakand wasconvincedthatthecoming ofindustrialcapi- half ofthenineteenthcentury emigrants issued.He claimedthat‘Th emajorityofthe Britishpeopleinthefi about thementalityof plebeian societyfrom whichsomanymillionsof their contexts,tomakeanysenseoflives. Eric Hobsbawm hadnodoubts Th futures: people ofEngland, warnedthattheyoftenhadslightengagementwith theirown historian whodidmosttoenterthecollective psychology ofthelabouring categorise them.Th is impossible;itextremely diffi question. It involves peeringintothemindsofvast numbersofpeople,which embark onlong-distancemigrations?Th isaclassic,indeedgeneric,historical What moved British millionsofmainlyquiteordinary andIrish peopleto is sort ofhistoricalexercise issort requires anintimateaccessintotheirheads,and with littlethoughtoftheconsequences. their lives ‘take avacation’ …Hence isgrabbedasoccasionarrives, opportunity or saltawayweeks ofhighearningsinsavings,orplantobuycottages,ever in not plan‘careers’, orplanfamilies,seetheirlives inagiven shapebefore them, In general,theworking populationhadlittlepredictive notionoftime–theydo oftheoriginsmodern A generalview 3 Emigration from suchcircumstances isnothard toimagineor to emigration andtheBritish case eirmindsmaybeunknowable. E.P. Th ompson,themodern Mnaiis n motivations and Mentalities cult even tocountthem,stillmore soto 17 1

rst 2

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document and new maritalbeginningscanbe foundinmanycases;sheer eccentricityand and new andoppressive regimes service wascommonenough;maritalbreakdownmilitary socialandreligiouscaused peopletodepart; utopianismwasrecurrent; escaping variety ofmotivation.every Political exilecanbefoundin all decades;evictions even of suchpeopleactuallyemigrated. so,onlyasmallproportion toavoid relative– emigrationundertaken andabsolutedeclineinstatus.But, rescue thebasic conditions oftheirlives andsettingupforthenextgeneration clearly more desperate thanothers,somewithadeterminationtoimprove or and theirchildren. Butcircumstances, some theymigrated underwidelyvarying economic migration,ofpeoplevolitionally seekingbetterlives forthemselves emigration inthenineteenthcentury, andindeedinmoderntimes,hasbeen of humanityare easiertoexplainthanthegreater massofmigration.Most Butcommunities, suchclaimscontainanuggetoftruth. theforced movements wasavariety ofgenocide. of thissort When itentailedtheerasure ofentire was oftendepictedinfolklore andsong.It iseven arguedthatcoerced migration societies. Sometimes itinvolved thetragicdisplacementofentire peasantries,and people by themid-century. suggest atransitioninthetypesofmigrantsleavingEngland –increasingly urban industrialpeopleofBritain.or thenewly Her conclusionswere modestbut to theUnited States were folk traditionalrural intheearlynineteenthcentury employed by CharlotteErickson –fi rstaskingthequestion whetherthemigrants underlying conditionsoftheircollective activation. Th their essentialcharacteristics.From thesecategoriesmightbededucedthe found intheiridentities–thatis,by categorisingtheimmigrantsaccording to Or,seekers ofdistantopportunities? more likely, manyofboth?Some cluesare rating conditionsintheBritish Isles, orwere released theythenewly andenergetic of potential migration in the rural areasof potentialmigrationintherural [were] now muchreduced’. rapidly exceeding the entire exodus inEngland rural and Wales and‘the reserves movements have causes,suchasfamineandexpulsion. straightforward intensities ofpropulsion derived from thesheerforce ofcircumstances. But some Th emigration oftenseverely circumscribed theoptionsfacingprospective migrants. of theactualexercise offree choice.Moreover theconditionssurrounding British caseshows: interms indentured migrationwasanambiguouscategory migration andfree migration.But thisdivisionislessdefi nitive, whicheven the distinction isbetweenmigration, forcedslave andvoluntary orconvict 260 Th tion’, istermed‘self-exporting andanothercategory emigrants’. most British emigrants were urbanpeople. e longhistoricalnarrative ofemigrationdemonstratesmanyvarieties and Within theBritish andEuropean accountsofmassemigrationthere hasbeen But were thepeoplewhoemigratedinlargenumbersproducts ofdeterio- Th A simpledivisionisoftenmadebetween ‘settler migration’ and‘labourmigra- e effl uxofpeopleoff thelandisauniversal andemotive questioninmany 4 By the1880s,emigrationtoNorth Americawas e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational is wasthemethod 6 Th e simplest 5 By then Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document connected fl ow out ofthesystem,stimulated by generalised mobilityandthe tion, undereconomicincentives and displacement. Emigration followed as a was clearevidenceofprogressive movement totowns by wayofinternal migra- extensive spectrum ofcases. extensive spectrum motivation. Th inconsequentiality were rife.Th elistcanbeextendedto allhuman cover virtually A general view become attunedtotheideaofemigration. necting alsowiththechangingimaginationofBritish peoplewhohad Th movement andwasthentranslated by stepsintoanincreasingly urbanmode. up to2percentofthetotalpopulationinsomeyears. Th of theprocess thedispersalofpeoplereached taking away theemigrantports, were relocated intotowns andcities,oftenwidelydispersed. On thefi Over alongerperiod,perhapstwogenerations, manyfamilies ity ofthedepartees. increased. Everywhere, internalmigrationtolocalplacessyphoned-off themajor- rose andeventually fellabsolutelyasthenationalpopulationcontinuously sudden andunprecedented populationincreases; theiragriculturalpopulations Highlands, theIsle ofMan, Cornwallandmanyotherlocations–allexperienced characteristics. impulse. Th theretion. were story Within conditionswhichprompted every thisoutward andtimetables,butallofthemlostpopulation byproportions wayofemigra- produced internalandexternalmigrantsinthedecadesbefore 1850,invaried Isles, inradicallydiff erent geographicalandsocialcircumstances. Eachofthem Th essentially economicmigration. is clearthatmostBritish, andindeedmostinternational,migrationhasbeen task, even ofthecategoriescannotbeestablished.It ifsomeoftheproportions enumerating thetypologiesofemigrationbringssomeprimitive order tothe tends toundermineanyprospect ofanoverarching ideaofcausation.Nevertheless, which emigrationemerged.Celebratingthesheerrichnessofemigranthost only 50percentofthoseprevailing incomparableurban employment. bytown mid-nineteenth century, andcountry: areas wages inrural were generally zones –awideninggapappearedfor labourbutmuchlessso in rural between of agriculturalproductivity. In thetowns there wasawidespread risingdemand districts.At muchthesametimethererural andsustainedincrease wasconcerted emechanismsandfacilitiesofemigrationrose toaccelerate theprocess con- ehistorical‘campsites’ employed inthisbookare locatedacross theBritish Th Th Each place– West Cork, Shropshire, West Sussex, Kent, Swaledale, the e British story containedakaleidoscopicdiversity eBritishofcircumstances from story esystemoperatedthus.In thefi rstplacethere wasrising populationin ey each exhibited certain commonfeatures eyeachexhibitedcertain aswell asspeciallocal ere is a disconcertingly wide and unruly varietyere oftypes,an wideandunruly isadisconcertingly

Th e campsites us it began as a rural us itbeganasarural nal edge nal 7 Th ere 261 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document mates thatitwasonly3–4millionintheyears 1840–1900 instance. Th eactual amountofinternalmobilityisdebatable. JasonLongesti- an acceleratedlevel ofinternalmobility, distanceinthefi usuallyofshort demands intherapidgrowth oftowns. Th iscombinationofconditions produced relative labour, declineinthedemandforrural paralleledby risinglabour ally coterminouswasaradicalimprovement inagriculturalproductivity, anda unprecedented increase heartlands. Virtu- ofthepopulation,mostlyinrural sessed ahandfulofkeycharacteristics.It entailedaquasi-autonomousand Better literacyratesnow tendedtoreduce inertia. employers andlandlords, asinIreland and theScottishHighlands inthe1850s. living standards intodecisionstoemigrate,oftenurgedon by wasconverted that, afterextreme diffi Britain. Risingliteracywasrelated to thepropensity toemigrateanditislikely producing various patternsofemigrationoutindustrialisingandmodernising tion wasalwaysstratifi ed by class, wealth andscale, also by region andsector, ways, sometimes‘perversely’ inasheerreluctance tomove off theland. Emigra- urgency torelocate becomesrelentless: thepressures were expressed inmyriad populationalsoreproduceswhile therural atanunprecedented rate,thenthe reaching North AmericaandAustralasia. ofsomanyemigrants hood ofoutward migration,whichwasoftentheback-story ing theliterate,andyoung. creation ofspecialincentives andwideningdiff erentials between regions, favour- 262 Th downswing’. critical massitbecame‘easy prey totheacutebackwasheff ectsofthenextcyclical ‘peripheralisation’ andde-industrialisation:ifsucharegion failedtoreach a increased thesusceptibilitytomigration.Aregion suchasthe Weald suff areas ofstagnationanddecline’. Regional divergence withinBritain probably quences forsomeregions. Th us‘industrialising in regionshadtheircounterparts probably heightenedby so-called‘backwasheff ects’, whichhad negative conse- regions suchaswest Wales andtheScottishHighlands behind, fellfurther widened duringindustrialisation:convergence camemuchlater. In theinterim, within Britain. It islikelythat,from the1760s,regional wagediff wasprobablyEmigration greater by than3million. mid-century they are actuallypinchedathome’, itwasoftenafalsedistinction. it down thatpersonsrarely emigrateinorder tobetterthemselves, butbecause that ‘Emigration andmigration hadreduced thelaboursupply’ andtheresults the work ofout-migrationhadbeendone. For instance,inLincolnshire itissaid communityhadbeenachieved andbyadjustments intherural 1874muchof emigration wasagreater contributiontothereadjustment ofthepopulation. In brief, theBritish modelthatevolved inthelateeighteenthcentury, pos- When theproductivity ofagriculture increases andcumulatively abruptly Migration wasalsospurred by polarisingconditionsbetween theregions 11 Such declineandincreased conditionsaccentuatedrural thelikeli- culties suchasfamine,theeventual recovery ofbetter 8

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational 12 When ‘Prof Mayo Smith laid 9 –inwhichcase 13 But many erentials ered rst 10

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document industrialisation, pioneered inBritain. workers withallotments. better cottagestoencouragetheirlabourers toremain, even toprovide their were predictable: wagesbegantoriseandemployers soonrural begantobuild A general view the rawmaterialsforcheaperconsumergoods’. Europe andatthesametimehelpedprovide thedonorswithcheaperfoodand dislocationsintheearlyphasesofindustrialization of dealingwithstructural Similarly, Erickson notesthecommonsensenotionthat:‘Migration wasameans structural change’.structural It of‘their waspart repertoire ofdealingwith change’, they were, inErickson ’ s formulation,peoplewhohadbeen‘confronted with exaggerated andextreme version ofthecommonplaceexperiencemovement: most ‘eruptive’ andwithwhatconsequences? ofpeopleinthenineteenthcentury with thequestionsposedby James Belich –namely, whytheBritish were the thatwereand opportunities created inthelateeighteenthcentury. It connected always complicatingthefl of thisglobaltransitionwere colossal,driven by theemigrantsthemselves and lations atbothendsoftheexchange ofhumanity. Th which thenreciprocated withthehomelands,sustainingmuchgreater popu- toMalthusformulation which,aswe have himself). seen,doessomedisservice world becameacompoundingmeanstosustainthe‘escape from Malthus’ (a life –intoindustrialtowns andoverseas. Th eirsubsequentspread across the allowed (orcompelled)peopletobreak confi out of therural nesoftraditional thusian Trap’.Th western Europe) wasbothcauseandconsequenceoftherelease from ‘the Mal- role. Emigration fromlary Britain (andfrom succeedingcountries,fi population growth anancil- andeconomictransformation,migrationperformed the obvious advantage over stayingathome: theLucassens, forinstance,declare to believe thatmigrationisaspontaneous and‘natural’ movement ofpeople for be detectedinthegeneration ofmigrationanditsdiscontinuities?It iscommon nisms whichfacilitatemovement. But whathave beentheactivating forces to – describingthefl ows and destinations ofmigrants,togetherwiththemecha- British discontinuity. Yet mostaccountsofemigrationare essentiallydescriptive migration andemigration,therefore encouragebroader explanationsofthe Th account. in itsdiff erent modes,wasexhibitedineachofthe ‘campsites’ in the present e campsites,despitetheir diversity, alignintheconditionsfavourable to Th Migration ofthereadjustment waspart ofthepopulation tothepressures Into theNew Worlds theirexpansive productivity, theemigrantsexported erelease from theeternalbondageof‘the Malthusian Trap’ wasby eunprecedented growth ofproductivity across theeconomy 14 ows ofpeople,fi rstofallfrom the British Isles.

Determinants 15 Within thematrixofrevolutionary 17 Emigrants were simplyan ecostsandtheturbulence rt in rst 18 and 263 16

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document diff caninvoke thenotionof‘convergence’history abhors –itisasthough history affl mania. Some attract andpullmagnetically:betterlivingstandards, land,weather, push peopleoutwards: hunger, depression, overpopulation, disease,oppression, movement ofhumanityacross thefrontiers, localandeven global.Some forces of models–‘push’ and‘pull’ forces –which,takentogether, explainthe movement. In general,migrationanalystshave beeninthethrall ofthesimplest shaped andgoverned thefl ows ofhumanity, the fi nalexplanationsofsuch study oftheunderlyingcausesinternationalmigration,forces which own level whiletheyequalisetheprimalforces ofpushandpull. in needofspecial explanation. perhaps theprocess ofmigrationbecame more ingrained andhabituatedless ‘epidemics’ ofenthusiasm–manywhichare well documented–andthen to emigratewere aff ected by, forinstance, campaigns andthesudden recruitment sion. Obviously localandeven regional diff – nottomentiontheinfl uenceoftheapparatuscommunications andpersua- of millionsmigrationdecisionshadlocal,indeedfamilial andpersonal,stimuli stranded asrandom,motleyandunstructured crowds offolk.Th attempt toaffi throughout history’. that humanmigrationis‘a elementofhumansocieties normalandstructural 264 Th determinism. is either‘inevitableordetermined’: Berlin ’ s work wasdesignedtoconfound of technologicaldevelopment andtermsoftrade’ andhencelittleofhistory social movements, impersonalforces suchasdemographyandclimaticchanges, isthestudyofclassesand Berlin indeed condemnedtheideathat‘history vainly inthe cobweb ofhistorical causation,incapableofactingasfree agents’. with people’ andbecause‘He doesnotseehumanbeingsasfl way across theprairie’. AnnanextolsIsaiah Berlin ’ s work becauseit‘pullulates herds move, driven theyknow notwhyby impersonalforces, munchingtheir resemblessonalised acres aranchonwhich ofhumanexperiencesothathistory determinism. AsNoel Annancausticallyremarked: ‘Social scientistshave deper- identifi systems, now global. Th oftheadjustmentdiffpart erentials ofincomeacross themigrational to equalisereturns tolabourandcapitalbetween homeandaway. Emigration is trade itself, whichbenefi tsbothsidesofthetransaction,andworldingeneral, gence hypothesisofmigrationseesemigrationasaprocess, like international uence, prospects forchildren, employment. And,stillfurther, thecalculusof erentials –thatitisaquasi-hydraulic system,peoplelikewater, fi namelythe Another approach tothegenericquestionisindeedstructural, Th Such aformulationremains controversial andalwaysrisksthetauntof is puzzle is at the heart ofthemigrationquestionandisenemyany ispuzzleattheheart ed ineachtheatre. x agenericsource tothe riseofmassexpatriation.Emigrants are 21

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e diff erential wasthedrivingmotorandthiscanbe e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational erences intheextentandpropensity e promptings 20 ies struggling struggling ies Th nding their nding e conver- Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document westwards across theAtlantic –over ‘the pond’ asitbecameknown. spilledoverlate eighteenthcentury intothemassive outfl overlapping inalldirections. the centre oftheuniversal changesatwork across thedeveloping modernworld, the parallelchangesofurbanisation anddemographicupsurge,bothlocatedat binations. But mostrelevant tothegenesisofmodernmassemigrationhave been imperialism. Andtheseconditionswere mixed indiff eringstrengths andcom- alisation, globaltradeandthedemocratisingnationstate, ofteninthewakeof to someoftheothergreat evolutions ofthemodernworld,includingindustri- of thesystemschange.International migrationgrew outofconditionscommon than theoriginatingcausesofthesegreat movements. tion wasforbetterment.Th suchastheuniversal propositionin theformofsimpletruisms thatmostemigra- forces didindeedexist,andtheyare urgentlyexpoundedby theiradvocates, often the structures aff ectingindividualpropensities towards emigration. Powerful A general view ler ofmobility? tions? What were the underlying enginesofthisincessantbutfl determined theoscillatingpressures ofpushandpullwithinthehumanpopula- But whatexactlywasprompting andpropelling theriseofmassmigration? What the story. emigration, there are longlinesof causationaswell asmattersofcontingencyin underpinnings ofpopulationmobilityanditseventual expression inactual changes. to the‘latentforces’ ofthenormalvisible causal atwork underthesurface of history. Bernard Bailyn suggestedthathistoriansoughttobeespeciallyalert those ofemigration:thetwoprocesses nodoubtintersectbeneaththe grandlevel long roots oftheIndustrial Revolution, andasimilarquest canbeordered for but thecausesremain mysterious.Th great discontinuityinthecourseofinternationalmigrationaround the1820s, Th whichislittletouchedby theobstinateerosioners oritsparticipants, oftime. history, almostsilentandalwaysdiscreet, unsuspectedeitherby itsobserv- virtually attention by itscontinualanddramaticchanges–thatother, submerged somehow whichholdsour toconvey simultaneouslyboththatconspicuoushistory Bailyn himself maintainedthattheinternalmobilitysystemsofBritain inthe None ofthisneeddiminishtherole of underlyingconditionswhichmoulded Th eenginesofmobility were revolving certainly deeply withinthestructures isprincipallyahistoricalquestion.In thelongperspective there wasa 23 Asimilarapproach wasthatofFernand Braudel who sought econsequencesofmigrationare muchbetterknown nie o mobility of Engines ere hasbeenacomparablesearch forthe 22 In termsofthestructural ows ofemigration uctuating propel- 25 Somehow 24

265 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document was ‘mysterious andchaotic’, indeed‘A blurlackingstructure, scaleanddetail’. ‘Th 266 Th a degree. would already beexperiencedinmobility, familiarwiththeidea,habituatedto – anacclimatisingtotheprocess ofmobility–aseasoningintheact. Emigrants on theemigrationproject onlyaftersomepsychological andpracticalpreparation Oneas thoughfrom mightexpectasocietyordistricttoembark astandingstart. tion would,atonefellswooporinaseriesofshifts,liftitselfandlaunchoverseas, fi At mobility inthehomecontext,studiedmostinfl uentially by Clark and Souden. though mixed, success. ‘improvement’to establishnew villagesfortheirreception, withconsiderable, Scotlandelaborateefftion? In ofmid-eighteenth-century parts were orts made What provision, ifany, labourfrom agrariantransforma- wasmadeforextruded ernising populationwastheiraccommodationandultimatedestination. of emigration. migration. Th movements ofemigrants–whichmayhave begunby amodelofinternal paving thewayfornext,facilitatingandfi complicated by meansofchainmigration–eachsuccessive wave ofmigrants emigration, emigrationandpost-emigration.Andtheprocess became more mobility. Th ere wasanextendedcontinuumofmigration,withphases pre- stepsofinternal world–withfurther the momentumofmigrationinnew –renewing outfurther communities abroad, theimmigrantpopulationstruck the populationspurred theprocess atlarge–sothatafterarrival inthereceiving of large-scaleoverseas emigration.Moreover thehabituatingofmobilitywithin migration acceleratingandexpandingaheadof, andparallelwith,theemergence for itssheeralacrity: T.M. Devine arguedthatScottishhiring practicescreated this movement, butrelated. In lowland adjustmentiscelebrated Scotlandtherural to increasing scaleaseachdecadepassed.Emigration was generallysecondary labourentirelyof rural outofthe sector. modate andretain thepopulationgenerallygave wayto thewholesaleexoduses Highlands toNorth Americainthelateeighteenthcentury. Eff to accom- orts – includingthesuddenuprooting ofentire communities,asfrom the West the landinmostextreme expulsive fashion.Th ere were manyother responses (aswe havein thelongrun seen)famineandmassevictionpushed peopleoff ‘model villages’ population,but establishedtoaccommodatetheswelling rural for relocating people.In displaced rural Ireland there were manyexamplesof eAtlantic becameaHighway’ butderived ‘from internalmovements’, and Th In theBritish casethere question about theextentofinternal isacrucial A centralquestionfl owing from theenhancedgeneralmobilityofmod- In most oftheBritish Isles theout-moving populationgravitatedtotowns of rstglanceitseemsunlikelythatatraditionallystableandimmobilepopula- ere isindeedasubstantialbodyofevidence,inseveral locales,ofinternal is is clearly part ofthesearch foralineofcausationinthepanorama isclearlypart 27 But inEngland there waslittlereplication ofthissystem e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational nancing theinter-generational 26

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document requirements oftheland’. effiby aruthlessly cientsystemofchannellinglabourwhichwassurplusto wasrenderedcountryside free unemployment oftheconsequencesstructural successful becauseitsworkforce wassoadaptive andmobileasrequired: ‘Th rightsofsettlement.ScottishagricultureLaw gave peoplecertain wasremarkably needed, hadnoalternative buttomigrate–unlikeinEngland where thePoor a tightequilibriumbetween thesupplyanddemandforlabour. Labour, ifnot A general view Th demographic revolution. has dealtwiththeEnglish case;thoughnotunique,itwastheforerunner inthe of thepopulationfrom sometimearound 1750.Th emostsophisticated research ofhumanity –thecumulative expansion greatest discontinuities inthehistory population ofwestern Europe intheeighteenthcentury. Th isentailedoneofthe have concentratedonthecriticalquestionofunprecedented growth ofthe have consumedtheenergiesoftwogenerationsdemographichistorians: they to migrate.Th the numbersavailable foremigrationandperhapsalsoincreased theirpropensity convergence intowns anddispersionoverseas. wasmigration–theinexorable peopleandtheir exodusthe longrun ofrural inwardness, religious fervour, stoicismandutopianism.But themaineff in widespread poverty andrepeated crisesofproduction, prompting riots, Th fully slowly. Some ofthiswastranslatedatseveral removes towards emigration. One wasthecontinuingbuthesitantanduneven evacuation –sometimespain- land. Th eincreasing increments ofpopulation growth propelled many responses. created oflabourandpeopleonthe reservoir anunparalleledbutunderutilised Population growth across theBritish from themid-eighteenthcentury Isles detritus ofimperialism’, sent to‘a historicalSiberia’ forthe‘historicallydrab’. of British imperialism.At theendofEmpire thelastexpatriatesbecame‘the British demography, butalsointhegeneral lifeofthenationandinhistory the British peopleisnormallyreduced toafootnote,notonlyin theaccountof this isfrequently extendedtothelargerhistorical narratives: theemigrationof unsatisfactory, sinceit relegates migrationtothestatusofaresidual factorand some estimateoftherealistic leakageoutof, orinto,theregion. Th is obviously with thisslipperinessofthepopulationistoassumeauniform movement, or carefully deathsandmarriages.One re-constructed waytodeal dataonbirths, – thatis,peoplewhosemovements beyond theirown parishesunderminethe is wasanecho ofJames Stephen ’ s remarks in1839when hesighedthat ere wasalsoagreat Britain dealofdislocationanddespairinrural –manifested Th Population growth wastherefore theprimeengineofmobility;itexpanded erecurrent problem facingallthedemographicanalystsisthatofmobility e causes of the population revolution of the eighteenth century ecausesofthepopulationrevolution oftheeighteenthcentury 28 Population and rurality rurality and Population Th is makes high virtue ofexpulsive migration. ismakeshighvirtue ect over 267 e 29

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document tural affi ded incountry-specifi andculture’.Th chistory eyconcedethe infl uence of ‘cul- economic framework,rather than by idiosyncratic non-economicfactorsembed- variety inEuropean emigrationexperiencecanbeexplainedby acommon Hatton and Williamson ’ s lineofcausationisemphaticallydeterministic:‘the quality oftheirlives, andtheydiditforthesamereason twocenturiesago’. States alone.Until 1850thefl ow wasdominated by Britain and Germany. emigrations from Europe were already reaching 50,000perannumtotheUnited ‘not ofanorganisedscheme,muchitmore anypart likehumanballast’. emigration: ‘isadullsubject,atleasttome’. He declared thatemigrationwas 268 Th in theirown right. dictates oftheglobaleconomyandColonialOffi ce,rarely asprime movers foot soldiersofempire, simplyoozingoutofthemotherlandinresponse tothe the emigrantsfrom theBritish Isles are treated asdependentvariables, asthe Despite spread theirhugenumbersandtheextraordinary across three continents, twentieth centuries. force inthewestern expansionofthefrontier worldsofthenineteenthand Anglo-World –hasidentifi edthesecommonmigrantsastheprincipaldynamic increase ofcompoundinterest. ofthedonatinglocalpopulation,inasort tive force, eachyear buildingontheprevious, oftengreater thanthenatural this smallpercentage possessedastoundingleverage: itwas,ofcourse,acumula- many as2percentannum,therest literallyinanygiven year unmoved. Yet emigrating inanygiven year oscillatedgreatly, rarely accountedforas butvery time (except from Ireland, 1850–1900).Aswe have seen,thenumberofpeople always aminorityactivity, involving ofthepeopleatanyone asmallproportion and ‘a ofintercontinental migration’. decisive shiftinthehistory involving single peopleina‘spectacular transition’. It wasan‘amazing’ transition change inworldmigrations’ –inscale,compositionandfreedom, increasingly the 1850s,‘global migrationschangeddramatically’: itwasindeed‘a regime been confi nedtoslaves, convictsandservants. Inthedecadesfrom the1820sto in nodoubtthatthere wasadiscontinuity:before 1820mostemigrationhad as‘Thcentury eAgeof Mass Migration’ and ‘the fi rstglobalcentury’. Th the economists T.J. Hatton andJ.G. Williamson, whodescribethenineteenth Th this factorinmodernhistory, thatledthe process. even inthecountry emostdeveloped modelofthegreat ageofinternationalmigrationisthat migrants‘doMigration inthismodelisnomystery: ittoday toimprove the Th Meanwhile James Belich –from New Zealand ontheextreme edgeofthe efactremains thatmostpeoplesimplydidnotemigrate.Emigration was nities, locationpreferences, andthe friends-and-relatives eff 31 Th usthere existsastrangeimbalanceinthetreatment of Th e fl e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ood 32 By 1820free et, but ect’, ey are 30

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document impact offamine.Chainmigration from Ireland enabledthepoorest toenter were anexception –‘negatively tothegeneralrule not positively selected’ by the incentives; therest ofEurope washeld backby poverty constraints. But theIrish Incrucial. theearlyphasesBritish andGerman emigrantswere driven by wage 1840s wasdecisive asmarket forces undertheregime of government subsidiesgave somehelp;andthegreat European famineofthe costshadbeenstablefrom 1688to1820,butthenfelldrastically; transport generated thehumannumbers,andthree keychangesdrove theoutfl inAmericaandbeyond. Th high-wage opportunities that fuelledtheemigrations.Poorly paidlabourinEurope gravitatedtothe scarcities in thedestinationcountries,whichdeterminedmostofdiff ‘improved abilitytotakeadvantage oftherewards’ oftheiremigration: and ‘the poverty trap’ operated.Th e great changewasthe prospective emigrants’ Before 1820thecostsofemigrationandlow wageshadimpededemigration, andtheearlyBritishartisans, emigrantsexhibitedtheiressential‘highquality’. at fi rstemigrationwasdominated by thebetteroff -families, byfarmers and selection’. insist thattheseoperatedbeneaththe‘strong economicforces inimmigrant A general view to explainemigration’. British Isles andDenmark andthus‘Real wagegapsdonotsuffi rose when livingstandards were risingathome.Thtrue ofthe iswasespecially market fundamentals’ thatinducedeachsurgeinemigration. Yet emigrationalso to escapepoverty: and‘itwastheunderlyingeconomicdemographiclabour were precisely thosemostresponsive toemigrantincentives. In Europe mostleft when moderndevelopment unfolds,‘producing aswarmofyoung adults’, who invoke populationforces: namelythedemographictransitionwhichaff demand andsupplyintheorigindestinationcounties’. On onesidethey rest oftheworld–through tothepresent day. tances, especiallyinSpain andPortugal. Later, sameprocess aff thevery released anditwasmore easily fi simultaneously withindustrialisation;theconstraintonemigrationwasfurther costsfell, soincomelevelsof emigrationhadbeenbroken. rose Astransport poor and Turks. Th e lowering ofthesecostsmeantthatthe ‘poverty trap’ –tobringintothe netItalians,century Poles, Slavs, Russian Jews, Mexicans, enabling thecatchmentofemigrationtoreach across Europe by theendof process, whicheventually brought poor, emigrationwithinthereach ofthevery coststhrough thenineteenthcentury.tion intransport It wasacontinuous oftheircalculationswastheincomediffheart erential –facilitated by the reduc- Th Changes inthebasic facilitiesofemigrationwere inthisexposition: crucial Hatton and Williamson explicitlyseek‘the toshiftlabour forces whichserved e secondsideoftheexplanation relates tolandabundanceandlabour 33

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nanced by thewidespread recourse toremit- edemographictransition became laissez-faire ce by themselves ected the erentials 34 ects all ects atthe ows: 269 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document of thework’. work’, theydeclare, andsimilarlythe‘labormarket forces …[were] doingmost growth oflivingstandards: ‘mass migrationswere doingmostoftheconvergence emigration astheglobalfacilitatorof‘convergence’ andthegeneraluniversal reduction intheemigrationimperative. Indeed Hatton and Williamson see the declineofdemographicpressure, whicheventually causedalong-term destination countriesandmuchofEurope wasreduced; withequaleff all by thediminutionofpoverty inEurope. Eventually thewagegapbetween eventually beingtonarrow thediff erence, toproduce a ‘convergence’, mostof higher-income destinations,drawnby thepositive diff Demographic Transition’. Migrants moved between low-income countriesto ally reduced attachmentstothelandandwidenedregime ofwagelabour. ity and incomes in the new land, eventuallyity andincomes inthenew suffi andsettlement,createdcheapness oftransport acontextofrisingproductiv- appropriation ofvirginlandoverseas, enhancedby theincreased securityand create asetofurgentpropulsions from onesidetotheother. For instance,the it varied withconditionsbetween homeandaway, andwaswideenoughto role tothediff erential: thediff erential wasthe Th to explainthegenesisofdiff between the homeanddestinationplaceswasthemoving force, thenwe have motivating force, thepowering engineofthe diff erential. If thediff the carefully plotted economicvariables accountfortheoriginoffundamental nisms themselves generatethemovement? Even more fundamentally, noneof underlying factorstransmittedintotheoverseas fl facilities beingcreated inresponse todemandconditions?How were thebasic not explainthefailure ofmostpeopletorespond tothevariables. regions, northebluntfactthatmostpeopledidnotreact. Th ecorrelations do were alsoconnected.None oftheseexplainsthediff erent responses indiff overseas,kinsfolk, andthewideningavailability ofdestinationsandopportunities at homeandabroad. Th e availability ofassistance,theprioremigration costs,andwiththegapbetween income quantum ofinformation,withtransport emigration correlated variables –mostnotablywiththe withthesecrucial local variations andmyriadsmallerfactors.No doubt,in thebroadest sense, created by earlieremigration). –and‘paththe story dependency’ becamevital(‘a powerful magneticfi 270 Th emostgeneralandrecurring explanation foremigrationgives thestarring At thecentre ofthisgreat process were ‘World Factor Migrations andthe Th A keyquestionishow emigrationwasroused –wasitsimplyamatterof istheoverarching and thebackground toindividualdecisionsand story 37

Th 36 evitaldiff Attitudes alsochanged–industrialisationgener- erential itself. erential e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational erential ows? Or didtheactualmecha- cient tobeckon immigrants. sine quanon ofemigration– erential, theconsequence eld’ was eld’ erential ect was ect erent Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document decisive accelerationwas notachieved inasingleleap:thefi rstsurgeoccurred wereAt thecore theupward ofthestory shiftsinBritish emigration,butthe economic growth. movements off theland were integralandessentialtotheactivation ofmodern to emigrate. determinants: evidentlynotallpeopleinsimilareconomiccircumstances choose out, emigrationishighlyselective andnotgoverned mechanicallyby economic complexity ofthemigrationquestion.Similarly, asCharlotteErickson points recoil there isanelevation oflocalcircumstances toaccentuatethediversity and took totheocean-goingships. heavy variables whichdislocatedthelives ofmillionspeople,somewhom to populationgrowth, agriculturaltransformationandindustrialisation–all already signalled,theenginesofchangeunderlyingdiff the diff erentials, asituationinwhichcauseandeff closely. ectcircle each very As ing oftherevealed diff variables aff ectingthediff erential. Wasthere indeedasuddenanddecisive widen- Th a suggestiblepopulation,somespecialtriggermightsettheprocess inmotion. Waterloo. discontinuity, theprecipitate riseintherateandscaleofBritish emigrationafter upon thediff erential. Such explanationsmust relate specifi callytothecentral eff Alternatively, deterioratinglivingstandards athomemightinduceanexpellant A general view upward shiftinpropensities toemigrate. outageneral local conditionsexerted alargeimpact–thoughthisdoesnotrule cumulative migrationofpeoplefrom thelandandtheiroff riseinproductivity undermodern economicgrowthary wasassociatedwith in whichEuropean peopleswere galvanised tocross theoceans.Th It iscloselyconnectedtothecontinuingquestforcommonalitiesinmanner towards emigration,isthecentralproblem intheexplanationofmassemigration. ranean’ forces toshapethetendencymigrate. decisions, collective mobilities,system-widechanges–whichallowed for‘subter- range found.Th circumstances inawidearena ofcases–inasearch forconcordances withinthe ecriticalissuethenbecomesthedeterminantsofthesechangeswithin ect. Acombinationoftheseconditions,course,compoundedtheimpact Irish historians,inparticular, resist suchmechanicalexplanations.In this Th Once thediff erential rewards ofemigrationbecamevisibleandpublicisedto Th Ultimately thepredisposition, orthepotentiationofhomepopulations equestioniscomplicatedby thelikelihoodthatemigrationitselfaff eapproach adoptedinthisbookhasbeentoexaminedepththeselocal 39 Th ere maybea ladder, orhierarchy, ofconditions–individual ere were atwork: individual,familyand nosystematicrules erentials? rti udr strain under Britain 38

spring. Th erentials were related e revolution- ese original ected 271 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document America andAustralasia inmuchofthenineteenthcentury. – anatavistictensionintheir collective mentalities,witnessedinbothNorth harboured backward-looking worldthey hadrejected yearnings fortheoldrural andtheexpansionofsettlementoverseas.advance ofindustry But manyofthem migrants pushedchangealong intheirenergisedstate,eagertoco-operatethe Th income-diff forces thataff as opposedtothedeeperstructural religious opposition toemigration.Th eselatterforces operatedintheshort-run, bloody-minded resistance tochange,aswell asconsiderableideologicaland sheer poverty, ofthefailure news ofsometheprevious and migrants,inertia landlord pressure andtheinfl ated publicityandpropaganda, togetherwithimproved facilities, transport ants were thepersuasive accountssenthomeby previous migrantsandtheassoci- people towards andwelfare. anequilibriumofopportunities Amongtheacceler- ‘retardants’, operatinguponwhatmayberegarded asthe‘natural’ movement of to leave theBritish Isles. the diff erential between homeanddestinationcountries,thewideningincentive were created theconditionsofemigration.Bothalsohadfundamentaleff in theirmidst.It fi population.Thrural isleftdislocation anddecline, evacuation anddisturbance clothing oftheswollenpopulationwasachieved by ofthe asmallerproportion imperialism andindustrialisation. four great processes oftheage–demographicchanges,agriculturalrevolution, and thephenomenalgrowth oftheUnited States. Th isexplanationconnectsthe root system–interconnecting withtheexpansive outreaching ofcolonisation especially after1815.Th fl imperatives; theavailability ofemigrationpossibilitieswasanextensionthe land. Th productivity generatedgreat turmoilanddisplacementsamongpeopleonthe ratesofpopulationgrowth.revolutionary Unprecedented improvements inrural full spatefrom thelate1820s. in the1770s,butthenstuttered untilemergingin through phasesofwartime, 272 Th ight tothetowns –anoptionwhichwasopeningsimultaneouslyandgrowingly, ere aspiring wasaconcomitantpsychological changewithinthislongstory: In narrative ofmigrationthere thisstructural were also‘accelerants’ and productivityOut andpopulationgrowth ofthisdualtransformationinrural Th At thetimeofthisdisjunctionBritain confronted thestrainofsustaining e curious corollary ofthedemographicrevolution ecuriouscorollary wasthatthefeedingand e parallelgrowth oftowns generatedinternalincentives andindeed erential whichdrove thelargerprocess. nally expressed itselfinmigrationtothecitiesandabroad. eparallelism is strikingandmayhave possessedthesame scooy f emigration of Psychology uenceoflocalleaders.Th 40

e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ected themainmotorof eretardants encompassed ects on Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document British) butalsoof Emigration. Th iswasnotonlythetimeofexuberant Imperialism(led bythe people oftheBritish Isles (andindeedmuchofEurope) duringthegreat Ageof course exceptional conditionswhichgave remarkable favour to the emigrating A general view superseded asemigrantsby theirurbandescendants. homeland.Th larger populationmainlydisengagedfrom therural the rest, emigration wasoneoftheexceptional optionsemployed by the much worsening conditionssuchasthoseprevailing Highlands. inthenorth-west For with accumulatingdiffi wereincreased faced populationattheendofeighteenthcentury ofBritain thatthoseparts which werenoteworthy unableto redeploy the agrarian basewhichwasitselfnarrowing, producing aninexorable outfl to thecommondenominatorofpopulationgrowth ontoanoldrestricted thrust low of very barrierstoemigrationandfallingcoststransport. regardless oftheunderlyingpropellants identifi edinthisaccount. It wasatime were allhighlyfavourable conditionsinwhichtolaunchmassemigration, government hadlittleinclinationtoinvolve itselfintheactualprocess. Th were noimpedimentsstandinginthewayofemigration,thoughBritish religion andeducationwere guaranteedinmainlypeacefulsettings. land wasavailable andlargefamilieswelcomed; andwhere civillaw, freedom of were abletoreach destinationswithdemonstrablyhigherlivingstandards, where doors butalsoattracted,welcomed andeven subsidisedtheseimmigrants.People licated. Moreover manyofthedesirabledestinationsnotonlymaintainedopen Anglo World, from thecostofpassage.Th apart eseconditions were never rep- Th world. anywhere elsesimplydemonstratedtheuniqueopennessofthismigratory unprecedented rangeofoptions–thattheychosetheUnited States more than remained surprisinglyhigh.For thereceiving countriesthe criticalquestion eff to have muchinfl uenceonthehomesociety, except indirectly through feed-back slight, yet enoughsomehow torepopulate three continents.Th eemigrants ceased and markets. Th eperplexityisthatthe actualnetlossperannumwasostensibly Th outfl and theexpansionofurbanplaceswhichpossessed capacity toabsorbthe most were accommodatedintherapidgrowth ofnon-agricultural employment possible resort,was nottaken.Instead, butmostlytheroad totheemigrantports ere were constraintsontheBritish few peopleastowhere toemigrateinthe eseoptions operatedintandem–sustainingpopulationgrowth, foodsupply ects. But and therate rose substantially attheendofeighteenthcentury Beyond thesegenericelementsatthecentre oftheBritish case,there were of Th Industrialisation, emigrationandimperialismwere, therefore, linkedresponses It wasanidealcontexttosustainmassemigration.Moreover after1825there os Th ows. e spillofpopulationneeded outlets,andintensive emigrationwasone e availability of opportunities oversease availability solution. ofopportunities wasanancillary . Th laissez-faire . culties –ofgreatly expandedpopulationsbottled-upin eBritish and emigrantfacedanextraordinary ey were later ow. It is ese 273 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document the world. produced an exodus areas from rural –aphenomenonwidelyrepeated across worked their results inundramaticways.Th the locality, andmostoftherelease mechanismsandtheexpulsive pressures But theywere ultimatelymanifestedandactivated atthelevel ofthefamilyand by seismicchangesinthefundamentalsofeconomicanddemographic existence. localities whichtendtoobscure thelargerforces. British lifehadbeengripped impulses are witnessedatground level inthemyriadindividualcasesandspecial which eventually emergedintomassmigrationandemigration.Some ofthese Th across thegrowing worldthrough tothepresent day. It was,moreover, themodelofmodernchange,agenericprocess toberepeated the force foremigration.It wasthebasisforshiftindiff than overseas. Factor relationships hadswitchedabout,andthiswas adriving It changesinBritain where paralleledcomplementary labourwaslessvaluable altered radically by theaccesstoresources –mainlyatfi rsttoland overseas itself. diff North AmericaandAustralasia greatly increased thepotencyofimperative with thesuddenavailabilitylands foroccupationin ofseeminglyunlimitednew tions inamultitudeofdiff re-distribution, even across theoceans.It fedthetowns andtheoverseas destina- the country. equationaltered Eachstructural andreleased thecandidatesfor But landhungerand depopulationwere atits core –arecurring patternacross versions ofthebroader pictures transformationacross theBritish ofrural Isles. grew faster thanever before. Th e IrishandScottish cases were severe andvivid agricultural productivity, andthelandwasre-deployed even asthepopulation ing localpopulationswere rendered redundant bymethodsof radicallynew Ireland, where peoplewere obviously transformation.Th ejectedby rural of conditionsontheland.It wasmost clear-cutintheScottishHighlands and peoples. places, andthedramasmechanismswhichproduced theseinfl concerned thewayinwhichtheirpopulationswere generatedinthosefardistant 274 Th of theBritish Isles. How were tensofthousands (andeventually millions)of forces werestructural transmittedintotheactualmovements toemigrantports modern economicdevelopment. Th esethenwere therelentless changesbehindthemovement structural ofpeople erential thatpropelled emigration.Th erewards tolabourandcapital were Th Th At home,inmanyemigrant-supplierplaces,there wasaubiquitoustightening sine quanon ofinternationalmigration. ecoincidence ofthesedemographicandeconomicconditionsinBritain isbecamethestandard recurring patternforeconomiesembarking on rapid erent modes,andshiftedover thepassageofdecades. Th e prototype e crucial historicalquestionishow ecrucial thelarge e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational e combinationofcircumstances erential whichwas e swell- owing Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document was amostremarkable achievement of achieved withlittlegovernmental insomewaysit orcommercial intervention: thedefiundertake nitive journeyacross theoceans? iswasamassive enterprise Th workingordinary peoplefrom thedepthsofBritish Isles mobilisedto A general view a globalisedscalebefore theconcepthadbeencoined. – theimpactwasprofoundly irresistible dislocative andvirtually oncebegun. stimulus wastransmittedtograzingterritorieswithintheBritish Isles andbeyond the years 1780 to1820.Equally, thedemandforwoolgrew explosively andthe ash viakelpproduction, avast upheaval whichrose asquicklyitcollapsedin of muchthepopulationScottishHighlands intotheproduction ofsoda –causingtheredistribution expanded –suchassodaintheglassandsoapindustry Formost distantparts. chemicalssuddenly instance,thedemands forcertain and industrialisingpopulationofthecountry. unprecedentedly, tothedemandsgeneratedby theessentialneedsofexpanded off lands, oustingsmallandindolentproducers. It wasliterallydislocating,setting robust, pushingpeopleoff theland,amalgamatingfarms,appropriating common fi labour more rigorously (aswell asamultitudeofotherchangesintransport, community towards greater effi products. Risingpricesandtheupwardrural pressure onrents impelledtherural rising demand,inducingchangeswhicheventually revolutionised thesupplyof – theintensifi cationoflanduseandeconomies inlabour–wasa response to tion ofresources mosturgentlyinthefarmingsector. Agriculturalimprovement urbanisation created demands,whichwere intensenew registered inthealloca- emerging industrialeconomy. Pressure from therisingpopulationandfrom adjustmentstoeven themostremotetransmitted structural enclaves inthe rural the impulse,overwhelmingly economicmigration, isnolesspotentbutthe entire points intheirevolutions. In societiesatcertain thetwenty-fi feasible, intotheinternational arena. It isthemigrationimperative thatgrips – usuallyexhibitedinvast internalre-distributions people,butalsowhere ofrural in thetransformingTh population towards thecities,andsamephenomenoniswitnessed elsewhere agrarian revolution are presently accompaniedby amassive turnover ofthe in theBritish Isles. In modernChinaandIndia rapidpopulationgrowth and the irresistible consequence ofthetypechangeswhichwere fi tions andcomponentsofthemodernisingeconomy. Migration was,andremains, world. Th were subsequentlyreplicatedearly nineteenthcentury across thefuture modern nancing, marketing anddistribution).Often thereadjustment wasmore than rounds new ofmobility. In sectorexpandedpositively and theendrural Th Th Th e same forces induced particular distensionsandgreat esameforcesineven inducedparticular the ructions e mechanismsinBritain were through market articulated forces which e circumstances whichfavoured andimpelledBritish emigrationinthe ey set the pattern essentially because these were the necessary condi- eysetthepatternessentially becausethesewere thenecessary ird World. Th ciency –by rationalisinglanduseandemploying eoutward imperative recurs across thestory laissez-faire , 41 ofvolitional behaviouron rst demonstrated rst century century rst 275 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document exciting rate. urgency ofthemovements tomega-citieshave atanalarmingand racedforward ieenhcnuy predecessors. nineteenth-century accordedbetterment, butwithouttheopportunities totheirmore favoured are visibleinthefacesofdesperateand/orstrivingpeoplewhoseekeconomic Today thesamegenericforces operate withnolesspressure andtheconsequences the originalroots British ofwhichwere Isles. locatedintheeighteenth-century borders andseas.Th urban growth. Migration becomesunstoppableand,atitsedges,issuesoutacross (or Malthusian disaster) andfi ndsitsmostlikelyhaven inindustrialisationand returns). Th eabsorptionofthe ruralpopulationexcess/surplus requires outlet growth production withthecommercialisation (yieldingmuchhigher ofrural essence themodelfollows theconvergence ofsuddenunprecedented population forceful versions of whichhave beeninStalin ’ s Russia andMao adjustment, thoughmostofittakestheforminternalmigration(the ’ s China).In external where there existsareceptive destination.Th ruleofmodern isan iron and agriculturaltransformationpropels mostmigration,whichmaybecome world, internallyandexternally. Th of conditionswhichhadsetthepeopleBritish Isles outintothewider available. fordislocatedpeasantsareexternal opportunities now muchlesswelcoming or 276 Th (odn Weiden- (London: LabouringMen: Studies ofLabour intheHistory Hobsbawm, Eric 3 Work, Culture andSocietyinIndustrializing America Gutman, G. Herbert by Th Quoted 2 P. . E 1 8 Th migration’. 8 ‘Internal to Saville, See Introduction 7 (eds), Richardson 13. and 9–10, 2, Marks pp. migration’, 6 ‘Internal Saville, See 5 Invisible Immigrants Erickson, and See 4 Th Hence seesacontinuingreplication oftheoldcombination themodernstory becoming known toprospective emigrants.Th in theyears through tothe1830swhichmaywell have aff ectedthediff feld &Nicolson, 1964),p. 105.Current opinionsuggestsafalloflivingstandards (New York: Knopf, 1976),p. ix. . 2. p. greater. rendered diff in thewritingof Richard Jeff too slow toproduce thebestbenefi atlarge–notably tstotheworkers andthecountry isaccounttherefore suggestsarecurring discontinuityinmodernhistory, e scale and speed of rural out-migrationin escaleandspeedofrural Victorian times wasoftenregarded as erentials atthemomentof‘discontinuity’ and thustheincentive toemigrate ompson, Customs inCommon (London:Merlin Press, 1991),p. 13. escaleandvelocity ofbothinternationalmobilityandthe eries. See E.L.Jones, ‘Th elandwhichRichard Jeff ecoincidenceofsuddenpopulationgrowth Notes Leaving England. e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational ese fi International LabourMigration , ndings suggestawideningofthe erentials eries Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document A general view 10 Th 0 1 1 Se .. et ‘ieay n te nutil eouin, n ol oy (d) (ed.), Mokyr Joel in Revolution’, Industrial the and ‘Literacy West, E.G. See 12 Regions andIndustries Hudson, (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1989), Pat 11 1 TW Batl, Th Beastall, T.W. 14 ofEconomics Dictionary Palgrave ’ (1925),p. s 697. 13 15 Th 5 1 2 ‘uh n pl’ a aprnl fi apparently was pull’ and 9. ‘Push p. Migration, Migration , History 20 Lucassen, and Lucassen 32–3. 28, 19 23, pp. Ibid., 3. 18 p. LeavingEngland , Erickson, 17 passim. Replenishing , Belich, 16 2 B Biy, ‘Th Bailyn, B. 23 fi much is there former the Of Personal 22 Impressions Berlin, (London:Hogarth Isaiah to Introduction Annan, Noel 21 2 Badl utd y on oh Th Tosh, John by quoted Braudel 24 9 ao Ln, Rrlubn irto ad oieooi mblt i Vcoin Britain’, Victorian in mobility socioeconomic and migration ‘Rural-urban Long, Jason 9 to market signalsinanincreasingly effi moved from onecountytoanotherbetween 1851and1881.Th ey were responding Journal ofEconomic History 65(2005),1–35.He ofBritons calculatesthataquarter 2005). SocietyJournal (April inherited’, bridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1993),pp. 203–28. O’Brien andR.Quinault (eds), pp. 16,35.See alsoEric Richards, ‘Margins oftheIndustrial Revolution’, inP. and Davis (eds), considered by Robert Woods, ‘Population growth andeconomicchange’, inMathias p. 235 colnshire CommitteefortheSociety ofLincolnshire HistoryandArchaeology 1978), Economics oftheIndustrial Revolution (London: AllenandUnwin, 1984),chap. 11. 1815–1914 (London: Weidenfeld &Nicolson, 1981),pp. 54,61. History ofModernHistory Britain , vol. 1,p. 94. the “long” eighteenthcentury’, inFloud andJohnson (eds), mental hypotheticalalternative inthestory. E.A. Wrigley, ‘British populationduring population growth’. It avoided theMalthusian crisiswhichis,ofcourse,themonu- the oldorganiceconomy)England and Wales didnotpaythe‘bitterpriceforrapid long eighteenthcentury. For thisreason (basedontheescapefrom thereliance on ever before by thetransformation inagriculturalproductivity butsupported inthe and M.Harper, Press, 1980),pp. xiii–xiv, xviii, xxvi–xxvii. associated withthework ofJeff Australian Economic Papers 7(1968),171fn. Ideas regarding ‘convergence’ are most David Pope, ‘Empire emigrationtoCanada,Australia andNew Zealand, 1910–1939’, Cycles (New York: National Bureau ofEconomic Research, 1926),p. 203,fn17; 2010), p. 163. 1 (1982),1–24. e relative roles ofmigrationandpopulation growth intheurbanexpansionis is is a view underscored isaview by E.A. Wrigley –thatpopulationgrowth wasfasterthan . But See theadjustmentwasnotperfect. E.H.Hunt, Rural History (2005),83–93;andJones, ‘Richard Jeff echallengeofmodernhistoriography’, eAgricultural Revolution inLincolnshire (Lincoln: HistoryofLin- Migration andEmpire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010). First Industrial Revolution , esp. pp. 151–2. nework –mostnotablythevolume ofS.Constantine e Williamson. rey Jeromerst usedby Harry in Th e Pursuit ofHistory (Harlow: Pearson, 5thedn, eIndustrial Revolution andBritish Society cient labour market. labour cient 87: American Historical Review Th e Migration andBusiness British LabourHistory, eries’, Economic Cambridge Richard Jeff (Cam- eries 277 Th e

Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 278 Th 27 Th 7 2 Bailyn, Peopling , p. 19.Note thatJohn MacKenzie talksofthe‘compulsive expansive- 26 says Europeans ontheMove (1994), Canny, Nicholas to Introduction the in Bailyn, 25 38 Th 79. 8 3, Geary. 3 xi, Roy pp. citing Ibid., 65, p. 37 92; p. Ibid., 57. 56, 36 21, pp. Ibid., 35 11. p. Ibid., 92. 34 52, pp. Ibid., Global Migration 33 Williamson, , pp. 31–2,12. and Hatton 1. 32 p. Canadian Migration Patterns , Replenishing ,passim. (ed.), Belich, Messamore J. 31 Barbara in Quoted 30 2 Jh Dri, Opas f mie, n .. ikr (d) Settlers andExpatriates (ed.), Bickers R.A. in empire’, of ‘Orphans Darwin, John 29 Farm ServantsandLabourinLowland Scotland1770–1914 (ed.), Devine T.M. 28 41 Th 1 4 , . 24. p. LeavingEngland , 40 Erickson, 39 David S.Landes arguessimplythattheimprovement totheopenspaces intransport Empire (London:Penguin, 2006),p. 9. ness ofempire’: Introduction toNigel Dalziel ’ s demographically’, p. 1. a spinoff ,anoff shoot,ofdomesticenterprise,economically, entrepreneurially, and the Atlantic expansionwasrelated tothedomesticexpansion:‘Often itwassimply Potts, of migration…andthelinkbetween migrationandcapitalismorimperialism’. Lydia p. 171. Lydia Potts isarare analystwhoexplicitlyseeks‘to discover theactualcauses Empire: Th e Global Expansionof Britain (London:Penguin, 2012),pp. 29–31. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010),p. 329.See alsoJohn Darwin, (Edinburgh: J.Donald, 1984),p. 6. cottarpopulation. extruded employing wasteland andmuchofitdesignedtoaccommodatetheexpanding moral dilemmasofthemid-Victorian imperialstate’, political andethicalconsequences.See Philip Harling, ‘Assisted emigrationandthe 3. p. tion’. David S.Landes, of Americawas‘justintimetotapanunprecedented upswing inEuropean popula- places. presumably thediff erentials hadwidened by even greater changesinthedestination actuallyoccurred whenitslivingstandardslate nineteenthcentury were rising– leled by theunprecedented out-migration.Moreover theexodus from Britain inthe 21) 1027–49. (2016), e Scottish planned village system was part ofanintensifi eScottish planned villagesystemwaspart cationofsettlement,often e central paradox in the story isthatrapidgrowth ecentralparadox inthestory andindustrialisationwasparal- is doesnot,ofcourse,implythat Th e World LabourMarket: ofMigration AHistory (London: Zed Books,1990), Th e Wealth andPoverty ofNations

laissez-faire wasmorallyneutralorwithout e genesis of international massmigration egenesisofinternational Penguin Historical Atlas oftheBritish (New York: Norton, 1998), Th 59 e Historical Journal Unfi nished Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ans Dde E 3 2 8 188–9, 184, 126, 32, E. Dudley Baines, 226, 94, 75, 43–4, 17, 8, Bernard Bailyn, 241 Klaus Bade, 150–64 61, 57 , 197 Australia 145, 26, emigrants of assets 81 79, migration Asian 161 Rollo Arnold, 187–8 96, Alan Armstrong, Argyll, 5thDuke Campbell, of(John 264 Noel Annan, 87 Dream American 87–104 59–61, 32, 26, 25, America 127–9 C. Robert Allen, 59 (Sussex) 242 Aldingbourne 240, 226–7, Harman passim Donald and Akenson, 137, 100, 68, passim labour and agricultural 125, 57, 25, crises agricultural 115 myth’ ‘agrarian 115–16 E. Nigel Agar, 170, 95, 83, 37n.42, 25, 24, advertising etr Asrla 7, 61 57, Australia Western 183 156, 116, 16, Victoria 151 57, Tasmania 116–17, 61–2, 31, 16, Australia 160 South 157, 154, 112, 4, Queensland 152–3, 67, 63, 57 , 16, Wales South New States United seealso 25, 27, 223, 242–3 232–3, 227, 225, 278n.25 265–6, 183–5 160, 150, 216 203, 162, 160, 157–8, 1723–1806) 197 197 Index an, ihls 5.1, 53n.18 35n.11, Nicholas Canny, 139, 109–11, 96, 65, 63, 58, Canada 201 Jenni Calder, 92 James Caird, 198 J.L. Rev. Buchanan, 96 A.C. Buchanan, 159 Madox Ford Brown, 111 109, 108, (Shropshire) Bridgnorth 47 Canal Bridgewater 41 William Brereton, 229 181, 5, Brazil 265 40 , 19n.27, Fernand Braudel, 229 C.R. Boxer, 138 (Massachusetts) Boston 99 John Bodnar, 252 Mark Blaug, 160 , 133n.11, 132, 109, 39, birthplaces 130 Birmingham 34n.3 J.W. Birch, 212 Andy Bielenberg, 115 , Rowland Berthoff 264 Isaiah Berlin, 140 John (Sir) Benn-Walsh, 187 75–6, (Kent) 268 Benenden 263, 184, 82–3, James Belich, 115–16 Bedfordshire 74 J.C. Beckett, 138 James Rev. Barry, 199 194, (Hebrides) Barra 64 Charles Barclay, 93 Barbados 112, 157, 21, 29, 242 239, 201 , 145–7, 141–2, 241 231, 189, 187, Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 280 Index eo Cmiso (85 219 (1845) Commission Devon 266–7 T.M. Devine, 269 241, 233–4 , 228, Denmark 45 Shani D’Cruze, 195 42, venture Darien 210 E. Mary Daly, 162 William Dalley, 152–4 75, 63, punishment and crime 89 David Cressy, 95, 76, 69, 65, 50, 26, migration of cost 189 180–5, Cornwall 140 110, 62, 47, corn 138 Daniel Corkery, 151–4 63, convicts 217 S.J. Connolly, 25 Company Land Connecticut ,268 142 Offi ce Colonial 139 Colonial LandandEmigration Commission Michael Rev. Collins, 213 D.A. Coleman, 76 Raymond Cohn, 40 (Northamptonshire) Cogenhoe 130, 99, 81, 66, 56, William Cobbett, 105 46, (Shropshire) Coalbrookdale 45 Clydesdale 143 (Tipperary) Clonlisk 30 (Ohio) Cleveland 251 passim, 193–206 145, clearances 67 (Essex) Clavering 209–10 L.A. Clarkson, 266 80, A. Peter Clark, Clanricarde, 1stMarquis of(Ulick 238 John de Dino Cinel, P.P. 92 Christensen, 158 Caroline Chisholm, 275 159, 269 18n.10, 266, China 147, 142, 100, 182 migration 171, chain 169, 132, 125, 106, censuses 17n.1 1, 256 E.H. Carr, 93, 75, 10, 4, Caribbean 168–71 Cardiganshire 240, 238, 182, 99, 88, 18n.23, capitalism 19, 13, 19, 24, 22, 269–70, 273 232, 204, 199, 173, 156, 159, 154, 152, 146, 137–8, 111, 184 156, 187 218–19 Burgh) 278n.40 259, mgat cited emigrants 81 David Eltis, 240 Island Ellis 145–7 141–2, 32, Bruce Elliott, 136 Frederick Th omas Elliot, 112–13 (Staff ordshire) Ellastone 183 174, 60, Egremont, 3rd 32, Earlof(George O’Brien 26, egalitarianism 269, 260, 26, 23–4, migration economic 167–8 (Pennsylvania) Ebensburg 7 H.J. Dyos, 196–7 Henry 28 Dundas, 26, Man) of (Isle Douglas 191n.39 Dorset 64–5 (Surrey) 213 Dorking 208, 140–1, Jnr. James Donnelly, 107 J.P. Dodd, 186 Mary Dobson, 68 40, 22–3, disease 163, 120–1, 84, 78, 18n.19, 7, diasporas hw Bnai 45 Benjamin Shaw, 168 Evan Roberts, 111 Henry Richards, 112 William Potts, 68 family Piggott 182 William Oates, 48 Glengarry of McDonalds 167 Rhees Rev. Lloyd, 31 N. Prevost, Le 67 George Kemp, 25–6 William Kelly, 20–1 Th omas Kelly, 59 William Isted, 69 57, family Henty 60 John Harvey, 62 Barton John Hack, 111 and Margaret John Griffi ths, 58 George Grevatt, 185 family Goldsworthy 61 family Gallop 109–11 William Farmer, 22–4 family Corlett 160 Donald Cameron, 112–13 family Buxton 116–17 Jacob Baker, 174 Jonathon Alderston, yda) 63 Wyndham) passim and 242–3 232, 226, Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document od uhs 1, 13, 16, 189, 11, 183 161, 158–9, 156, 113, 31, rushes gold 66–7 making glove 72n.38 1, Gloucestershire 276 glass 214 Ewart William Gladstone, 201 Pineo Abraham Gesner, 99, 94, 90–1, 85n.12, 76, 74 , 8, Germany 240 101 , David Gerber, 94 Georgia 210 M. Laurence Geary, 110 (Canada) Gatineau 218–19 213, 210, 146, Galway 19n.33 Michael Frayn, 246n.35 France 176 Charles Fothergill, 216 Vere Foster, 46 212 Darby 202, and Ford 143, 106–7, 47, prices food 220 217, David Fitzpatrick, fi 88 David Fischer, 241 234, 233, Finland 207–24 passim, 136–46 106, 76, famine 57, 30, 26, 23, 9,13 , 1–3, migration family 42 Heather Falvey, 168, 144–6, 138–9, 74, 65, 43, eviction 174, 166, 140, 74, (stewards) agents estate 76, 63–4, 32, 23, 9, 172 Charlotte 167–9, Erickson, 126–8, 49, 42, 13, enclosure 80 C. Piet Emmer, 161, 156, 94, 75, 65, agents emigration emigration Index hn 2– 1, 3 193–5 33, 31 , 21–2, shing re – 5, 8 6, 155 96, 81, 75, 4–5, 267 free 152–4, 90, 45, 3–5, coerced 142, 136, 112–13, 76, 65, 62, assisted 26–7 William Tear, 142 Richard Talbot, 45 Alexander Somerville, 14, 293 3– 4 4 268 249, 241, 234–9, 229–30, 114, passim 233 195, 158 , 146, 114, 97–8, 218–19 212–13, 202, 218–19 263, 271 260, 255 , 115–16, 100, 95–6, 197 219 203–4, 216, 183, 174, 161, 155–7, 150, nenl irto 189, 116 108–9, migration internal 213, 147, 124, 110, 41, 31, inheritance 112, 105–7, 99, 46, industrialisation 256 113, 61, peoples indigenous 275 182, 58, India 91–7 75, 4, indenturing 140, 126–7, 267 49, 240, (agricultural) improvement 151, 147, 87, 82, imperialism 174 111, Illinois 231 Iceland 74 emigration Iberian 233 Kristian Hvidt, 67 William Huskisson, 179n.62 173, Hull 185 Patricia Hudson, 166 W. David Howell, 236 E.D. Howard, 51–2 139 R.A. 131, Houston, Wilmot John Robert Sir Horton, 228 Holland 239 230, 99, Dirk Hoerder, 259 227–8, 8, Eric Hobsbawm, 9–12 historiography 249 Andrew Hinde, 108–9 (Shropshire) Highley 132 J.R. Hicks, 129 Herbert Heaton, 268–70 76, Timothy Hatton, 173 R.P. 213 Hastings, 211, 55, 22, failure harvest 138 Ann Ruth Harris, 182 Henry J. Harris, 227 11, Oscar Handlin, 33–4 Handa 176 174, Hammond, John S. Lawrence andBarbara Christine Hallas, 31–2 Guernsey 226 Greece 193 Malcolm Gray, 189 Gravesend 48–50, emigration on policies government 216 Robert 203 Sir 200, Gore-Booth, Cluny) (of John Colonel Gordon, 238 263 130, 114–15, 266 127 94 74–6, 281 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 282 Index iepo 2 2, 2 2 7 174, 170, 126, 25, 22, 20 , Liverpool 220, 162, 155, 152, 115, 68, 20, 9, literacy 202 196, 48, 116–17 (Hebrides) 58–61, Lewis 27, 25, 23, 20, letters 1 Laurie Lee, 240 227, Emma Lazarus, 39 Settlement 183 of 170, Laws 139, 78, 34n.2, 24, language 158 Dunmore John Rev. Lang, 123, 121, 107, 98, 47–50, 34, landlords 94 29, speculation land passim and 29, 27, 26, 25, 23–4, 20, land 176 126, 47, 275 45, 273, Lancashire 269, 97 , 76, policies laissez-faire 160 lace-makers 242, 228, 130–2, 97, 94, passim supply and labour 154, 108 , 106, 69, labour 52 Ann Kussmaul, 168 Kelly Anne Knowles, 51 (Stirlingshire) Kippen 21 R.H. Kinvig, 44–5 G. Victor Kiernan, 252 Maynard John Keynes, 140 (Ireland) County Kerry 30 Frank Kermode, 185–9 Kent 217 Kevin Kenny, 115 James Kay, 166 J.V. David 237 Jones, 197, 192, 78, Samuel Johnson, 269 230–3, emigration Jewish 36n.42 Jersey 165 H. Geraint Jenkins, 246n.34 245n.30, 241, 232–9, 207, Italy 112 107, 105, industry 207–24 iron 136–49, 131, 106, 48, Ireland 174 Iowa desire for 47 , 89 , 97–8 , 129 , 184 , 196 , 274 274 228 196, 42–3, 184, use 129, 97–8, 89, 47, for desire 227, 201, 143–4, 57, 48–9, availability 174 155, 59, 41, acquisition 19.2, 261 242 216–17, 179n.62, 262 210–20 172, 193–204, 167–9, 165, 160, 141, 127–8, 274 262 otlt 4 3, 16, 17, 16, 213 186, 137, 126 , 43, 41, mortality 34n.3 A.W. Moore, 174 34, Montreal 166–7 Montgomeryshire 29 Society Relief Mona ’ s 266 villages model 80 266 Page 153, Leslie Moch, 105 , 82, 77, 38–46 , mobility 180–5 137 Peninsula 176, Mizen 173, 108, 30, 21, mining 236–7 S. Alan Milward, 125 Dennis Mills, 147 A. Kerby Miller, 218 37n.42, Stuart John Mill, 188–9 126, Middlesex 58–9 Michigan 252 Herman Merivale, 127 Peter Mathias, 202 James Sir Matheson, 12–13 C.F.G. Masterman, 193, 131, 127–8, 78, 44–5, Karl Marx, 73 Alfred Marshall, 113, 100, 89, 51, 45, 40, 38, 5, marriage 118n.15 Shula Marks, 254 20–31, of Isle Man, 79 Patrick Manning, 130 66, 23, Manchester 46 ,62 , 28 Robert Th omas Malthus, 170 Heath Benjamin Malkin, 112 106, (Shropshire) Madeley 197 Archibald MacNiven, 200 Barra) (of Colonel McNeill, 199 Norman Rev. McLeod, 79 Adam McKeown, 278n.26 M. John MacKenzie, 227 Norman Macdonald, 196 John MacDonald, 263–4 122, 80, Leo Lucassen, 263–4 122, 80, Jan Lucassen, 262 Jason Long, 241 191n.39, 188–9, 132, London 34n.2 21, W.B. Lockwood, 42 , 204, 129, 117, 111, 60, standards living 17n.4 Massimo Livi-Bacci, 240 251 208, 186, 143, 124–5, 117, 263 248–58, 194, 192, 123–5, 237 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document ouain ices) 0, 5 9, 7 106, 74, 69, 52, 30, (increase) population 176, 139, 116, 69, 65, 43, Law Poor 53n.21 45, G. Colin Pooley, 130–1 Sidney Pollard, 218 Curzon Horace Sir Plunkett, 202 Sir Edward n, Pine-Coffi 34 Pictou 63 58, philanthropists 68 63–5, Project Petworth 221n.12 Stratford Henry Persse, 167 Pennsylvania 42 William Penn, 193–4, 144, 127, 101, 99, peasantry 215 182 160, Philip Payton, 128, 108, 98, 65, paupers 199 74, 50, Acts Passenger 162 Henry Parkes, 76, 64–5, 59, 28 , emigration and parishes 4 ,154 Palmerston, 3rd Viscount (HenryJohn c islanders Pacifi 199 171, 147 168, Ottawa 166, 97, 20–32, 16, Ohio 220 215, 212–13, Cormac O’Gráda, 230 Walter Nugent, 199 243 95, 241, Scotia Nova 239, 234–5, 232, 228, Norway 95 Carolina North 88–9 C. Douglass North, 97 Colin Newbury, 184, 155–63, 111, 78, 1, Zealand New 114 York New 176 89 England 100, New 23, 20, emigrants of networks 127 42, M. Jeanette Neeson, 29 Natal 108–9 Gwyneth Nair, 52n.7 (Shropshire) Myddle 23, emigrants of aspirations and motives Index 289, 24, 267 234, 188, 208–9, 186, 184, 175, 132, 123–7, 219 187–8, 276 236–40, 173–4 126, 112, 216 Temple) 268 117, 100, 260–1 97, 243, 88, 83, 62, 49, 44, usl, od on 220 John Lord Russell, 120–32 112, 48, transformation rural 166, 100–1, 73, 30, 28, emigrants rural 8 Barr Winifred Rothenberg, 139 Peter Robinson, violence see riots 118n.15 Peter Richardson, 2 Eric Richards, 93 Carew Reynell, 238–9, 231, 182, 89, 42, passim migration and return 169, 145, 51, 47, rents 239 185, 182, remittances 166–8, 165, 88, 59, 42, 28, 26, religion 64 (Surrey) Reigate 226, 220, 171, 165, emigration 238 regional 160, 81, 36n.42, 5–6, refugees 190n.8 (Cornwall) Redruth 169 Riots Rebecca 76 Georg Ernst Ravenstein, 98 Jonathan Raban, 101, 82–3, 80, emigration 172 of 167, psychology 153, 63, 55, 23, protest 124, 101, 98, 51, 43, proletarianisation 133n.11 Preston 128, 116–17, 112, 62–7, 55–6, poverty 183, 144, 140, 137–8, 33, 22, crops potato 269 236, 229, Portugal 169–70, 157, departure) (emigrant ports 58 Phillip Port rtsat 3– 4– 4– 209 145–7, 141–3, 138–9, Protestant 111 182–3 29, 113, Mormon 59, 26, 24, 22, Methodist 167 Congregationalist 68 England of Church 146–7, 143–4 , 138–9, 59, Catholic 167 Calvinist prse ad emigration and parishes seealso 7 8 7 274 272, 184, 170 , passim, 189 241 196 157–8, 273 205n.23, 232–4 272 253, 175, 236–8 231, 223n.42 passim, 207–21 passim, 192–206 186–8, 145–6, 138–40, 210–18 202, 193–4, 242 225, 196, 173, 283 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document 284 Index tpe, ae 267–8 James Stephen, 82, 79 , 75–7, emigration of statistics 112–13 Staff ordshire 33–4 Kilda St 252 J.J. Spengler, 269 173, 75, Spain 126 Robert Southey, 182 America 266 South 92–4 , 39, C. David Souden, okt, e. Th Rev. Sockett, 117 30, K.D.M. Snell, 46 T.C. Smout, 262 131 Mayo 127, Smith, 91, 89, 74, Adam Smith, 216 Sligo 154, 93–4, 90–1, 76, 21, 10, 3–4, slavery 80 Paul Slack, 252 (Scotland) Skye 180–5 skill 105–13 46, Shropshire 133n.9 Shetland 115 Wilbur Shepperson, 130 200 Sheffi eld 193–4, 169 , 140, 33–4, sheep 82–4 (settlerism) Revolution Settler Selkirk, 5thEarl(Th Select CommitteeonthePoor Law Select CommitteeonEmigration (1841) Select CommitteeonAgriculture (1833) 231, 166, 77, 51, migration labour seasonal 131 78, 48–9, Scotland 185 P. Sharron Schwartz, 137–40 Schull ,123–4 91 R.S. Schofield, 236–7 S.B. Saul, 29 City Lake Salt 112–13 saddlers 249, 237–9, 235, 232–3, 230, 79, Russia Hglns 8, 192–206 48, Highlands 293 3 243 232, 229–30, 225, 189, 114, 89–91, 85n.12, 3 6 12, 29, 268 229, 182, 1771–1820) (1833–36) 157 174 239 276 269, omas(Rector ofPetworth) 139 omas Douglas, 199 igna 89 Virginia 111, 108, 106, 64, 55, 23, 171 22, 97, violence 24, E. William Vugt, Van Tasmania Australia: see Land Diemen ’ s Van 88, 46, 41–3, 13–14, 6–7, 2, urbanisation 260 189, 100, emigrants urban 76, 58–9, 28, 22, 20, 145 11, 131, States United 129, 160, 66, 52, unemployment 97 74, Ulster 259 Macaulay George Trevelyan, 214 Charles Sir Trevelyan, 112 135n.38 31, N.L. Tranter, 27, 23–4, occupations and trades 30 21, tourism 93 90, tobacco 19n.32 Sarah Tisdall, 141–8 Tipperary 201 171, 138–9, trade timber Th Th Th Th Th Th 3–14 migration of theories 166 Tennessee 166–7 Clare Taylor, ,237 56 tariffs 241 Switzerland 108 63–4, 55, Captain Swing, 233–4 178n.44 Sweden 61, 57–8, colony River Swan 172–6 Swaledale 109–10 (Shropshire) Maddock Sutton 204 202, 196, 34, Sutherland 55–69 Sussex 154 93, 90, sugar 196 Islands) (Orkney Stromness 60 (Sussex) Storrington 183 Louis Robert Stevenson, msn EP 17, 259 127, E.P. ompson, 88–9 R.P. omas, 70n.5 David omas, 11 Brinley omas, sltwie Fak 1, 8 7, 10, 235, 180, 87, 81 , 11, Frank istlethwaite, 42 Joan irsk, 267 219–20, 209–10, 183, 169, 145, 275 241, 265, 236, 215, 188–9, 132, 124, 273 268, 242–3, 237, 235, 230, 174, 87–104, 243 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document isaly Mcal 212 Michael Winstanley, 76 ,268–70 116 , Wiltshire ,46 11 G. Jeff rey Williamson, 244 227, Knut Wicksell, 98 76–7, D. Ian Whyte, 91 Indies West 215 137–41, Cork West 175–6 Wensleydale 170 Commission Land Welsh 262 Weald 62 Henry Watson, 169, 166, 111, 91, 82, 55, 49, 47, war 113 (Staff ordshire) Walsall 172 Russel Alfred Wallace, 165–72 Wales ,155 115 Gibbon Edward Wakefi eld, 231–2, 103n.40, 101, 96, 92, 61, wages Index 194 269–71 261, 263, Zlnk, ibr 6, 122 76, Wilbur Zelinsky, 156, 109, 58, 46, 40, 32, 169 migration 138, youth, 130, 127, 56, Arthur Young, 172–9 Yorkshire 130, 128, 121, 97, 88, 41, 31, yeomen 183 Wyoming 216 (1863–1913) George Wyndham, 277n.15 253–4, E.A. Wrigley, 275 66–7 Worcestershire 202, 193, 72n.38, 66, wool 106, 72n.38, 69, 66–7, 61, 52, 27, women 228 Mary Wollstonecraft, 14, 21, 262 231, 184, 184 173, 147, 258n.26 241, 239, 195, 188–9, 182, 184–5, 174, 166, 155–8, 128, 109, 285 Review copy © Copyright protected. It is illegal to copy or distribute this document