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Radical Thought in Italy
Introduction; Laboratory Italy Michael Hardt In Marx's time revolutionary thought seemed to rely on three axes: German phi- losophy, English economics, and French politics. In our time the axes have shifted so that, if we remain within the same Euro-American framework, revolutionary thinking might be said to draw on French philosophy, U.S. economics, and Italian politics. This is not to say that Italian revolutionary movements have met only with great successes in recent decades; in fact, their defeats have been almost as spectacu- lar as those suffered by the French proletariat in the nineteenth century. I take Italian revolutionary politics as model, rather, because it has constituted a kind of laboratory for experimentation in new forms of political thinking that help us con- ceive a revolutionary practice in our times. This volume is not intended primarily, then, as a history of the recent political movements or an explanation of the current crises of the Italian politi- cal system. The primary focus is rather to present a contemporary Italian mode of thinking revolutionary politics. The difference of Italian thought, however, cannot be grasped without some understanding of the difference marked by the history of Italian social and political movements. The theorizing, in fact, has ridden the wave of the movements over the past thirty years and emerged as part of a collective prac- tice. The writings have always had a real political immediacy, giving the impression of being composed in stolen moments late at night, interpreting one day's political struggles and planning for the next. During extended periods many of these authors were theorists on the side and kept political activism as their day job. -
NJEA Collective Bargaining Manual
COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL NEW JERSEY EDUCATION ASSOCIATION 180 WEST STATE STREET POST OFFICE BOX 1211 TRENTON, NJ 08607-1211 609 599 5461 NJEA.ORG Barbara Keshishian, President Wendell Steinhauer, Vice President Marie Blistan, Secretary-Treasurer Vincent Giordano, Executive Director Richard Gray, Assistant Executive Director/Research Director NJEA COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL Collective Bargaining Manual 1 Preface 2 A History of Public Sector Collective Bargaining in New Jersey 6 Is it Negotiable? 9 Landmark Decisions 15 Statutory Basis for School Employee Negotiations in New Jersey 18 Organizing and Planning 23 Selecting a Bargaining Team 25 Data for Negotiations 26 Collective Bargaining Best Practices 27 The Bargaining Process 33 Ratifying the Negotiated Agreement 37 Alternatives to Traditional Bargaining 43 Bargaining Glossary 44 Salary Compensation 46 Salary Guides 54 Salary Guide Profile 56 Salary Guide Negotiation Preparation 67 Salary Guide Construction 70 Salary Guide Length 73 Educational Support Professional Salary Topics 74 Special Topics in Salary Compensation 76 Bargaining Comprehensive Benefits 79 Costing Out Insurance Benefits 81 School Employees’ Health Benefits Plan (SEHBP) 82 Legal Framework for Negotiating Medical Benefits 86 Health Benefits Insurance Glossary 92 Civil Unions/Domestic Partnerships 93 Sick Leave Banks 94 Drug and Alcohol Testing 97 Distance Learning and Technology 98 Bargaining and professional development: Supporting new visions 103 Sample Agreement Table of Contents NJEA COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL Preface The New Jersey Education Association was 1. This is a resource guide. Its use and application founded on December 28, 1853, as the New Jersey are driven by local circumstances. You may find State Teachers Association. Today, NJEA is the largest that parts are relevant, while others may not be and the most effective school employee organization appropriate for your situation or may need to be in New Jersey. -
Capitalist Meltdo-Wn
"To face reality squarely; not to seek the line of least resistance; to call things by their right names; to speak t�e truth to the masses, no matter how bitter it may be; not to fear obstacles; to be true in little thi�gs as in big ones; to base one's progra.1!1 on the logic of the class struggle;. to be bold when the hour of action arrives-these are the rules of the Fourth International." 'Inequality, Unemployment & Injustice' Capitalist Meltdo-wn Global capitalism is currently in the grip of the most The bourgeois press is relentless in seizing on even the severe economic contraction since the Great Depression of smallest signs of possible "recovery" to reassure consumers the 1930s. The ultimate depth and duration of the down and investors that better days are just around thecomer. This turn remain to be seen, but there are many indicators that paternalistic" optimism" recalls similar prognosticationsfol point to a lengthy period of massive unemployment in the lowing the 1929 Wall Street crash: "Depression has reached imperialist camp and a steep fall in living standards in the or passed its bottom, [Assistant Secretary of Commerce so-called developing countries. Julius] Klein told the Detroit Board of Commerce, although 2 'we may bump along' for a while in returningto higher trade For those in the neocolonies struggling to eke out a living levels " (New Yo rk Times, 19 March 19 31).The next month, on a dollar or two a day, this crisis will literally be a matter in a major speech approved by President Herbert Hoover, of life and death. -
How an Obscure State Law Guarantees Pay Hikes for Government Employees – and Raises the Tax Toll on New Yorkers
NYS TAXPAYER $$$ T R O U B L E How an obscure state law guarantees pay hikes for government employees – and raises the tax toll on New Yorkers What you’ll learn from this report: ! New York’s 30-year-old “Triborough Amendment” requires public employers to maintain all contractual perks for unionized public employees, including automatic “step” increases in pay, after the expiration of a collective bargaining agreement. ! This law gives unions an incentive to resist negotiating structural changes to their contracts, since the status quo will be preserved even if there is no contract. ! Pay hikes required by the Triborough Amendment cost the state government $140 million a year, despite a “freeze” on base salaries. ! The Triborough Amendment guarantees pay increases for teachers that add almost $300 million a year to school budgets across the state. ! The requirement to finance automatic pay increases has undermined attempts to stretch taxpayer dollars further in a time of extreme financial stress. ! Repeal of the Triborough Amendment would establish a more equitable collective bargaining system in New York’s public sector, preserving basic union rights while giving local officials the tools they now lack to negotiate needed changes to costly and outmoded contracts. Empire Center for New York State Policy ABOUT THE AUTHORS E.J. McMahon is a senior fellow of the Manhattan Institute for Policy Re- search and its Empire Center for New York State Policy. His recent work has focused on state budget issues, tax policy, public pensions, collective bar- gaining and competitive contracting of public services. Terry O’Neil heads the Garden City office of Bond, Schoeneck & King, PLLC, a full-service law firm with one of the most respected labor and em- ployment practices in New York State. -
Communism of Capital and Cannibalism of the Common
A RTICLE ARTICLE COMMUNISM ABSTRACT Over-identification is a politico-aesthetic strategy famously developed by OF CAPITAL AND the music band Laibach and the art collective Neue Slowenische Kunst since the 1980s and conceptualised, among others, also by Slavoj Zizek. CANNIBALISM OF This essay argues that the strategy of over-identification understands capitalism mainly as an ideological construct and so it fails to understand its real obscene core, that is living labour. In particular this essay argues THE COMMON that capitalism employs itself a strategy of over-identification with social struggles and it has absorbed many of the features that we historically at- Notes on the Art of Over-Identification tribute to social movements. Following Italian Operaism and the work of Paolo Virno and Christian Marazzi, such a capitalist tendency is defined as by the “communism of capital.” Matteo Pasquinelli [email protected] www.matteopasquinelli.org 1. THERE IS NO LONGER AN OUTSIDE Communism is a hateful thing and a menace Socialism and capitalism, however, even though “There is no longer an outside” repeats a topologi- tion, before being reabsorbed by China and its new to peace and organized government; but the they have at times been mingled together and at cal and existential motto since 1989, that is since ‘socialist market economy’ around the stable vortex communism of combined wealth and capital, the others occasioned bitter conflicts, are both regimes the Berlin wall felt and a world system appeared of a gigantic accumulation of capitals. 5 Still, keeping outgrowth of overweening cupidity and selfish- of property that exclude the common. -
Why Organize and Affiliate Others?
Affiliate Organizing Committee Handbook Updated March, 2016 WHY ORGANIZE AND AFFILIATE OTHERS? ........................................................1 - 2 CSO CODE OF CONDUCT ...................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION TO CSO/NSO ...........................................................................4 BENEFITS OF CSO MEMBERSHIP AND LOCAL AFFILIATION .................................5 HOW MEMBERS PARTICIPATE IN CSO/NSO ........................................................6 - 7 ELIGIBILITY, DUES AND STANDARDS FOR AFFILIATION ....................................8 - 9 REPRESENTING A BRAND-NEW BARGAINING UNIT .......................................... 10 - 15 BARGAINING CSO AGREEMENTS .......................................................................16 ONCE THE CONTRACT HAS BEEN BARGAINED ...................................................17 APPENDIX A – AUTHORIZATION FORM ..............................................................19 APPENDIX B – RECOGNITION REQUEST ............................................................20 APPENDIX C – RECOGNITION AGREEMENT ........................................................21 APPENDIX D – NLRB RECOGNITION PETITION ...................................................22 APPENDIX E – CBC GOALS AND SETTLEMENT STANDARDS ........................23 - 31 CSO MEMBERSHIP FORM ..............................................................................33 1 CSO Affiliate Organizing Handbook Welcome to the California Staff Organization (CSO). -
The Public Intellectual in Critical Marxism: from the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect Papel Político, Vol
Papel Político ISSN: 0122-4409 [email protected] Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Colombia Herrera-Zgaib, Miguel Ángel The public intellectual in Critical Marxism: From the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect Papel Político, vol. 14, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2009, pp. 143-164 Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=77720764007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative The Public Intellectual in Critical Marxism: From the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect* El intelectual público en el marxismo crítico: del intelectual orgánico al intelecto general Miguel Ángel Herrera-Zgaib** Recibido: 28/02/09 Aprobado evaluador interno: 31/03/09 Aprobado evaluador externo: 24/03/09 Abstract Resumen The key issue of this essay is to look at Antonio El asunto clave de este artículo es examinar los Gramsci’s writings as centered on the theme escritos de Antonio Gramsci como centrados en of public intellectual within the Communist el tema del intelectual público, de acuerdo con la experience in the years 1920s and 1930s. The experiencia comunista de los años 20 y 30 del si- essay also deals with the present significance of glo XX. El artículo también trata la significación what Gramsci said about the organic intellectual presente de aquello que Gramsci dijo acerca del regarding the existence of the general intellect intelectual orgánico, considerando la existencia in the current capitalist relations of production del intelecto general en las presentes relaciones de and reproduction of society. -
Paolo Virno, Semiotext(E) 2004
___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________Aufheben The language of retreat Review article: A grammar of the multitude, Paolo Virno, Semiotext(e) 2004. multitude. Despite this he is critical of aspects of Empire, labelling the central thesis of a shift in sovereignty to the supranational level “premature.”3 Reviewing Virno then seems to offer a route to investigate some of the foundational elements of what remain fairly influential theories. Secondly, Virno’s work has been picked up by others outside of Autonomist/Marxist circles, e.g. David Graeber who sees his theory of ‘exodus’ as a model for contemporary political action.4 Finally, Virno’s notion of political action defending something already established also resonates with the theories of ‘commons’ being produced by those around The Commoner web journal,5 in particular Massimo De Angelis, whose new book is also reviewed in this issue. This article is divided into three sections, dealing with three distinct but inter-related aspects of Virno’s book. Section 1 investigates the philosophical underpinnings of Virno’s point of departure, an opposition between the seventeenth century philosophers Benedictus de Spinoza and Thomas Hobbes. We show that by returning quite uncritically to the bourgeois philosophy of Spinoza, Virno inherits some crucial assumptions about his social subject, Introduction the multitude. Marxians will straight away ask ‘if we’re returning to bourgeois philosophers, why not Hegel?’ We The philosopher Paolo Virno is one of the original can’t read Virno’s mind, but we will touch on this question Autonomists, having being a member of Potere Operaio from in the discussion of the Autonomist rejection of dialectics in 1968 until it dissolved in 1973. -
Michigan Laborlabor Law:Law: Whatwhat Everyevery Citizencitizen Shouldshould Knowknow
August 1999 A Mackinac Center Report MichiganMichigan LaborLabor Law:Law: WhatWhat EveryEvery CitizenCitizen ShouldShould KnowKnow by Robert P. Hunter, J. D., L L. M Workers’ and Employers’ Rights and Responsibilities, and Recommendations for a More Government-Neutral Approach to Labor Relations The Mackinac Center for Public Policy is a nonpartisan research and educational organization devoted to improving the quality of life for all Michigan citizens by promoting sound solutions to state and local policy questions. The Mackinac Center assists policy makers, scholars, business people, the media, and the public by providing objective analysis of Michigan issues. The goal of all Center reports, commentaries, and educational programs is to equip Michigan citizens and other decision makers to better evaluate policy options. The Mackinac Center for Public Policy is broadening the debate on issues that has for many years been dominated by the belief that government intervention should be the standard solution. Center publications and programs, in contrast, offer an integrated and comprehensive approach that considers: All Institutions. The Center examines the important role of voluntary associations, business, community and family, as well as government. All People. Mackinac Center research recognizes the diversity of Michigan citizens and treats them as individuals with unique backgrounds, circumstances, and goals. All Disciplines. Center research incorporates the best understanding of economics, science, law, psychology, history, and morality, moving beyond mechanical cost/benefit analysis. All Times. Center research evaluates long-term consequences, not simply short-term impact. Committed to its independence, the Mackinac Center for Public Policy neither seeks nor accepts any government funding. It enjoys the support of foundations, individuals, and businesses who share a concern for Michigan’s future and recognize the important role of sound ideas. -
If Not Us, Who?
Dario Azzellini (Editor) If Not Us, Who? Workers worldwide against authoritarianism, fascism and dictatorship VSA: Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships The Editor Dario Azzellini is Professor of Development Studies at the Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas in Mexico, and visiting scholar at Cornell University in the USA. He has conducted research into social transformation processes for more than 25 years. His primary research interests are industrial sociol- ogy and the sociology of labour, local and workers’ self-management, and so- cial movements and protest, with a focus on South America and Europe. He has published more than 20 books, 11 films, and a multitude of academic ar- ticles, many of which have been translated into a variety of languages. Among them are Vom Protest zum sozialen Prozess: Betriebsbesetzungen und Arbei ten in Selbstverwaltung (VSA 2018) and The Class Strikes Back: SelfOrganised Workers’ Struggles in the TwentyFirst Century (Haymarket 2019). Further in- formation can be found at www.azzellini.net. Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships A publication by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung VSA: Verlag Hamburg www.vsa-verlag.de www.rosalux.de This publication was financially supported by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung with funds from the Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) of the Federal Republic of Germany. The publishers are solely respon- sible for the content of this publication; the opinions presented here do not reflect the position of the funders. Translations into English: Adrian Wilding (chapter 2) Translations by Gegensatz Translation Collective: Markus Fiebig (chapter 30), Louise Pain (chapter 1/4/21/28/29, CVs, cover text) Translation copy editing: Marty Hiatt English copy editing: Marty Hiatt Proofreading and editing: Dario Azzellini This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution–Non- Commercial–NoDerivs 3.0 Germany License. -
Schooled by Strikes? the Effects of Large-Scale Labor Unrest on Mass Attitudes Towards the Labor Movement
Schooled by Strikes? The Effects of Large-Scale Labor Unrest on Mass Attitudes Towards the Labor Movement Alexander Hertel-Fernandez Associate Professor of International and Public Affairs Columbia University 420 W 118th Street, New York, NY 10027 212-854-5717 [email protected] Suresh Naidu Professor of Economics and International and Public Affairs Columbia University 420 W 118th Street, New York, NY 10027 212-854-0027 [email protected] Adam Reich Associate Professor of Sociology Columbia University 606 W 122nd Street, New York, NY 10027 510-599-3450 [email protected] Forthcoming in Perspective on Politics Acknowledgements: The authors thank Patrick Youngblood for terrific research support and feedback. The AFL-CIO and the Polling Consortium offered valuable data and support. The authors also acknowledge the generous financial support of Columbia University’s Institute for Social and Economic Research and Policy, the Russell Sage Foundation, and the Washington Center for Equitable Growth. Lastly, Eric Blanc, Laura Bucci, Jake Grumbach, Aaron Kaufman, Shom Mazumder, Ethan Porter, Ariel White, and the Perspectives editors and reviewers all offered helpful feedback, as did participants in workshops at George Washington University, MIT, Princeton University, the Russell Sage Foundation, Stanford University, the University of Minnesota, and the Washington Center for Equitable Growth. In October 2017, a West Virginian middle school teacher named Jay O’Neal invited his fellow teachers to join a Facebook group to discuss shared grievances of low pay and cutbacks to their health insurance (Quinn 2018). Facing months of continued resistance from the legislature and governor, teachers in O’Neal’s group proposed what had previously seemed unthinkable: walking out of work. -
Oust the Fraser Gang! Fight the Auto Bosses!
WfJllltEIiS ,,1N'III1II' 25¢ No. 297 :-=~: . '.>13 22 January 1982 Oust the Fraser Gang! Fight the Auto Bosses! • DETROIT-Half a million auto work anarchic in irrationality, most painful in ers are on the front lines facing a social consequences. Detroit's skilled concerted capitalist offensive in this proletariat would be the most valuable resource of a rational society-the class "year of the giveback." And already the that can build a socialist America." misleaders of the powerful industrial -WV No. 287, 14 August 1981 unions have started dealing away the hard-won gains of the American labor Auto was once the symbol of the movement. Nine months early, the "American way of life." The industry United Auto Workers (UAW) contracts employed, directly or indirectly, rough have been reopened. On January 13 ly one-sixth of the country's workforce. UA W president Doug Fraser an Now as one plant after another shuts its nounced an agreement with GM to bail gates for good, 214,000 UAW members out the auto bosses with Chrysler-style find themselves on indefinite layoff, concessions. The UAW membership alongside more than 50,000 who have must answer Fraser's givebacks with a given up looking for work (and are not resounding "no" vote, and prepare to included in official government figures). fight with the weapon that built the A Department of Commerce official Auto Workers into what was the recently announced that auto and strongest union in the U.S.: the sit-down related industries will emerge from the strike. present recession with 550,000 fewer The companies aren't asking for workers-permanently.