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SCALING THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF COPPER AGE AGGREGATIONS IN IBERIA

Pedro DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO Instituto de Historia, CSIC, C/ Serrano 13, 28001-Madrid. Spain [email protected]

Abstract: Materialist perspectives have focused their arguments on the leading role of coercion and conflict in order to explain the Third millennium BC Iberian archaeological record. Recently, ritual dynamics have been considered. All arguments rely on the same evidence, having explicit or implicit generalizing interpretative intentions. This paper is a critical review of two recurring opinions used by Spanish scholars to support the hierarchical -read class- and coercive nature of Copper Age societies: that variability in settlement size reflects control hierarchies and that highly formalized planning of villages and monumental enclosures reflect direct coercive control of labor. Finally, I briefly comment on some recent problematic uses of the ritual/domestic dichotomy. Key Words: Iberia. Copper Age. Enclosures. Coercion. Persuasion

Resumen: Las perspectivas materialistas han centrado sus argumentos en el papel decisivo de la coerción y el conflicto a la hora de explicar el registro arqueológico del Tercer Milenio AC. Más recientemente se ha empezado a considerar el papel del ritual. Todas las argumentaciones se basan en la misma evidencia y cuentan con intenciones interpretativas generalizadoras implícitas o explícitas. Este trabajo es una revisión crítica de algunos argumentos utilizados por los investigadores españoles a la hora de sostener el carácter jerárquico (léase clasista) y naturaleza coercitiva de las sociedades de la Edad del Cobre: la variabilidad en el tamaño de los asentamientos y la elevada planificación formal de aldeas y recintos monumentales. Finalmente realizo un breve comentario en torno a algunos usos problemáticos recientes de la dicotomía ritual/doméstico. Palabras clave: Península Ibérica. Edad del Cobre. Recintos. Coerción. Persuasión

INTRODUCTION formation process of the so-called “initial class societies” of the Copper Age. This interpretation has been widely Information on new Copper Age sites has increased accepted by many scholars, and could be identified as dramatically since the last state-of-the-art meeting on dominant, at least in Spanish contemporary archaeology Chalcolithic Iberia (Seville 1990, see Hurtado dir. 1995). (see Vicent 2006). No doubt, the first and most evident consequence has been the loss of centrality of the two traditional On the other hand, the late impact of different kinds of cornerstone cultures of the Copper Age –Los Millares and post-processualisms (phenomenological, hermeneutical…) Vila Nova de San Pedro– in the interpretations of the has encouraged the surge of interpretations that tend to political, social and economic dynamics of Third stress ideological aspects (frequently reduced to “ritual”) millennium BC Iberia. Since then, some researchers have in the formation and development of Chalcolithic put forward different explanations for this new evidence. societies. They have suggested new alternative readings that have offered relatively articulated regional scale interpretations In sum, contemporary Spanish leading interpretations on of the archaeological record. The most ambitious analyses the critical causal elements that would explain the are those put forward by F. Nocete (2001) and S.O. Jorge archaeological record of the Copper Age emphasize either (1999), especially because of their broader trans-regional coercion or ritual. Obviously, any scholar familiar with comparative perspective. However, one should be ready Iberian Prehistory would accept that there may be plenty to acknowledge the fact that the published archaeological of evidences for both in the Third millennium BC record (that is, the known archaeological record) of archaeological record. My interest in this paper is not Copper Age Iberia is still too scarce to support these or evaluating the strength or weakness of the different many other possible interpretations. Consequently, any positions, but the strength of the evidences used to plausible interpretation will be more or less robust support each interpretation. depending on its capacity to explain the archaeological record with reasonable parsimony. Although with slight differences, most researchers would admit that pre-Copper Age Iberian societies were There are currently two confronting proposals. On the one characterized by a kinship-based social structure, a hand, some Marxist perspectives inspired by Latin- relatively low level in the development of the productive American “Social Archaeology” (e.g. Bate 1998; for a forces, and a variable dependence on agriculture and/or review see Patterson 1994 and Oyuela-Caycedo et al. herding related to differential environmental contexts. 1 They prioritize coercion as the key element in the 1997). Under these circumstances, the possibilities of increasing

1 Time will say if they should be included in the group of Spanish surplus would require either a radical technological Marxist archaeologists that are “tak[ing] archaeology to the masses” change –one that would trigger the development of (McGuire et al. 2005: 362), or to the choir. productive forces- or an increase in the concentration of

169 THE IDEA OF ENCLOSURE IN RECENT IBERIAN PREHISTORY

the labor force. The archaeological record suggests that some time contemporaneous to the larger “centers”.2 For the latter was preferred, probably the only historically instance, radiocarbon dates would suggest that the pretty feasible. impressive fortified site of Albalate, in the Upper Guadal- quivir (Nocete 1994), was at least partially contempora- We should also suppose that due to the initial social neous to the massive site of Marroquíes Bajos (Zafra et conditions (let us say, of the Fourth millennium BC) al. 1999; 2003). A possible interpretation would consider where all social relations were probably expressed in that the fortification process in both sites emerged as a terms of kinship, any option of applying force or extortion result of the need to control – and most of all proclaim- to your own kin would imply either breaking kinship the access to nearby resources. Although difficult to logics or manipulating them in one’s own benefit. prove, this suggestion would not demand substantial Certainly, most studies of early civilizations suggest that differences between the evidence for production and the use and manipulation of such logics was behind the consumption at both sites, and could simply explain rise of many powerful groups, and frequently an effective differences in settlement size by considering the relation means in the hands of the elites. However, the logic of between inhabitants and nearby carrying capacity. Other- kinship demands the practice of reciprocity: overt and wise stated, it may be reasonable to suppose that the continuous extortion may be impossible unless groups are archaeological evidence for both sites would be somehow previously “caged” (sensu Mann 1986; see Gilman 1981). similar. If, on the other hand, we propose that a big Lacking these conditions, “inequality is not constructed settlement controls all smaller sites by, let us say, practically nor ideologically justified but by services to a coercion, we should expect to find clear-cut notorious community” (Godelier 1977: 136). Thus, persuasion evidences for differences in production and consumption rather than coercion may be behind the archaeological between sites. Testing this hypothesis would obviously evidence for Third millennium BC lineage competition in require both a territorial analysis and a detailed and com- Iberia (Díaz-del-Río 2004). parable in scale analysis of the archaeological evidence, something that is nowadays impossible knowing the avai- It is reasonable to suppose that open coercion did not lable information. If we face the fact of a virtual absence play an initial determinant role in these aggregation of contextual information, we can only rely in accepting processes. One would expect the evidence to be not too the scale of labor investments in infrastructure as the only different from the previous late Neolithic one. proxy to evaluate the degree of submission of small sites Nevertheless, one should be able to evaluate the to big “centers”. However, this view reintroduces the pre- feasibility of the “coercion hypothesis” by analyzing the mise that settlement size is enough to prove the existence archaeological record, and not just by a preference for of hierarchies, thus becoming a circular argument. an alternative discourse. In order to do so, I will now focus on two arguments frequently used by Spanish The Iberian central Meseta is a good case study to assess scholars to support the hierarchical (class) and coercive the relation between settlement size and political hierar- nature of Third millennium BC societies: that variability chies during the Copper Age (for an overview see Díaz- in settlement size reflects control hierarchies and that del-Río 2006). The area has been traditionally considered highly formalized planning of villages and monumental less complex than its contemporary southern neighbors enclosures reflect direct coercive control of labor. (Millares and Vila Nova cultures) and, consequently, left Finally, I will briefly comment on what I think are aside in debates concerning “initial class societies”. The some recent problematic uses (or let us say, abuses) of region is known to have an important amount of Chalco- the role given to ritual practices in Third millennium BC lithic settlements of different sizes, mostly discovered as a Iberia. consequence of past decades real-state and public infra- structural boom. Out of all, the most relevant may have been the recent discovery and excavation of the first ditched SETTLEMENT HIERARCHIES enclosures in the region (Díaz-del-Río 2003; 2004b). At least two of them have been completely mapped, allowing A classical way to argument the existence of political the definition of their total extension: the external enclosure hierarchies and relations of dependence between of ‘Fuente de la Mora’ has 1 ha and Gózquez 0.3 ha. Both settlements has been the observation of size differences are small compared to other known enclosures of Iberia or between sites: the smaller should depend political and/or of the British Isles (Oswald et al. 2001: 73). economically on the larger. Although problems related to this kind of interpretation are multiple (and I would say These sites contrast with some recently discovered settle- evident by now) its use is still frequent, particular when ments such as Camino de las Yeseras (Blasco et al. 2005). confronting the Iberian Copper Age, where size It is located in fertile riverbanks of the Jarama, about one differences between sites are undeniable. 2 Nevertheless, this is not always the case. For instance, a detailed In spite of the well-known limitations of our examination of the evolution of regional settlement patterns (Nocete archaeological record, and the inevitable problems related 1994) compared to the evolution of the woul-be-center of Marroquíes Bajos (Zafra et al. 1999) suggests that small villages may have been the to the statistical error of absolute chronologies, one would result of a peopling by groups fleeing the macro-village (Díaz-del-Río suppose that most small sites would have been at least for 2004a), and not tribute-producing settlements.

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kilometer from the river-bed and three from its confluence this premise and due to the lack of unequivocal evidences with the Henares river. According to its diggers, this of differential production or consumption in and between Third millennium BC settlement is placed in an especially settlements (Gilman 2000), many researchers have advantageous location regarding all potentially exploit- ventured considering communal constructions in larger table resources: “the availability in fertile lowlands of sites as good examples of the existence of social both irri-gated land agriculture and fresh pasture […] hierarchies (“nobilities”) organizing and taking advantage should have been determinant in the election of the sites’ of collective labor. location” (Blasco et al. 2005: 457). Although only 1.4 ha have been excavated up to date, the authors suggest a total There are obviously substantial differences among Third extension of about 20 ha and a structure comparable to a millennium BC settlements in Iberia, both in the amount casewayed enclosure. labor and in the design complexity. Labor gradation may range between the 113 ha complex ditch system of As has happened in other Iberian regions, the presence of Marroquíes Bajos (Zafra et al. 1999) and, to give an a site with these characteristics and extension would allow emblematic example, the 0.5 ha enclosure of Los Millares some scholars to argue for the existence of a political/ known as “Fortín 1” (Arribas et al. 1983). Design economic hierarchy by the Third millennium BC in the complexity does not necessarily relate to size, as the latter central Meseta. The argument would be simple: the example clearly shows. existence of a size hierarchy in contemporaneous settlements would indicate the existence of a political and/or The up-to-date best quantified comparative analysis of economic dependence of the smaller from the largest. The Copper Age labor investments has been put forward by way to test this hypothesis would also be straightforward Monks (1997). Although the author points out to important (Brumfiel 1972; Steponaitis 1978; 1981; Wright 2000): aspects of labor mobilization, it informs us specifically on comparing the “carrying capacity” of each settlement, i.e. the amount of labor invested. Nevertheless, I would sug- the maximum number of individuals that can be indefi- gest that the straightforward quantification of construction nitely supported in each nearby environment. If there is a volumes misses an important point: the way collective proportional relation between settlement size and resour- labor was carried out. I believe that it is this variable the ces, we must then consider a more parsimonious expla- one that can help us understand the tactical or organiza- nation: larger settlements and population concentrations tional power (Wolf 1999: 5) of these prehistoric groups. may exist wherever the surrounding carrying capacity would allow them to survive. It may be illustrative to start with a close-by French example, the Third millennium BC settlement of Obviously, this kind of analysis requires a straightforward Boussargues, near Montpellier (Colomer et al. 1990) landscape archaeological research program to a regional (Figure 19.1). It is a small 860 sq.m enclosure located on scale, something that is not the aim of this paper. But I top of a hill, in a position rather similar to many nevertheless have some tips on how results would be. It is contemporary settlements in Iberia. A detailed publication possible to order the up-mentioned sites just by knowing describes at least three constructive phases. The place is their position regarding nearby fertile lowlands: Gózquez, initially occupied by six small circular structures of close to a secondary stream would be the smallest; Fuente identical dimensions. The reduced interior space in each de la Mora, on a hill by the slightly larger Butarque of them suggests they were shelters rather than a place to riverbank would follow and, finally, Camino de la Yesera, carry out the everyday life of the building group. on the fertile lowlands in the Jarama river (the largest Moreover, the distance between them point to a riverbank in the area) would be the largest. And so it is. predetermined design in their distribution, facilitating while limiting the future second phase: an enclosure. Concluding, we have to set aside our frequent Using an hydraulic analogy (with apologies to Barceló predisposition to suggest the existence of political and/or 1989), the initial disposition of these structures entail the economic hierarchies between sites by just considering future rigidity of the design: any later modification would their size. We would necessarily require the use of imply expanding it outside the initial limits. The quantitative methods in order to contrast the carrying enclosure was constructed building wall segments capacity of the settlement’s territory to support variable between the six initial structures. Further on, some initial size aggregations. It is however symptomatic to observe huts were expanded by roofing new areas. Due to the how the largest sites in Copper Age Iberia are located in construction scale as a whole, it is reasonable to suppose highly fertile areas (Valencina de la Concepción, La that the structure of the village was a result of the Pijotilla) or in places with a comparatively prominent organization of a segmentary group, where constituent productive potential (Los Millares, Marroquíes Bajos). parts create a space -both private and collective-, and where decisions are taken in a cooperative way. The same structure of the village acts as metaphor and a formal PLANNING representation of the social structure of the aggregation.

The organization of collective labor and the planning and Let us now analyze a classic case in Iberian Prehistory. execution of public works demand leadership. Based on Monks (1997: 21) has calculated that Los Millares

171 THE IDEA OF ENCLOSURE IN RECENT IBERIAN PREHISTORY

Fig. 19.1. Construction phases at the French Copper Age site of Boussargues (modified from Colomer et al. 1990)

required a labor investment of more than 100,000 days. argue that bastions and façades were neither designed nor This, of course, says nothing of the way and pace in built simultaneously. which it was built. But we can obtain a general sense of the way the first line of enclosure was built, even though I think the case of the first line in Los Millares provides the sequence of building events at the site has not been good clues about labor organization and its deployment, entirely published. Although the enclosures are most and above all, about the kind of surplus labor control that frequently represented as a continuous black line, without may have been at work. It would not be reasonable to the outlines of construction events, I have redrawn them suppose that the society that built Millares lacked the specifically attending to their different components. In practical knowledge to build a main wall with bastions if fact, the excavators represented building interfaces by they had wanted to. Consequently, it may be suggested drawing a thicker line. In my representation (Figure 19.2), that no matter the social institution behind this work, it different greys do not represent a specific building did not control the means to recruit, organize and sequence, but highlight the fact that the “fortification” mobilize labor in order to build a unified monumental does not seem to be a pre-planned construction, but a project. The resulting image is an aggregation of seg- series of far from neatly crafted constructions and ments of building projects that, in a way, reflected a reconstructions. Obviously, many authors have stressed similar idea about a desired final product. The tactic or that Los Millares walls were sequentially widened by the organizational power (to use E. Wolf’s terms) was incorporation of different reinforcements and formal probably restricted to each group’s variable recruitment changes. As Molina and Cámara (2005: 34) note, the capacity. The multiple segments constituting the fortifica- average thickness of this (wall) is about two meters and tions in Los Millares, as those at Boussargues or at the was made adding many reinforcements in the internal face Portuguese site of Castanheiro do Vento (Jorge et al, of the main wall”. This interpretation, however, gives a 2006) (see Figure 19.2) are not just good metaphors, but unified view of how labor was deployed; something that the very result of the social structure that built it. is not so obvious if the building dynamic is carefully revised following the evidence recorded during the The apparently large constructions of Iberian Peninsular excavation. When we separate clearly later Chalcolithic are not necessarily the result of powerful and reinforcements and modifications, we can identify that the exploitative hierarchies behind decision-making. It rather so-called main wall is in itself nothing else than an seems that, as happens in Boussargues or Los Millares, addition of different segments. Some of them were built they are the result of additions with a sequential labor in a strange way for a planned construction. For instance, mobilization, according to the capacity of the different there are many rectilinear wall fragments ending in a so- segments to mobilize their own labor force in an effort called bastion, but its continuation is another building that rarely required an important collective effort. They project, rather inadequate if the construction was intended did not demand a high previous planning, although they to be a long-term monument/fortification. In other cases, probably shared and transmitted a highly valued practical rectilinear walls were built over previous circular knowledge. constructions (either bastions or dwellings), or other walls were made and later bastions finally added, some of them incorporating evidence of everyday life activities inside. BEYOND RITUAL Actually, the image of an impressing fortification with eleven bastions strategically placed (such as the one Open coercion does not seem to be the generalized recently reconstructed in the archaeological guide of the mechanism to mobilize collective labor during the Third site) is highly misleading: there is enough evidence to millennium BC. Thus, we should evaluate more persua-

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Fig. 19.2. Construction dynamics at three Copper Age sites compared to scale (1) Los Millares (modified from Arribas et al. 1983), (2) Castanheiro do Vento (modified from Jorge et al. 2006) and (3) Boussargues (modified from Colomer et al. 1990) sive forms. Perhaps the most evident –and effective– way efficiently enough to be materialized in a massive to attract and mobilize labor in tribal contexts is the perpetuated result. In order to achieve it, it was necessary practice of collective activities of a reiterative nature that to meet three sine qua non conditions: availability of a establish a web of social relations of mutual support. large labor force, the material conditions of production to These activities, whatever their form (feasts, gatherings, support them, and a recurring and persuasive summoning different kinds of works …) and degree of ceremonial capacity. It is the differences in the political-economic elaboration, are eminently persuasive: groups are scale of regional developments during Iberian Late voluntarily involved and frequently subdued to the highly Prehistory that I suggest are key in order to understand formalized dynamics of the activity. Groups may avoid how these three conditions historically interplayed. these activities as long as they are not seriously affected: voluntary exclusion from these social webs of mutual Nevertheless, most interpretations of monumental enclo- support may expose them to socioeconomic predation sures in the Iberian Peninsula that have rejected the (Hayden 2001: 575). Consequently, groups would partici- “coercion hypothesis” have highlighted the role of ritual pate in collective activities in order to avoid potential activities, but oversimplifying the archaeological evidence risks, obtain immediate benefits, or promises of future into a domestic/ritual dichotomy. Certainly, during the gains. last years the interpretative pendulum has shifted from considering enclosures as habitation/domestic spaces to These means of labor mobilization were probably non-habitational /ritual arenas, an interpretation repeated accessible to all Iberian groups in the Third millennium ad nauseam by scholars that have applied Procust’s bed to BC. However, only some of them mobilized surplus labor all European and non-European enclosures. The under-

173 THE IDEA OF ENCLOSURE IN RECENT IBERIAN PREHISTORY

standing of enclosures has been so radically inverted that neither explicit nor massive in previous Neolithic phases, any enclosure was indisputably considered a ceremonial and is practically non-existent in the later Bronze Age, space: domestic or defensive components would be the with the outstanding exception of the Southeast. Be it ones that required extra support in the eyes of the new domestication of the ritual or ritualization of domestic exegetes. events, what is needed is to focus on the political roles of ritual practices in a comparative diachronic and regional I want to highlight three aspects of this trend that may be perspective. problematic within its use in the Iberian archaeological practice. First, it has invigorated the risk –and the application– of a traditional (normative) interpretation of Bibliography what ritual is and can look like. In other words, this trend argues the presence of some kind of ritual practice ARRIBAS, A.; MOLINA, F.; SÁEZ, L.; DE LA TORRE, whenever the archaeological record includes “anomalies”, F.; AGUAYO, P.; BRAVO, A. and SUAREZ, A. that is, unusual evidence difficult to interpret in straight- (1983) “Excavaciones en Los Millares (Santa Fe de forward functional terms. Mondujar, Almería). Campañas de 1982 y 1983”. Cuadernos de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Secondly, in spite of frequently having a post-processual Granada 8: 123-147. discourse, the most frequent interpretation is openly BARCELÓ, M. (1989) “El diseño de espacios irrigados funcionalist: enclosures are spaces that are not appropriate en al-Andalus: un enunciado de principios generales”. for living but are created in order to host ceremonial I Coloquio de Historia y medio físico. El agua en gatherings of dispersed groups. The interpretation has zonas áridas: Arqueología e Historia. Almería: XV- been applied to most Italian and central European XLXI. Neolithic enclosures, the English Stonehenge or the north BATE, L.F. (1998) El proceso de investigación en American Poverty Point, and seems to become a Arqueología. Crítica. Barcelona. enlightening interpretation when applied to Los Millares, Valencina, Marroquíes, La Pijotilla, Gozquez de Arriba or BLASCO, C.; LIESAU, C.; DELIBES, G.; BAQUE- Castelo Velho. Thus, the previous postprocesual stress on DANO, E. and RODRÍGUEZ, M. (2005) “Enterrami- the importance of the ideological component of all entos campaniformes en ambiente doméstico: el societies has been overtly simplified into a conventional yacimiento de Camino de las Yeseras (San Fernando archaeological practice. de Henares, Madrid)”. En M.A. Rojo Guerra, R. Garrido Pena and I. García Martínez de Lagrán Finally, the domestic character of enclosures has been (coords.): El Campaniforme en la Península Ibérica y systematically denied, but one still wonders the kind of su contexto europeo. Arte y Arqueología 21. archaeological features that should be found to define a Universidad de Valladolid. Valladolid: 457-472. domestic space or a ritual one, if that division is in any BRADLEY, R. (2005) Ritual and domestic life in way possible. For instance, most scholars would agree on Prehistoric Europe. Routledge. London. the idea that most Third Millennium BC sites in central BRUMFIEL, E. 1972) “Regional Growth in the Eastern Iberia have both animal and human deposits in primary Valley of Mexico: A Test of the ‘Population Pressure’ and secondary position that suggest a society with hypothesis”. In K.V. Flannery (ed.): The Early Meso- widespread ritual practices. But, if they all should be american Village. Academic Press. New York: 234- considered as ritual spaces, we would then face the 249. paradox of not only lacking domestic sites, but most of all, ignoring its defining features. COLOMER, A.; COULAROU, J. y GUTHERZ, X. (1990) Boussargues (Argelliers, Hérault). Un habitat Of course, the background of all these problems is a ceinturé chalcolithique: les fouilles du secteur ouest. limited understanding of the political-economic role of Documents D’Archéologie Fran aise 24. Maison des ritual in most early farming societies. If, as Sahlins (1976) sciences de l’Homme. Paris. or Godelier (1986) have argued, there is no division DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2003) “Recintos de fosos del III between structure and superstructure in the so-called milenioAC en la Meseta Peninsular”. Trabajos de tribal societies, then trying to define the archaeological Prehistoria 60(2): 61-78. evidence by applying the domestic-ritual dichotomy DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2004 a) “Factionalism and collective would be misleading, as in fact Bradley (2005) has labor in Copper Age Iberia”. Trabajos de Prehistoria recently reminded us. Nevertheless, the fact that –in 61(2): 85-98. Bradley’s opinion- daily life is ritualized does not imply that we have to focus settlement analysis exclusively in DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2004 b) “Copper Age Ditched order to identify non-utilitarian anomalies. On the Enclosures in Central Iberia”. Oxford Journal of opposite, it is precisely in the domesticity of the Archaeology 23(2): 107-121. archaeological record were we can find key elements to DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2006) “An appraisal of social understand Third Millennium BC Iberian societies. Over inequalities in central Iberia (c. 5300-1600 cal BC)”. all, we should highlight the fact that this domesticity is In P. Díaz-del-Río and L. García Sanjuán eds.: Social

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