Figure 1. Hunting shrine near Santiago Atitlan with peccary and white-tailed deer crania.

Maya Archaeology 36 Maya Archaeology Reports Communal and Personal Hunting Shrines Around LakeAtitlan, Linda A.Brown

n this report I present the results of ethnoarchaeological McAnany et al. 1999; Yaeger 2000, 2003a, 2003b); (b) dedication research on contemporary and recently abandoned Maya and termination rites (e.g., Brady and Ashmore 1999; Garber et hunting shrines around Lake Atitlan, Guatemala.1 Hunting al. 1998; Mock 1998; Robin 2002); (c) feasting (e.g., Brown 2001; shrinesI are places in the landscape used for ceremonial activity LeCount 1999, 2001; Robin 2002); and (d) divination (Simmons to placate the supernatural animal guardian before and after and Sheets 2002). The research reported here suggests that an a hunt. From a material perspective these sites are notable, as important type of ritual is absent from the above categories; no they contain a unique feature indicative of their role in hunting hunting-related ceremonialism is identified. Yet references to ceremonialism—a ritual faunal cache—that is recognizable the supernatural lord of the animals and hunting ceremonialism by archaeologists after site abandonment. Ritual fauna caches flourish in the ethnographic literature (e.g., Alcorn 1984:88; consist of the curated remains of hunted animals deposited at Cabarrús 1998:47; Freidel et al. 1993:187; Hofling 1991:136-153; sacred sites in the context of a hunting rite. Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934:117-118; Sapper 1897:268; Thompson Over the past several decades, Maya household archaeology 1930:88-89, 124-135; Villa Rojas 1945:103; Wisdom 1940:72-73). has significantly increased our knowledge of the rites performed Colonial period documents record commoner participation in by everyday people. We now know that ancient commoners hunting ceremonies throughout the Maya area (e.g., Clendinnen engaged in various ceremonies including: (a) mortuary rites and 1987:73; Cortes y Laraz 1958[1768-1770]:119-120; Scholes and ancestor veneration (e.g., Gillespie 2001; McAnany 1995, 1998; Adams 1938:63; Thompson 1930:124-135; Tozzer 1941:144, 162), while Pre-Columbian iconography and epigraphy attest to the 1 This report describes the 14 hunting shrines identified during the 2005 longevity of a hunting-related deity (Fox and Justeson 1984; field season. Three additional hunting shrines were identified in early work Taube 1997, 2003b). Where is the archaeological evidence of Maya (Brown 2005). Collaborative research conducted by Emery and Brown in 2007 resulted in the discovery of three more hunting shrines, bringing the hunting rites? total number of known sites to 20 (Brown and Emery 2008). The Lake Atitlan hunting shrines provide us with a

200937 In Maya Archaeology 1, edited by Charles Golden, Stephen Houston, and Joel Skidmore, pp. 36-59. San Francisco: Precolumbia Mesoweb Press. SantaCruzSantaCruz LaLagunaLaLaguna Tz’ununaTz’ununa JaibalitoJaibalito

SanMarcosLaLagunaSanMarcosLaLaguna SantaCatarinaPalopoSantaCatarinaPalopo SanPabloLaLagunaSanPabloLaLaguna LakeAtitlan SanJuanLaLagunaSanJuanLaLaguna SanAntonioPalopoSanAntonioPalopo SanPedroLaLagunaSanPedroLaLaguna

SanPedroVolcanoSanPedroVolcano

SantiagoAtitlanSantiagoAtitlan SanLucasSanLucas TolimanToliman

TolimanVolcanoTolimanVolcano

town hunting shrine N AtitlanVolcanoAtitlanVolcano 0 km 4

Figure 2. Map of Lake Atitlan showing the locations of known hunting shrines. glimpse of the “material signature” of hunting rites and the in the past. types of topographic features chosen for this activity. In the following pages, I first describe recently recorded hunting Description of Hunting Shrines shrines and ethnographic information collected about their Under the aegis of El Proyecto Etnoarqueológico Costumbres use.2 Then I discuss the types of topographic features chosen Mayas, directed by the author, three initial hunting shrines for hunting rites, as similar places may have been used in were identified in 2002 (Brown and Romero 2002), with three the past. I present interview data on the types of species and suspected sites located in subsequent work (Brown 2005). During skeletal elements that undergo specialized discard at sacred the summer of 2005, project members returned to Lake Atitlan sites. Finally, I discuss the ritual discard of animal bone from with the goal of identifying additional hunting shrines and other areas of the Maya world and greater Mesoamerica. The conducting ethnographic interviews with older hunters and ritual core cultural concepts informing this behavior have historical time depth suggesting similar discard practices likely existed practitioners who remembered the use of these sites. By the end of the field season, we had recorded 17 hunting shrines; three shrines

2 For information on the in-depth zooarchaeological analyses of three ritual were still active while 14 were virtually abandoned. Hunting fauna deposits, consult Brown and Emery (2008). shrines are associated with Tz’utujil and Kaqchikel communities

Maya Archaeology 38 around the lake including Santiago Atitlan, , , , Tz’ununa, San tumbled boulders Antonio Palopo, and a coffee finca south of San Lucas Toliman (Figure 2). Based on field work and ethnographic interviews, we identified two general tumbled boulders types of hunting shrines around Lake 3 Feature 1 Atitlan. The first consists of personal bone deposit shrines used by an individual hunter; field stones the second are communal shrines used alcove by multiple people or even the entire limit community. In addition to hunting avocado and coffee ceremonies, some active sites are used for N other types of ritual requests as discussed below. bone deposit (schematic) rock tuna cactus edge of outcrop Personal Hunting Shrines Based on ethnographic interviews, three 0 .5 1m hunting shrines can be securely classified as personal shrines used by an individual Figure 3. Plan view map of an abandoned private shrine on Chuitinamit. This site and Chuitinamit III were used by the same hunter from Santiago Atitlan. After map by Linda A. hunter. All three shrines were used Brown and Miguel Coché Par, May 25, 2005. by hunters from Santiago Atitlan and abandoned within the past 30-40 years. Two personal shrines were located on bone deposit (schematic) rock

Chuitinamit, a small volcanic hill at the coffee edge of outcrop base of the San Pedro Volcano across the Feature 1 bay from Santiago Atitlan. The shrines, bone deposit N located along the eastern slope of the hill, consisted of bone deposits placed in natural rock alcoves formed by tumbled tumbled alcove boulders volcanic boulders (Figures 3–4). The fauna deposits contained cranial and post- cranial remains from white-tailed deer, with an occasional peccary and brocket piled deer present. Both shrines were used field stones stone wall by the same now-deceased hunter. The tumbled limit of hunter’s son continues to watch over his boulders sheltered area father’s fauna cache, covering the bones with sheets of plastic to provide protection against the elements. The other personal shrine is located

0 .5 1m 3 Additionally we recorded a number of abandoned sites where we did not have ethnographic information or adequate surface deposits to discern Figure 4. Plan view map an abandoned private shrine on Chuitinamit. This site and Chuitinamit whether they functioned as communal shrines or II were used by the same hunter from Santiago Atitlan. After map by Linda A. Brown and were used by a single individual. Miguel Coché Par, June 16, 2005.

39 Linda A. Brown N Chukumuk II 8 June 2005 Linda A Brown two kilometersMiguel Coché Pareast of Santiago Atitlan on 0 1 meter bone deposit alcove (schematic) rock a hillside overlooking the archaeological coffee edge of outcrop N site of Chukumuk. Similar to Chuitinamit, Feature 1 rock outcrop 0 .5 1m the shrine we called Chukumuk II was used by a now-deceased hunter from

tumbled Santiago Atitlan. According to the boulders hunter’s grandson, his grandfather was field stones a deer hunter and returned bones to the shrine because, if he did not, then “he would not be able to catch any more

LEGEND deer.” Deer bones were placed in a steep drop-off steep drop-off shallow alcove under tumbled boulders bone deposit (schematic) and the deposit was protected from coffee plant Figure 5. Plan view map of a private shrine overlooking the archaeological site of Chukumuk. eroding downslope with a stone wall rock/boulder This site was used by a now-deceased Santiago Atitlan deer hunter. After map by Linda A. (Figure 5). While mandibles and post- edge of Brown and Miguel Coché Par, June 8, 2005. cranial elements are present, no crania outcrop were identified, suggesting these may have been returned to the Cofradía San N Juan, as discussed in more detail later. As

F8 bone deposit with the private shrines on Chuitinamit, Bone deposit rock shelter wall (schematic) rock this deposit continues to be curated by a tumbled F4 boulders Hearth hearth male biological descendant of the original hunter. F3 F10 F6 0 .5 1m Bone deposit Altar Bone deposit Communal Hunting Shrines Of the fourteen hunting shrines recorded entrance F2 in 2005, more than half (eight) were Hearth confirmed to be communal shrines. F5 Bone deposit Communal shrines are associated with the

General scatter 2 piled communities of Santiago Atitlan, San Pedro stones rock shelter wall la Laguna, San Juan la Laguna, San Pablo la Laguna, San Antonio Palopo, and the F1 F9 4 Altar Bone deposit archaeological site of Chuitinamit. One Performance space F11 Bone deposit in communal site is still active (Pa’ Sak Man), elevated niche two are no longer maintained but receive in situ boulder General scatter 1 an occasional visitor (Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj and Unit 2 Chu Pad Abaj), while the others were Unit 1 amate F7 abandoned within the past 20-50 years. roots Bone deposit drip-line

in situ boulder 4 In addition to these sites, we previously amate roots in situ boulder recorded two active communal shrines. One entrance General scatter 3 was associated with a finca south of San Lucas Toliman, and in addition to being used for hunting ceremonialism it was used for rituals associated with coffee production. The other communal site, located outside of San Pablo Figure 6. Plan view map of the active communal shrine of Pa’ Sak Man located la Laguna, was used for rituals for hunting outside of San Pedro la Laguna (after map by Linda A. Brown, Manuel Jáminez armadillo as well as a wide variety of other ritual Tambriz, and Pedro Velásquez Yaxón, May 24, 2007). requests (Brown 2005).

Maya Archaeology 40 Figure 7. Feature 1, the main fauna cache at Pa’ Sak Man.

San Pedro la Laguna define the east and southern edges of the deposit. A second Pa’ Sak Man (“Place of the White Bird”) dense bone cache, Feature 11, was placed in an elevated niche immediately above Feature 1. Pa’ Sak Man is an active communal shrine located approximately Moving to the eastern side of the site, Feature 3 is a bone 400 meters south of San Pedro la Laguna. The site consists of a cache placed on an elevated rock ledge. Bones were also cached west-facing rock shelter that provides a protected space for ritual in an alcove immediately above and behind this deposit (Feature performances. 8). In addition to these more substantial caches, animal remains Pa’ Sak Man has an impressive amount of fauna remains were tucked into various nooks and crannies along the back including seven distinct ritual caches (Figure 6). Starting in the wall of the rock shelter (Features 6-7). Identifications by Dr. Kitty western side of the site, Feature 7 consists of a small bone cache Emery and her graduate students showed the most common in an alcove outside of the main sheltered space. Inside the rock species present (MNI) were armadillo, white-tailed deer, peccary, shelter, Feature 1 functions as the main bone deposit. The cache coati, and agouti paca (see Brown and Emery 2008 for in-depth is composed of thousands of cranial and post-cranial elements stacked on top of one another to a height of about one foot above 5 Preliminary field identifications were done by the author and Dr. Kitty the present ground surface (Figure 7). A stone alignment delimits Emery, who visited some of the communal hunting shrines in the summer of the north and western edges of this cache, while in situ boulders 2005.

41 Linda A. Brown N 0 1 meter

F6 bone deposit recently fallen F4 outcrop Altar stones F2 (schematic) boulders Bone N F3 Altar wind block hearth rock/boulder Bone deposit deposit

0 .5 1m Area of F1 outcrop F7 Hearth exposed after moving fallen rock F1 outcrop Bone deposit Bursera not buried by simaruba fallen boulders

drop off in situ boulder

drop off

drop off

Figure 8. Plan view map of the abandoned communal shrine of Pa’ziguan located outside of San Pedro la Laguna (after map by Linda A. Brown, Manuel Jáminez Tambriz, and Pedro Velásquez Yaxón, June 13, 2007).

Figure 9. Detail of skeletal remains in Feature 1 at the abandoned communal hunting shrine of Pa’ziguan. Note the tapir, white-tailed deer, and peccary mandibles on top of the deposit.

Maya Archaeology 42 Linda A Brown Michelle LeFebre Francisco Ixtamer Ramos Manuel Jáminez Tambriz

Pa’ziguan (“The Cliff”)

bone deposit (schematic) Pa’ziguan is an abandoned communal hunting shrine hearth alcove amate located approximately 500 meters southwest of the flat altar limit roots stone N town of San Pedro la Laguna. The site consists of an rock/boulder east-facing rock shelter located along an intermittent alcove in outcrop drainage that trends towards the lake shore. The site is divided into two main activity areas: a in situ 0 .5 1m rocks northern and southern area (Figure 8). The northern main outcrop area was primarily used for the deposition of animal F4 Altar bones. Feature 1 is the main fauna cache. It consists of hundreds of bones carefully tucked under a low stone ledge protruding from the back wall. Crania, mandibles, and various post-cranial elements are alcove limit present, and species identified include white-tailed F1 deer, peccary, and tapir (Figure 9). When I revisited Bone deposit the site in the summer of 2007, much of Feature 1 was F3 Hearth buried under several large boulders that sheared off from the rock shelter wall during a recent earthquake. in situ boulder The southern0 activity area includes several fauna in situ boulder caches as well as an altar area and offering hearth (see Figure 8). Feature 2 consists of a medium-sized fauna cache (100-200 elements) that was tucked into several small rock alcoves. The deposit includes in situ boulder F2 crania and mandibles of tapir, peccary, and white- Retaining wall tailed deer, and Emery’s graduate students noted the most common species present were white-tailed in situ boulder deer, armadillo, and tapir followed by coati, peccary, and agouti paca (Brown and Emery 2008). Feature 3 is a smaller buried bone deposit eroding out of the ground surface at the southern end of the shelter. In addition to these caches, several other ceremonial Figure 10. Plan view map of the communal shrine of Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj located features are present. Feature 6 is an altar area where outside of San Juan la Laguna (after map by Linda A. Brown, Michelle LeFebre, ritual participants used unmodified stones and Francisco Ixtamer Ramos, and Manuel Jáminez Tambriz, May 15, 2007). pumice candleholders for burning candles during rites. A nearby in situ boulder provided a fire-resistant zooarchaeological analyses). surface for offering hearths. Several other ceremonial features are present at Pa’ Sak Man including: altars, sacrificial offering hearths, and a cleared maintained space (see Ethnographic Information about Pa’ Sak Man and Pa’ziguan Figure 6). A natural rock ledge (Feature 10) and an in situ boulder (Feature 9) Hunters and older residents provided information function as altar areas for burning candles. Two sacrificial offering hearths about the use of Pa’ Sak Man and Pa’ziguan. are located on-site. Feature 2, the main offering hearth, is placed on a low According to locals, in the past hunters curated all elevated earthen rise immediately below Feature 10. Feature 4 consists of skeletal remains from wild mammals and did not a smaller hearth located in an enclosed alcove to the east of the former. A discard any in the trash. The bones were stored in large cleared maintained area, used for gatherings and ritual performances, is baskets and kept in household compounds until the protected by a rock overhang providing shelter to ritual participants and on- Day of the Dead (November 2). When this day arrived, site deposits. Several light scatters of fragmented bones are present across the hunters accompanied by a ritual practitioner the performance and gathering space. These scatters appear to be trampled returned to these sacred places for post-hunting bones displaced from various fauna caches. ceremonies. Baskets of curated bones were transported

43 Linda A. Brown Figure 11. Detail of skeletal remains in Feature 1 at Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj. to shrines using tumplines. In addition to the bones, hunters gratitude for the generosity of the animal guardian. Some older brought their hunting dogs, as the dogs were crucial participants residents fondly remembered drinking jocote (plum) liquor during in the ceremonies. During the rite, the ritual practitioner formally these rites and stumbling home tipsy after the ceremony. presented the hunters and their dogs to the animal guardian, making sure to speak the name of each hunter and dog while San Juan la Laguna asking forgiveness for all involved in the bloodshed. The curated Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj (“Mouth of the Rock”) bones were added to on-site fauna caches. Candles were lit in front of fauna deposits and alcohol was poured upon the bones. Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj is an abandoned communal hunting shrine Sacrificial offerings included copal incense, which was burned in located along an old trading route approximately 800 meters

Maya Archaeology 44 southwest of San Juan la Laguna. The site consists of a substantial fauna deposit on the northwest side of a large boulder (Figure 10). Feature 1 is a dense deposit of bones cached at the base of the main rock outcrop (Figure 11). The deposit, measuring approximately three by two meters, is bordered by the outcrop on the south and east while in situ boulders and a small retaining wall enclose it to the north and west. Complete and nearly complete bones observed on the surface overwhelmingly are from white-tailed deer, although armadillo, peccary, and tapir were noted. Calculations suggest that surface and subsurface deposits have an estimated total of 600,000 bones (Brown and Emery 2008). While the site has been abandoned for some years, recently it has been reincorporated into ceremonial use by an occasional ritual practitioner. Evidence of recent activity includes the presence of several pumice candle holders. A tapir tibia fragment used as a candleholder may date to the site’s original use in hunting rites or reflect more recent activities (Figure 12). Ethnographic Information about Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj. An older resident of San Juan attended post-hunting ceremonies at Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj in his youth. The rite involved four or five hunters along with their hunting dogs and the ritual practitioner. As was the custom in San Pedro la Laguna, curated bones were transported to the site in large baskets. The hunting ceremony consisted of prayers of forgiveness for the hunters as well as their dogs. Candles, incense, and alcohol were offered to the animal guardian, and ritual intoxication was part of the ceremony. Additionally, this person stated that ceremonies at Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj included musical performances with wooden flutes and drums, as playing music “made the dueños (lords, masters, owners) happy.” Sexton and Ujpán (1999:67-70) also recorded ethnographic information about rites at this site. The authors reported that during the pre-hunting ceremonies hunters presented gifts of roosters, sheep, or beef when asking permission to hunt. These permission ceremonies could only occur once every twenty days, on the day that the dueño of the animals appeared to receive the offerings. At midnight the great rock at Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj thundered open as the dueño emerged to take the hunters’ offerings to the Figure 12. Fragment of a tibia from a tapir used as a candle holder at Pa’ Ruchi’ bottom of his cave. If he was pleased with the gifts, Abaj. Note the wax and candlewick on the surface.

45 Linda A. Brown and trash is scattered across various parts of the site. Empty alcohol bottles and a large iron caldron are footpath being stored in a section of the shrine that previously functioned as the main ritual activity area. Sak Bal Bak Feature 1 consists of a ritual fauna cache 23 May 2005 Feature 3 Feature 1 Bottle cache originally placed on an earthen ledge adjacent to Linda A Brown Original bone cache Sergio Garcia the rock outcrop. While some bones are still present Julian Perez Xajil in this area, many have been displaced downslope. large iron pot elevated Feature 2 ledge Bones eroding from Species noted include white-tailed deer, peccary, cut in earthen ledge armadillo, and coati, and both cranial and post- cranial elements are represented. In addition to this slope surface deposit, buried bones (Feature 2) were visible in a vertical cut in the earthen ledge where bones were deposited. Feature 2 consists of a stratum of

buried bones that extends horizontally in the profile of the earthen ledgeN for 1.3 meters. The deposit begins Feature 4 Bones displaced at approximately 40 cm below the current ledge downslope surface and continues to 75 cm, where the ledge 0 1 meter meets the present ground surface. Ethnographic Information about Sak Bal Bak N According to localLEGEND residents, Sak Bal Bak was bone deposit bone deposit (schematic) severely impacted(schematic) by a prolonged heavy rain that edge of fell sometime aroundedge of 30 years ago. Apparently the outcrop outcrop buried deposit eroding from storm produced flash flooding that washed away ledge buried deposit much of the faunaeroding deposit, from ledge thereby ending the site’s

0 .5 1m use as a hunting shrine. Residents told us that prior to its destruction individuals went to Sak Bal Bak to ask permission to hunt. If they were successful, they intermittent drainage curated the bones until the time when they were returned to the site and deposited during a post- Figure 13. Plan map of the abandoned communal hunting shrine Sak Bal hunting ritual. Bak located outside of San Pablo la Laguna (after map by Linda A. Brown, Sergio Garcia, and Julian Perez Xajil, May 23, 2005). Santiago Atitlan he appeared to hunters in dreams, telling each how many animals he could Chu Pad Abaj (“In Front of Father Rock”) take. The bones of hunted animals were deposited at Pa’ Ruchi’ Abaj in post- Chu Pad Abaj is a communal shrine located on a hill hunting rites accompanied by lots of candles, copal, aguardiente (cane liquor), above Panabaj, on the outskirts of Santiago Atitlan.5 and chichi (corn liquor). People reported that bones were brought back to The site consists of a large zoomorphic boulder the site so the dueño could count them, making sure none of the hunters still occasionally used for ceremonies. However, exceeded the requisite number of animals allotted.

5 This site appears to have various names. Allen Christenson, San Pablo la Laguna who told me about the skulls at this site, visited the shrine Sak Bal Bak (“Place of the White Bones”) with someone from Santiago Atitlan who called it Iglesia Abaj (“Church Rock”), a name I used in a previous publication Sak Bal Bak is an abandoned communal hunting shrine approximately 100 (Brown 2005). In the summer of 2005, I was given two meters north of the town of San Pablo la Laguna (Figure 13). The site consists additional names for this site: Chu Quej Ajay (“In Front of Deer/Horse House”) and Chu Pad Abaj (“In Front of Father of an east-facing upright rock located along an intermittent drainage. Rock”). In this publication I have chosen to use Chu Pad Abaj, Currently local residents are discarding trash upslope from the outcrop, as this name was provided by the landowner.

Maya Archaeology 46 recent ceremonial use appears to be minimal as LEGEND bone deposit property wall (schematic) rock bone deposit performance areas are covered in leaves and other coffee and avocado (schematic) offering hearth edge of standing stone outcrop N organic debris. offering hearth Chu Pad Abaj has two main ceremonial activity 0 .5 1m rock edge of standing areas: one to the north of the outcrop and one to the F2 stone outcrop south (Figure 14). Starting with the former, Feature Bone deposit F1 Wall delimiting northern ceremonial space 1 consists of a stone wall that delimits a ceremonial coffee and Chu Pad Abaj space. A small bone deposit (Feature 2) was tucked avocado 17 May 2005 F3 Linda A Brown against the outcrop’s surface in the northwest corner Bone deposit Miguel Coché Par F6 of this feature. Species present include white-tailed F7

Altar/hearth F4 N deer and peccary, and cranial and post-cranial Bone elements are represented. A second fauna deposit deposit

(Feature 3) was placed outside and to the east of Southern property wall Feature 1. Feature 3 consists of the two collared ceremonial space 0 1 m peccary crania and mandibles and a fragmented white-tailed deer pelvis tucked into a narrow alcove F5 Wall delimiting southern ceremonial space angled downward into the stone. Feature 6 consists of a semicircular rock construction that abuts a property wall to the east of the outcrop. While the shape of this feature suggests its use as an offering hearth, Figure 14. Plan map of the communal shrine Chu Pad Abaj located outside of currently its original function is unknown. Santiago Atitlan (after map by Linda A. Brown and Miguel Coché Par, May 17, 2005). The ceremonial space to the south of the outcrop is defined by a stone wall with an entranceway in the west. Feature 7 consists of an altar area with several N

bone deposit Chuitinamit flat stone slabs used for burning candles. A small (schematic) 18 May 2005 fauna cache (Feature 4) was placed flush against the rock Linda Brown edge of Miguel Coché Par rock to the east of the altar area. Skeletal remains Feature 1 outcrop included cranial and post-cranial fragments from an unidentified large mammal. 0 .5 1m LEGEND Ethnographic Information about Chu Pad Abaj Feature 2 alcove bone deposit According to the landowner, Chu Pad Abaj was used limit (schematic) offering hearth for harvest ceremonies as well as hunting rites. He modern amate roots trash rock told us that the site is a doorway into a temple that Feature 3 edge of houses all the wild animals of the forest. outcrop Chuitinamit/Lothrop’s Sacrificial Cave in situ boulders Chuitinamit is an abandoned hunting shrine located on a volcanic hill at the base of the San Pedro Volcano. in situ boulders entrance 0 1 m The site consists of a tumbled pile of boulders alcove limit

forming a west-facing alcove used for caching animal bones. Currently the alcove is covered in leaves and avocado N functions as a dump for glass, food cans, and plastic exterior rear bottles. wall cinder block Today a private residence has encroached upon house the site. However, evidence of a fauna deposit still Figure 15. Plan map of the abandoned hunting shrine Chuitinamit. This site is remains. Three distinct bone caches were recorded: very like the “sacrificial cave” recorded by Samuel Lothrop (after map by Linda two within the main alcove and one in a narrow space A. Brown and Miguel Coché Par, May 18, 2005).

47 Linda A. Brown Figure 16. Peccary skulls found in Feature 1 at Chuitinamit. immediately north of the former (Figure 15). Feature 1 consists elevation than his excavations. As his description makes clear, of a bone cache in the easternmost section of the main alcove. the “sacrificial cave” actually consisted of animal remains placed Specimens present include peccary and white-tailed deer crania in a west-facing alcove formed by a pile of boulders. Lothrop’s (Figure 16) as well as post-cranial elements from deer, peccary, photographs documenting on-site topography, his sketch map tapir, and armadillo. Feature 3 is a buried fauna deposit eroding plotting its location, and his written descriptions lead me to from the soil to the west of Feature 1. Exposed elements include conclude that this hunting shrine is his sacrificial cave.6 In a peccary mandible and a white-tailed deer tibia. Feature 2 is addition to the fauna deposit, Lothrop noted a second activity located just outside of the main alcove in a small space between several large boulders. Skeletal elements present include cranial 6 Lothrop (1933:83) reported seeing a fauna cache comprised of armadillo and post-cranial elements from coati, peccary, white-tailed deer, carapaces as well as the skulls and scapulae of about a dozen “sheep or goat,” a field identification I believe to be in error. Often when I inquired and agouti paca as well as a fragment from an armadillo pelvis. about the presence of hunting shrines around the lake, people told me about sites by describing them as “large rocks with sheep, goat, or cow bones.” Additional Information about Chuitinamit I believe Lothrop was told the same and he did not have the occasion to During the 1920s, Samuel Lothrop (1933) excavated the closely examine the deposit. His published photographic overview of the cache shows at least one skull with cranial morphology suggesting Postclassic ruins of Chuitinamit. In the course of this work, he it belonged to a peccary—a species that is present in the fauna cache I noted a “sacrificial cave” located on the same hill yet lower in recorded. Test excavations could resolve this question.

Maya Archaeology 48 Tzanimal 11 July 2005 Linda Brown area he called a “shrine” located downslopeJulian Perez and Xajil to bone deposit the east of the sacrificial cave, in an area currently (schematic) rock incorporated into hotel grounds. The shrine1 meter likely N 0 edge of consisted of a stone altar and place for burning outcrop sacrificial offerings. The presence of several activity 0 .5 1m large in situ boulder areas suggests Lothrop’s sacrificial cave was a Feature 2 communal hunting shrine. Area for offerings

San Antonio Palopo

protected alcove east entrance N to enclosed Tzanimul (“Place of Many Rabbits”) west entrance alcove to enclosed Tzanimul is an abandoned communal hunting shrine alcove Feature 1 located slightly more than a kilometer south of San Antonio Palopo on a hillside near LEGENDTzampetey. The site large in situ boulder consists of two large volcanic bouldersbone that deposit form a small protected crawl space. (schematic) Feature 1 is a light surface bone scatterrock in the limit of protected alcove westernmost side of the alcove (Figureedge 17). of Cranial and post-cranial remains are present outcropincluding coati and agouti skulls and white-tailed deer mandibles. Feature 2 is located to the east of the fauna deposit. Figure 17. Plan map of the abandoned communal hunting shrine Tzanimal This part of the alcove was used for depositing located outside of San Antonio Palopo (after map by Linda A. Brown and offerings. No evidence of burning was noted on the Julian Perez Xajil, July 11, 2005). surface. Pan Q’aj Ziwan Ethnographic Information about Tzanimul6 June 2005 Linda Brown An older resident of San Antonio SergioPalopo Garcia showed us Back wall of Julian Perez Xajil rock alcove this site, noting that it has not been used for several decades. According to our guide, people came to footpath Tzanimul for two types of rituals associated with wild Feature 1 animals. The first ceremony was performed with the approach of the planting season. Just prior to sowing, steep slope individuals conducted a rite to ask the animals of the protected alcove fields not to dig up and eat the newly planted seeds steep slope steep slope or the growing corn. The other ceremony conducted at Tzanimul was a hunting rite. Prior to hunting,N individuals brought various types of offerings including copal, candles, liquor, beer, tamales, meat, 0 1 meter Feature 2 pine needles, and a live chicken for sacrifice, all Bones displaced downslope payments to the animal guardian. AccordingLEGEND to our guide, no post-hunting rite was performedbone when deposit the bone deposit curated bones were returned. rock N rock edge of edge of Pan Q’aj Ziwan (“In the Middle of the Hill”)outcrop outcrop

Pan Q’aj Ziwan is an abandoned communal shrine 0 .5 1m located approximately 500 meters south of San Antonio Palopo. The site consists of a large boulder Figure 18. Plan map of the abandoned communal hunting shrine Pan Q’aj Ziwan precariously perched on the north slope of an located outside of San Antonio Palopo (after map by Linda A. Brown, Sergio Garcia, intermittent drainage (Figure 18). A small protective and Julian Perez Xajil, June 6, 2005).

49 Linda A. Brown N alcove beneath the boulder was used for depositing bones. Feature 1 consists of a light fauna Feature 1 cache observed in the alcove. Currently large volcanic boulder Tzam Chicham amate roots most bones have been displaced from this 12 May 2005 Linda Brown original context and washed downslope Miguel Coché Par Feature 2 by heavy rains (Feature 2). Crania and Alcove in large Feature 3 volcanic boulder mandibles scattered across the slope large volcanic boulder include peccary, white-tailed deer, coati, Feature 4 0 1 meter in situ evidence of burning boulder and agouti paca. Post-cranial elements present were from white-tailed deer, alcove limit armadillo, and tapir. in situ boulders LEGEND in situ N boulder bone deposit Other Hunting Shrines (schematic) bone deposit (schematic) rock limit of alcove limit of edge of In addition to the communal and private alcove outcrop rock road 30 meters shrines described previously, we recorded edge of 0 .5 1m outcrop three sites where we did not have adequate ethnographic information to Figure 19. Plan map of the abandoned hunting shrine Tzam Chicham located outside of Santiago Atitlan (after map by Linda A. Brown and Miguel Coché Par, May 12, 2005). classify them as belonging to one group or another. These shrines are described below.

Santiago Atitlan N Feature 2 bone deposit (schematic) alcove in Tzam Chicham (“Point of the Smelly outcrop N

edge of Water”) outcrop alcove Tzam Chicham is an abandoned hunting 0 .5 1m shrine located one kilometer north of 0 1m Santiago Atitlan. The site consists of a large boulder with an overhang that forms Chukumuk a sheltered alcove. 13 May 2005 rock outcrop Feature 1 Four features were identified at the Linda Brown rock outcrop site (Figure 19). Feature 1 consists of a Miguel Coché Par small fauna cache tucked into a small interior alcove inside the main protected alcove space. The surface deposit contains cranial amate roots and post-cranial elements and includes rock skull fragments from white-tailed deer, outcrop peccary, and agouti paca. A second fauna deposit (Feature 2) is located to the LEGEND northwest of the former. Similar to Feature bone deposit (schematic) steep drop off 1, this deposit contains cranial and post- alcove in outcrop cranial elements including white-tailed edge of deer, peccary, and agouti paca remains. outcrop In addition to these caches, a light bone scatter was noted throughout the alcove. Figure 20. Plan map of the abandoned hunting shrine Chukumuk located outside of Feature 4 consists of a small burned Santiago Atitlan (after map by Linda A. Brown and Miguel Coché Par, May 13, 2005). zone inside yet close to the edge of the alcove. This feature likely represents

Maya Archaeology 50 Tzam Tawual 20 June 2005 recent trash burning. LindaFeature Brown 3 is an oval- shaped stone constructionPedro Vbuiltelásquez on top Yaxón of a Feature 1 nearby in situ boulder. The purpose of this 0 .5 1m feature is unclear. bone deposit (schematic) rock outcrop

Chukumuk limit of N

alcove Chukumuk is an abandonedN hunting rock tumbled edge of shrine located two kilometers northeast outcrop boulders of Santiago Atitlan (Figure 20). The rock site consists of a northeast-facing rock outcrop outcrop on the same hill that contains the 0 1 meter recent trash private hunting shrine of Chukumuk II. in situ boulder Chukumuk may also be the shrine of a single hunter although we were unable to Feature 2 recent trash verify this through interviews.

The site contains a very light fauna slope deposit placed in two rock alcoves. Most bones were post-cranial elements. Those rock outcrop bones eroding from soil we were able to identifyLEGEND belonged to white-tailed deer. bone deposit (schematic)

San Pedro la Laguna limit of alcove tumbled boulders rock Tzam Tawual (“Point of the Island”) tumbled boulders edge of Tzam Tawual is an abandonedoutcrop hunting shrine located immediately north of San Pedro la Laguna. The site consists of a northwest-facing pile of tumbled boulders Figure 21. Plan map of the abandoned hunting shrine Tzam Tawual located outside of San overlooking Lake Atitlan. Pedro la Laguna. The site has two bone deposits tucked into alcoves formed by the tumbled with large volcanic boulders. The types of boulders selected for use include single boulders (Figure 21). Feature 1 is a fauna stones with prominent alcoves (Figure 22), multiple tumbled boulders forming an cache in the southernmost area while alcove (Figure 23), outcrops with small modest alcoves (Figure 24), and boulders lacking Feature 2 is located on the eastern side. alcoves but with an overhang that provides protection from rain (Figure 25). Cranial and post-cranial elements are There appears to be some consistency in the spatial placement of bone deposits in present, and species identified include relation to on-site topography. While cache locations did not indicate any directional white-tailed deer, peccary, and tapir. preference, people did place bones in close proximity to the physical rock surface and often flush against the outcrop itself. If alcoves were present, typically these were used Topographic Features Chosen for for caching bones. All locations chosen for ritual caches offered some protection from Shrines the elements. One of our research goals was to understand the type of topographic Local Understandings About What Remains Get Returned features associated with the animal From the outset of the project, it was clear that individuals selected certain taxa and guardian and chosen for use in hunting skeletal elements for special deposition at hunting shrines. Thus one of our goals was rites. All hunting shrines identified to to better understand this decision-making process. What animal remains could be date are associated with rock formations. discarded in household middens and which should be returned to the animal guardian Of the 17 known sites, three are in rock at sacred sites? shelters while the others are associated To articulate emic understandings of the types of animals and skeletal elements that

51 Linda A. Brown should undergo specialized discard, we used methods from cognitive anthropology and applied them to archaeological questions. One such method, the free-list, is used to elicit items belonging to a specific cultural domain of knowledge. In the present study, the cultural domains of interest included the types of animals and skeletal elements that should be returned to the guardian of animals at hunting shrines. To elicit a free-list of the types of taxa that should undergo specialized deposition, interviewees were asked to name all the animals they could think of whose remains should be curated and returned to a sacred site in the landscape. To understand which specific skeletal elements should be returned, we asked people to list all the types of bones that should be curated and then returned to shrines. Responses to these questions were processed using ANTHROPAC (Borgatti 1996).

Animals Whose Remains Should Undergo Specialized Discard Mammals dominate the list of animals whose remains should be returned to the animal guardian at sacred sites (Figure 26). This observation is notable given the past and present reliance on wild resources associated with the lake, including fish and lake crabs as well as migratory birds (McBryde 1945). Of the twenty most frequently mentioned animals, only one was not a mammal. White-tailed deer was the most frequently mentioned animal (92%) that should undergo specialized discard. Species mentioned by at least half of all respondents included important subsistence animals, such as the white-tailed deer, peccary, Figure 22. Topographic features chosen for use in hunting ceremonies include single large boulders armadillo, and agouti paca, as well as with alcoves, as seen at the site of Tzam Chicham. coati, raccoon, and gray fox.

Maya Archaeology 52 Figure 23. Topographic features chosen for use in hunting ceremonies include tumbled boulders that form alcoves, as seen at the private shrine Chuitinamit II.

In addition to food sources, feline predators with historically one should bring back to a sacred site. Our interviews are on- important symbolic roles in Maya culture were mentioned. These going but already suggest some variation in caching practices. species included the jaguar, puma, and ocelot. Interestingly, a Interviews allowed us to identify three groups of symbolically hunter we interviewed in San Juan la Laguna was curating the important bones that should undergo specialized discard: lower legs of an ocelot, among other animal remains, for special a) crania and mandibles; b) bones of large animals; and c) all deposition at a local sacred site. bones of hunted mammals. In most places, there was consensus among community members about the types of bones that Skeletal Elements That Should Be Deposited At Shrines should be returned to a sacred site. A notable exception to this To better understand the selection of certain skeletal remains for consensus was Santiago Atitlan, where individual responses inclusion in hunting caches we asked people to name all bones varied as to which remains should be returned to sacred sites.

53 Linda A. Brown Figure 24. Topographic features chosen for use in hunting ceremonies include shallow alcoves, as seen at Chukumuk II, an abandoned shrine used by a deer hunter from Santiago Atitlan.

Bone Caching Practice A crania and mandibles, although other elements are also present. Individuals in the Tz’utujil town of Santiago Atitlan also Individuals in Kaqchikel communities of Pampojila and Agua reported a specialized yet different life history for crania. While Escondida along the east and southern areas of Lake Atitlan people from the Kaqchikel communities return crania to sacred reported that crania and mandibles were the most important sites in the landscape, in Santiago Atitlan respondents reported elements to return to sacred sites (Figure 27). Skulls and that the skulls and skins of hunted animals should be returned mandibles were said to represent the animal in toto, thus their to the Cofradía San Juan. Locally San Juan is understood to be return was sufficient to placate the animal guardian and assure the lord of the wild animals (Carlsen 1997:98). The cofradía serves success in future hunts. These reports are corroborated by surface as a repository for skulls and skins of various wild mammals, deposits in Kaqchikel hunting shrines, as they are dominated by with some stuffed and hung from the ceiling while others are

Maya Archaeology 54 used as dance costumes during the deer jaguar dance (Figure 28). Although individuals in Santiago Atitlan reported that skulls should be returned to the cofradía, fauna deposits at nearby hunting shrines suggest variation in this practice over time. Crania were observed in ritual fauna deposits of five local shrines, indicating that sometimes skulls were returned to sacred sites in the landscape (Figure 1). Bone Caching Practice B Several residents of Santiago Atitlan reported that only the bones of large animals needed to be returned to sacred places, either the cofradía or shrines in the landscape. Species cited by respondents as constituting “large animals” included: white-tailed deer, brocket deer, collared peccary, white- lipped peccary, agouti paca, coati, and raccoon. Preliminary field identification of taxa in surface deposits at nearby shrines generally supports this practice. Remains overwhelmingly consist of white-tailed deer, with some peccary, agouti paca, coati, and tapir present, although armadillo was noted as well. The Cofradía San Juan contains many of the “large animals” mentioned but also includes armadillo carapaces as well as squirrel and a small spotted cat (either ocelot or margay). Bone Caching Practice C The previously mentioned discard patterns contrast with those reported in the Tz’utujil towns on the western side of the lake (see Figure 27). Interviewees in San Pedro, San Juan, and San Pablo la Laguna insisted that all skeletal elements of hunted Figure 25. Topographic features chosen for use in hunting ceremonies include large boulders with mammals should be returned to overhangs that provide protection from the elements, as seen at Pa’ Ruchi Abaj, an abandoned sacred sites. As noted by one man, communal shrine outside of San Juan la Laguna.

55 Linda A. Brown # Respondents % of the household—a practice with potentially significant Mentioned Respondents archaeological implications. Do other communities engage in Rank Taxon (n=26) Mentioned this practice, or is this strictly a local behavior? A review of the 1 White-tailed deer 24 92 ethnographic literature suggests that the ritual discard of animal 2 Peccary* 19 73 bones extends well beyond the borders of Lake Atitlan. In the 3 Armadillo 18 69 early twentieth century, La Farge and Byers (1931:243) visited a cave in the Jacaltec area that contained “vast quantities of animal 4 Agouti paca 18 69 bones.” The Q’anjobal Maya of San Miguel Acatan curated deer 5 Coati 18 69 bones on household altars until the time that they too were 6 Raccoon 16 62 disposed in a local cave (Grollig 1959:162). In Momostenango, 7 Gray Fox 14 52 the K’iche’ deposited deer bones at an upright sacred rock and a 8 Jaguar 11 42 carved boulder depicting a jaguar (Cook 1981:143, 2000:114-115). 8 Puma 11 42 Meanwhile the Huastec in Veracruz put deer bones in a shallow 10 Ocelot 9 35 hole encircled with stones for deposition (Alcorn 1984:88). The belief that animal bones must undergo special deposition 11 Squirrel 9 35 is also documented for Mesoamerican peoples outside of the 31 12 Coyote 8 Maya area. In Honduras, the Lenca stored deer bones until post- 13 Skunk 7 27 hunting ceremonies when they were deposited at mountain 14 Opossum 6 23 shrines (Chapman 1985:141). In Mexico, the Nahua of northern 15 Forest rabbit 6 23 Hidalgo deposited all bones of hunted animals at sacred places 16 Kinkajou 6 23 in the mountains (Montoya Briones 1968:23). The Mixe of Oaxaca curated the “skulls, mandibles, and other bones of animals they Central American 17 5 19 agouti have killed” to return to sacred sites on mountaintops or in caves 18 Giant anteater 5 19 (Lipp 1991:95). Similarly, the Tlapanec in Guerrero carefully stored the skulls and mandibles of hunted animals until they 19 Turkey 4 15 were ritually deposited at a sacred place in the mountains (Neff 15 20 Brocket deer 4 Nuixa 2001:368-369). * Respondents did not divide peccary into white-lipped or collared. As noted above, the ethnographic record demonstrates Figure 26. The twenty most frequently mentioned taxa whose that various Mesoamerican peoples deposit wild animal bones remains should undergo specialized discard at sacred sites in the in sacred places in the landscape rather than discard them in landscape, organized according to frequency. household middens. Yet the question remains as to how long individuals have engaged in this ritual practice. Although the animal owner “makes one new animal from each bone you evaluating time depth will take field research and the dating of return—even the littlest toe bone. That is why you have to return in situ hunting deposits, the literature hints that the specialized all of them.” Here discard behavior is unambiguously linked discard of certain animal bones has historical depth in the Maya with regeneration of the species. Preliminary field identification area. One of the earliest written reports of people curating animal of fauna deposits associated with these communities appeared bones is from the colonial period. During the 1700s, hunters in to support this behavior, as they contain a broad diversity of the Department of Huehuetenango, Guatemala, carefully curated skeletal elements. deer bones so as not to anger the lord of deer (Cortes y Larraz Some residents of Santiago Atitlan also reported that all bones 1958[1768-1770]:119-120). Unfortunately, the final deposition of hunted animals should be returned to sacred sites, regardless of these remains was not provided. However, much later in of size. Individuals reporting this practice still stated that the time Grollig (1959:162), working in the same area, reported that preferred location for crania and skins was the Cofradía San Juan, hunters from San Miguel Acatan stored deer bones until the time while other remains should be taken to places in the landscape. that they were taken and deposited in a nearby cave. Archaeological deposits from lowland Maya caves document Discussion the antiquity of subjecting certain animal remains to specialized Clearly individuals living around Lake Atitlan discarded some, deposition in sacred places (Brady 1989; Emery 2004; Pendergast or all, wild mammal bones in ritual contexts located outside 1969, 1971, 1974; Pohl 1983; Pohl and Pohl 1983). A Late Classic

Maya Archaeology 56 SantaCruz LLaLaguna Panajachel Tz’ununa JaibalitoJaibalito

SanMarcossLaLaguna SantaCatarinaPalopo SanPabloLaLaguna

Bone Caching Practice C Bone Caching Practice C LakeAtitlan SanJuaJuanLaLaguna SanAntonioPalopo SanPedroLaLaguna

Bone Caching Practice A

SanPedroVolcano

SantiagoAtitlan SantiagoAtitlan SaSanLucas Bone Caching Practice A,,B,,C Toliman

TolimanVolcano

Bone Caching Practice A town hunting shrine N AtitlanVolcano 0 km 4

Figure 27. Local understandings concerning the types of bones that should be returned to sacred sites as reported by individuals knowledgeable about hunting ceremonialism in various communities around Lake Atitlan. deposit from the Eduardo Quiroz Cave, Belize, contained animal guardian in ancient hunting rites performed in caves. unrelated skeletal elements from opossum, coati, paca, forest As evident in ethnographic accounts, the formation of ritual rabbit, tapir, brocket deer, and white-tailed deer, suggesting that fauna caches is guided by belief in the animal guardian who will “only portions of these animals were brought to the cave” to be exact revenge against hunters breaking ceremonial protocol. Yet deposited (Pendergast 1971:83). Similar deposits of unrelated the specialized treatment of skeletal remains is also informed by medium and large mammal bones were noted in Late Classic the symbolic conflation of bone with regeneration in the Maya cave assemblages of Actun Polbilche (Pendergast 1974) and area. The K’iche’ Maya envision bones as seeds ripe with latent Actum Balam in Belize (Pendergast 1969:58) as well as Naj potency and life (e.g., Carmack 1981:352; Christenson 2003:129). Tunich in Guatemala (Brady 1989:377-378). Meanwhile fauna A Chuj myth recounts the exploits of a deity who curated and remains from various lowland caves suggest that deer skulls planted the bones of wild animals so they would create new were deposited in these ceremonial contexts (Pohl 1983:89; Pohl creatures (La Farge 1947:50). After successfully sprouting, the and Pohl 1983). Perhaps these bones were “handed over” to the forest creatures were enclosed in a stone corral cave and the gate

57 Linda A. Brown Figure 28. Deer skull and skin dance costumes curated on a table in the Cofradía San Juan in Santiago Atitlan. Miscellaneous skulls and skins are stored on the lower table shelf. was closed with rocks. Such beliefs are based upon the notion is wrapped in cotton “skins” prior to deposition at mountain of the “flowering of the dead,” a core cultural paradigm that shrines (Neff Nuixa 2001:368-369). illustrates how the ancestral life force supports, and is endlessly Indigenous creation accounts from the colonial period also recycled, in new generations (Carlsen 1997:50; Carlsen and link bone with active agency and regeneration. In the Popol Vuh, Prechtel 1991). the mother of the Hero Twins is impregnated by a skull hanging Ethnographic references from greater Mesoamerica also from a tree, and the Hero Twins are reborn in the underworld associate the curation and special deposition of animal bone with from their ground bones (Christenson 2003; Tedlock 1985). A indigenous concepts concerning the regeneration of species. The Mexica myth from central Mexico recounts how Quetzalcoatl Huichol believe that the deer does not die but is reborn from his created human beings by collecting the bones of ancestors and bones if they are carefully handled and stored (Myerhoff 1974:83, sprinkling them with his own blood (Caso 1958:12). In addition 201). The Mixe in Oaxaca return bones to sacred sites so the to written accounts, visual depictions of bones as a source of animal guardian can reflesh them (Lipp 1991:95). Meanwhile the new life are common in Classic-period Maya iconography, which Tlapanec of Guerrero present food offerings to curated animal depicts skulls flowering with vegetation and human corpses skulls and mandibles. In a symbolic act of regeneration, each sprouting from the underworld as trees (e.g., Carlsen and

Maya Archaeology 58 Prechtel 1991:32-36; Schele and Mathews 1998:120-123). The long hunting rites is the presence of a ritual fauna cache. Preliminary symbolic linkage of bone with regeneration in Mesoamerica— investigations suggest that these caches are dominated, although coupled with the belief in a lord of the animals—suggests that not exclusively, by mammal remains paralleling contemporary hunting protocol dictating certain skeletal remains undergo local beliefs about the types of animals under the protection of specialized discard likely existed in the past. the animal guardian. The identification and in-depth analysis of archaeological bone caches that may have formed during Conclusions ancient hunting rites constitutes an important step for testing the From the Classic period to the present, scholars have continuity of these practices over time. documented the widespread Maya belief in a supernatural animal guardian who must be appeased in rituals before and Acknowledgements after the hunt (e.g., Alcorn 1984: 88; Cabarrús 1998:47; Cortes y The current research was supported by a grant from the Larraz 1958[1768-1770]:119-120; Hofling 1991:136-153; Redfield Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, and Villa Rojas 1934:117-118; Sapper 1897:268; Taube 2003b:472- Inc. (#05012). I would like to thank Dr. Kitty Emery and the 475; Thompson 1930:124-135; Tozzer 1907:162, 1941:144,162; Environmental Archaeology Program at the Florida Museum Wagley 1949:57; Wisdom 1940:71-73). Despite this resilience, of Natural History, who generously donated digital images of the physical places used for hunting rites and associated ritual skeletal elements used for preliminary species identifications. deposits remain largely unknown. Sincere thanks go to Dolores Ratzan, Miguel Coche Par, Sergio The Lake Atitlan hunting shrines provide us with a glimpse Garcia, Julian Perez Xajil, Manuel Jáminez Tambriz, Pedro of the types of topographic places and ritual deposits associated Velásquez Yaxón, Andres Sosa, and Francisco Ixtamer Ramos for with contemporary and recent Maya hunting ceremonialism. assistance in the field work. Huntin