Introduction

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Introduction Introduction Andreas Hellerstedt and Stefano Fogelberg Rota The articles in this volume are the result of discussions between the eight authors during five workshops (2011–2013) at Stockholm University, the Swedish Institute in Rome and at Lund University. The workshops were orga- nized by a network funded by the Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences (Riksbankens jubileumsfond), and were led by the editors, Stefano Fogelberg Rota and Andreas Hellerstedt. The participants were schol- ars working on a wide range of topics, from Late Ancient philosophy to late eighteenth-century literature, and depart from different fields within the humanities: philosophy, history, theology, history of ideas, comparative litera- ture and art history. The different perspectives represented, and the inherently interdisciplinary character of these discussions, had a common origin and theme: the concept of heroic virtue and its development from its first expres- sion in Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (VII.1.1). The philosopher describes it as a virtue opposed to bestiality (thêriotês) and standing beyond us, a heroic and somehow divine virtue. Aristotle gives no further explanation of this disposi- tion and while he refers to the example of Hector in Homer’s Iliad, he promises to return to the subject on a later occasion. The briefness of Aristotle’s descrip- tion is inversely balanced by the richness of references to a superhuman virtue found during Late Antiquity, throughout the Middle Ages and Early Modern times and up to the late eighteenth century, on the eve of the collapse of the ancien régime. The primary purpose of this volume, and the discussions that preceded it, is to outline the history of the reception of the idea of heroic virtue through a number of representative examples. Shaping Heroic Virtue is not the first book on the subject. Our aim is to provide an account of the reception and adapta- tion of the concept of heroic virtue over time in a variety of different contexts and genres through a selection of examples. This is something that is not found in previous research. Another important intention in the texts presented is to emphasize the political use of the concept of heroic virtue, which has been very much neglected in previous studies. The concept of heroic virtue first appears in Book Seven of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics. Book Seven as a whole is dedicated primarily to a discus- sion of self-control or self-mastery (enkrateia) and its opposite, the lack of self- control, or unrestraint (akrasia). However, in the introduction to the book, the philosopher defines three categories of negative character traits: vice (kakia), © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���5 | doi ��.��63/978900430378�_00� 2 Hellerstedt and Fogelberg Rota lack of self-control (akrasia) and beastliness (thêriotês). He also mentions the positive opposing traits: virtue, self-control and (as the opposite of beastliness) a form of superhuman virtue, which is described as both “heroic” and “divine”. Aristotle gives what seems to be an example of this heroic virtue, quoting a couple of lines of the Iliad, where King Priam praises Hector as seeming more like a son of gods than of mortals. Aristotle continues to consider the idea of beastliness a little further in the fifth chapter of Book Seven. Self-control (and lack thereof) is discussed throughout the whole book, while virtue and vice are of course major themes in the whole of the Nicomachean Ethics. Oddly enough, the category that seems to correspond to the very peak of human excellence—indeed, it is described as divine—is the one about which Aristotle speaks the least. It is no wonder then, that heroic virtue was a concept that caught the atten- tion of many later readers. Perhaps the fact that Aristotle did not discuss the subject in great detail made it more useful to later generations. Here was a grand idea hinted at by the great philosopher, only waiting to be explained, commented upon and put to good use. The very words that make up heroic virtue definitely have something majestic and awe-inspiring about them, even though the term itself was almost empty. Heroic Virtue in the Middle Ages The term virtus heroica was introduced into medieval Latin through the first complete translation of the Nicomachean Ethics, which is attributed to Robert Grosseteste (c.1175–1253). This meant that heroic virtue found a place in scho- lastic terminology and became a technical term in its own right, which phi- losophers and theologians started to feel a need to explain and comment upon. Many scholastic philosophers wrote significant commentaries or questions on the subject. In general, heroic virtue took on a more Christian form in medi- eval theology. Only the most prominent philosophers will be mentioned here: Albertus Magnus, Albertus’ pupil Thomas Aquinas and Jean Buridan. Besides these figures, there were many others who discussed heroic virtue, and there was a significant amount of disagreement around such issues as whether it was a question of natural virtue only, or if heroic virtue was to be considered supernatural (God-given), the precise relationship of heroic virtue to the gifts of the Holy Spirit, whether it constituted a particular species of virtue in its own right, or if it represented the common cardinal or theological virtues in a higher degree, and so forth..
Recommended publications
  • Projectile Motion Acc
    PHY1033C/HIS3931/IDH 3931 : Discovering Physics: The Universe and Humanity’s Place in It Fall 2016 Prof. Peter Hirschfeld, Physics Announcements • HW 1 due today; HW 2 posted, due Sept. 13 • Lab 1 today 2nd hour • Reading: Gregory Chs. 2,3 Wertheim (coursepack), Lindberg (coursepack) • HW/office hours 10:40 M,T, 11:45 W email/call to make appt. if these are bad Last time Improvements to Aristotle/Eudoxus Appolonius of Perga (~20 -190 BCE) : proposed: 1) eccentric orbits (planet goes in circle at const. speed, but Earth was off center) 2) epicycles (planet moves on own circle [epicycle] around a point that travels in another circle [deferent] around E. His model explained • variation in brightness of planets • changes in angular speed Ptolemy (AD 100 – c. 170): Almagest summarized ancient ideas about solar system. He himself proposed “equant point”: eccentric point about which planet moved with constant angular speed. Not true uniform circular motion, but explained data better. Ptolemaic universe (Equant point suppressed) • Note: this picture puts planets at a distance relative to Earth corresponding to our modern knowledge, but Ptolemaic system did not predict order of planets (or care!) • Exception: inner planets had to have orbits that kept them between Earth and Sun • Why epicycles? Not asked. Clicker quickies Q1: Ptolemy’s model explained retrograde motion of the planets. This means that A. Some planets moved clockwise while others moved counterclockwise along their orbits B. Some planets moved outside the plane of the ecliptic C. Some planets were observed to stop in the sky, move apparently backwards along their path, forward again D.
    [Show full text]
  • The Logic of Where and While in the 13Th and 14Th Centuries
    The Logic of Where and While in the 13th and 14th Centuries Sara L. Uckelman Department of Philosophy, Durham University Abstract Medieval analyses of molecular propositions include many non-truthfunctional con- nectives in addition to the standard modern binary connectives (conjunction, dis- junction, and conditional). Two types of non-truthfunctional molecular propositions considered by a number of 13th- and 14th-century authors are temporal and local propositions, which combine atomic propositions with ‘while’ and ‘where’. Despite modern interest in the historical roots of temporal and tense logic, medieval analy- ses of ‘while’ propositions are rarely discussed in modern literature, and analyses of ‘where’ propositions are almost completely overlooked. In this paper we introduce 13th- and 14th-century views on temporal and local propositions, and connect the medieval theories with modern temporal and spatial counterparts. Keywords: Jean Buridan, Lambert of Auxerre, local propositions, Roger Bacon, temporal propositions, Walter Burley, William of Ockham 1 Introduction Modern propositional logicians are familiar with three kinds of compound propositions: Conjunctions, disjunctions, and conditionals. Thirteenth-century logicians were more liberal, admitting variously five, six, seven, or more types of compound propositions. In the middle of the 13th century, Lambert of Auxerre 1 in his Logic identified six types of ‘hypothetical’ (i.e., compound, as opposed to atomic ‘categorical’, i.e., subject-predicate, propositions) propo- sitions: the three familiar ones, plus causal, local, and temporal propositions [17, 99]. Another mid-13th century treatise, Roger Bacon’s Art and Science of Logic¶ , lists these six and adds expletive propositions (those which use the connective ‘however’), and other ones not explicitly classified such as “Socrates 1 The identity of the author of this text is not known for certain.
    [Show full text]
  • Jean Buridan Qui a Étudié Les Arts Libéraux S’Est Intéressé Aux Dis- Cussions Sur Le Modèle De L’Univers Et Sur La Théorie Du Mouvement D’Aristote
    Jean Buridan qui a étudié les arts libéraux s’est intéressé aux dis- cussions sur le modèle de l’univers et sur la théorie du mouvement d’Aristote. Il a redécouvert et diffusé la théorie de l’impetus. Éla- borée à Alexandrie, cette théorie visait à combler une lacune de la théorie du mouvement d’Aristote. Jean Buridan 1295-1358 Jean Buridan Discussion du géocentrisme Si la terre reste toujours immobile au Jean Buridan est né à Béthune au Pas de centre du monde; ou non ... [et] si, en Calais, en 1295 et est mort vers 1358. supposant que la terre est en mouve- Il étudie à l’université de Paris où il est ment de rotation autour de son cen- un disciple de Guillaume d’Occam. Tra- tre et de ses propres pôles, tous les phé- ditionnellement, pour se préparer à une nomènes que nous observons peuvent carrière en philosophie, les aspirants étu- être sauvés? dient la théologie. Buridan choisit d’étu- dier les arts libéraux (voir encadré) plu- Peut-on, en considérant que la Terre est tôt que la théologie et il préserve son in- en rotation sur elle-même, expliquer dépendance en demeurant clerc séculier tous les phénomènes que nous obser- plutôt qu’en se joignant à un ordre reli- vons ? Buridan donne une série d’argu- gieux. ments en accord avec la rotation de la Buridan enseigne la philosophie à Pa- Terre et une autre série à l’encontre de ris et est élu recteur de Angleterre Calais Belgique cette hypothèse. Il écrit : Lille Allemagne l’Université en 1328 et en Béthune Il est vrai, sans aucun doute, que si la 1340.
    [Show full text]
  • E D I T O R I a L
    E D I T O R I A L “RETRO-PROGRESSING” As one browses through the history section of a library, one of the volumes that is likely to catch one’s attention is The Discoverers by Daniel Boorstin.1 It is an impressive, 700-page volume. Published in 1983, it chronicles in a semi-popular style selected aspects of man’s discoveries. Two chapters entitled “The Prison of Christian Dogma” and “A Flat Earth Returns” deal with the outlandish con- cept of an earth that is flat instead of spherical. Boorstin has impressive academic credentials from Harvard and Yale, and has held prestigious positions such as the Librarian of Congress, Director of the National Museum of History and Tech- nology, and Senior Historian of the Smithsonian Institution. In The Discoverers he reflects the popular view that the ancient Greeks, including Aristotle and Plato, believed Earth to be a sphere; however, after the rise of Christianity a period of “scholarly amnesia” set in which lasted from around 300 to 1300 A.D. During this time, according to Boorstin, “Christian faith and dogma replaced the useful [spherical] image of the world that had been so slowly, so painfully, and so scrupulously drawn by ancient geographers.” The “spherical” view was replaced by the concept of a flat earth, which Boorstin characterizes as “pious caricatures.”2 Boorstin bolsters his case by mentioning a couple of minor writers — Lactantius and Cosmas — who believed in a flat earth and lived during this “dark age.” He also implicates the powerful authority of St. Augustine of Hippo (354-430), who “heartily agreed” that antipodes “could not exist.”3 Antipodes represented lands on the opposite side of a spherical earth where trees and men, if present, would be upside down, with their feet above their heads; hence, the “antipodes” (opposite-feet) designation.
    [Show full text]
  • Buridan-Editions.Pdf
    Buridan Logical and Metaphysical Works: A Bibliography https://www.historyoflogic.com/biblio/buridan-editions.htm History of Logic from Aristotle to Gödel by Raul Corazzon | e-mail: [email protected] Buridan: Editions, Translations and Studies on the Manuscript Tradition INTRODUCTION I give an updated list of the published and unpublished logical and metaphysical works of Buridan, and a bibliography of the editions and translations appeared after 2000. A complete list of Buridan's works and manuscripts can be found in the ' Introduction' by Benoît Patar to his edition of "La Physique de Bruges de Buridan et le Traité du Ciel d'Albert de Saxe. Étude critique, textuelle et doctrinale" Vol. I, Longueil, Les Presses Philosophiques, 2001 (2 volumes), pp. 33* - 75*. SUMMARY LIST OF BURIDAN'S LATIN WORKS ON LOGIC AND METAPHYSICS Logical Works: N. B. The treatises known as Artes Veterem and commented by Buridan were the Isagoge by Porphyry and the Categoriae (Predicamenta) and the Peri Hermeneias by Aristotle. 1. Expositio Super Artes Veterem 2. Quaestiones Super Artes Veterem 3. Expositio in duos libros Analyticorum priorum Aristotelis 4. Quaestiones in duos libros Analyticorum priorum Aristotelis 5. Expositio in duos libros Analyticorum posteriorum Aristotelis 6. Quaestiones in duos libros Analyticorum posteriorum Aristotelis 7. Quaestiones in octo libros Topicorum Aristotelis 8. Quaestiones in librum 'de sophisticis Elenchis' Aristotelis Summulae de dialectica, commentary of the Summulae logicales by Peter of Spain, composed by the following treatises: 1. De propositionibus 2. De praedicabilibus 3. In praedicamenta 4. De suppositionibus 5. De syllogismis 6. De locis dialecticis 1 di 10 22/09/2016 17:30 Buridan Logical and Metaphysical Works: A Bibliography https://www.historyoflogic.com/biblio/buridan-editions.htm 7.
    [Show full text]
  • Sauterdivineansamplepages (Pdf)
    The Decline of Space: Euclid between the Ancient and Medieval Worlds Michael J. Sauter División de Historia Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas, A.C. Carretera México-Toluca 3655 Colonia Lomas de Santa Fe 01210 México, Distrito Federal Tel: (+52) 55-5727-9800 x2150 Table of Contents List of Illustrations ............................................................................................................. iv Acknowledgments .............................................................................................................. v Preface ............................................................................................................................... vi Introduction: The divine and the decline of space .............................................................. 1 Chapter 1: Divinus absconditus .......................................................................................... 2 Chapter 2: The problem of continuity ............................................................................... 19 Chapter 3: The space of hierarchy .................................................................................... 21 Chapter 4: Euclid in Purgatory ......................................................................................... 40 Chapter 5: The ladder of reason ........................................................................................ 63 Chapter 6: The harvest of homogeneity ............................................................................ 98 Conclusion: The
    [Show full text]
  • Aquinas and Buridan on the Possibility of Scientific Knowledge
    Zita Veronika Tóth Aquinas and Buridan on the Possibility of Scientific Knowledge 1. Th is paper examines a specifi c but basic problem of Aristotelian natural philosophy which arises if we consider the following three propositions, stated as necessary requirements towards knowledge in the proper sense (quoted now from Aristotle): I. Th e soul never thinks without an image.1 II. Th e object of knowledge is of necessity and of the universal.2 III. We understand something when we know its causes.3 In the following, I deal only with the fi rst two, that is, with the possible reconciliation of the empiricist and the universalistic claim. After outlining the solution of Th omas Aquinas and some criticism of it in the 14th century, I shall call attention to John Buridan, who – despite his apparent Nominalism –, in certain respects, turns out to be surprisingly Th omistic. 2. Aquinas accepts these two claims, and regards them as preconditions of all scien- tifi c knowledge. First, as he writes in his “De veritate”, “there is nothing in the intel- lect, which was not prior in the senses”4 (this empiricist slogan, at least since Duns Scotus, has been often – and incorrectly – attributed to Aristotle). Apart from this and similar statements, as e.g. “the human intellect is at fi rst like a clean tablet on which nothing is written”,5 his empiricism can be observed at several points: he ar- gues against innate knowledge throughout an article in the Summa,6 the concept of 1 On the Soul 431a18. All Aristotle translations are from Barnes, Jonathan, ed., Th e Complete Works of Aristotle, the Revised Oxford Translation, 2 vols (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995) 2 Posterior Analytics 71b15, Nicomachean Ethics 1139b23 3 Cf.
    [Show full text]
  • Emotions in Medieval Thought
    c Peter King, forthcoming in the Oxford Handbook on Emotion. EMOTIONS IN MEDIEVAL THOUGHT No single theory of the emotions dominates the whole of the Middle Ages. Instead, there are several competing accounts, and differences of opin- ion — sometimes quite dramatic — within each account. Yet there is consensus on the scope and nature of a theory of the emotions, as well as on its place in affective psychology generally. For most medieval thinkers, emotions are at once cognitively penetrable and somatic, which is to say that emotions are influenced by and vary with changes in thought and belief, and that they are also bound up, perhaps essentially, with their physiological manifesta- tions. This ‘mixed’ conception of emotions was broad enough to anchor me- dieval disagreements over details, yet rich enough to distinguish it from other parts of psychology and medicine. In particular, two kinds of phenomena, thought to be purely physiological, were not considered emotions even on this broad conception. First, what we now classify as drives or urges, for in- stance hunger and sexual arousal, were thought in the Middle Ages to be at best ‘pre-emotions’ (propassiones): mere biological motivations for action, not having any intrinsic cognitive object. Second, moods were likewise thought to be non-objectual somatic states, completely explicable as an imbalance of the bodily humours. Depression (melancholia), for example, is the pathological condition of having an excess of black bile. Medieval theories of emotions, therefore, concentrate on paradigm cases that fall under the broad concep- tion: delight, anger, distress, fear, and the like. The enterprise of constructing an adequate philosophical theory of the emotions in the Middle Ages had its counterpart in a large body of practical know-how.
    [Show full text]
  • Jean Buridan's Theory of Individuation
    c Peter King, in Individuation and Scholasticism (SUNY 1994), 397–430 BURIDAN’S THEORY OF INDIVIDUATION* 1. Introduction URIDAN holds that no principle or cause accounts for the individuality of the individual, or at least no principle or B cause other than the very individual itself, and thus there is no ‘metaphysical’ problem of individuation at all—individuality, unlike gen- erality, is primitive and needs no explanation. He supports this view in two ways. First, he argues that there are no nonindividual entities, whether existing in their own right or as metaphysical constituents either of things or in things, and hence that no real principle or cause of individuality (other than the individual itself) is required. Second, he offers a ‘semantic’ inter- pretation of what appear to be metaphysical difficulties about individuality by recasting the issues in the formal mode, as issues within semantics, such as how a referring expression can pick out a single individual. Yet although there is no ‘metaphysical’ problem of individuation, Buridan discusses two associated problems at some length: the identity of individuals over time and the discernibility of individuals. The discussion will proceed as follows. In §2, Buridan’s semantic frame- work, the idiom in which he couches his philosophical analyses, will be * References to Buridan are taken from a variety of his works (with abbreviations listed): Questions on Aristotle’s “Categories” (QC); Questions on Aristotle’s “Physics” (QSP); Questions on Aristotle’s “De caelo et mundo” (QCM); Questions on Aristotle’s “De anima” (QA); Questions on Aristotle’s “Metaphysics” (QM); Treatise on Supposi- tion (TS); Sophismata; Treatise on Consequences (TC).
    [Show full text]
  • What the Middle Ages Knew IV
    Late Medieval Philosophy Piero Scaruffi Copyright 2018 http://www.scaruffi.com/know 1 What the Middle Ages knew • Before the Scholastics – The Bible is infallible, therefore there is no need for scientific investigation or for the laws of logic – Conflict between science and religion due to the Christian dogma that the Bible is the truth – 1.Dangerous to claim otherwise – 2.Pointless to search for additional truths – Tertullian (3rd c AD): curiosity no longer necessary because we know the meaning of the world and what is going to happen next ("Liber de Praescriptione Haereticorum") 2 What the Middle Ages knew • Before the Scholastics – Decline of scientific knowledge • Lactantius (4th c AD) ridicules the notion that the Earth could be a sphere ("Divinae Institutiones III De Falsa Sapientia Philosophorum") • Cosmas Indicopleustes' "Topographia Cristiana" (6th c AD): the Earth is a disc 3 What the Middle Ages knew • Before the Scholastics – Plato's creation by the demiurge in the Timaeus very similar to the biblical "Genesis" – Christian thinkers are raised by neoplatonists • Origen was a pupil of Ammonius Sacca (Plotinus' teacher) • Augustine studied Plotinus 4 What the Middle Ages knew • Preservation of classical knowledge – Boethius (6th c AD) translates part of Aristotle's "Organon" and his "Arithmetica" preserves knowledge of Greek mathematics – Cassiodorus (6th c AD) popularizes scientific studies among monks and formalizes education ("De Institutione Divinarum" and "De artibus ac disciplinis liberalium litterarum") with the division of disciplines into arts (grammar, rhetoric, dialectic) – and disiplines (arithmeitc,geometry, music, astronomy) – Isidore of Sevilla (7th c AD) preserves Graeco- Roman knowledge in "De Natura Rerum" and "Origines" 5 What the Middle Ages knew • Preservation of classical knowledge – Bede (8th c AD) compiles an encyclopedia, "De Natura Rerum" – St Peter's at Canterbury under Benedict Biscop (7th c AD) becomes a center of learning – Episcopal school of York: arithmetic, geometry, natural history, astronomy.
    [Show full text]
  • INTRODUCTION to JEAN BURIDAN's LOGIC 1. Jean Buridan
    c Peter King, from Jean Buridan’s Logic (Dordrecht: D. Reidel 1985) 3–82. INTRODUCTION TO JEAN BURIDAN’S LOGIC 1. Jean Buridan: Life and Times Buridan is best-known to philosophers for the example of “Buridan’s Ass,” starving to death between two equidistant equally tempting bales of hay, who appears in Spinoza, Ethica II, scholium to Proposition 49. But this poor fragment of Buridan’s great reputation is as apocryphal as his sup- posed amorous adventures with the Queen of France, famous from Fran¸cois Villon’s poem “La testament,” or his founding the University of Vienna: Buridan’s ass is not to be found in Buridan, though his examples are stud- ded with asses.1 Our knowledge of Buridan’s life is sketchy.2 We know that he was French, but little else about his background; various examples in his writings suggest a man familiar with Picardy. Just as we do not know where Buridan was born, we do not know when he has born. He must have been born by 1300, but this is the only reliable inference we can make. Buridan is first glimpsed in the pages of history in 1328, the rector of the University of Paris, vir venerabilis et discretus, presiding over a debate that took place on February 9. The next year, on 30 August 1329, he received a benefice from Pope John XXII; on 2 November 1330 he received another benefice from the same Pope, who addressed him each time as a Master of Arts. We then lose sight of him until 25 September 1339, when Buridan was a signatory to a condemnation of certain doctrines (supposedly including those of William of Ockham); during this period he received an expectation of a prebend from Pope Benedict XII.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle-Ages Science
    Published on Explorable.com (https://explorable.com) Home > Middle-Ages Science Middle-Ages Science Martyn Shuttleworth101.1K reads Science and Medieval Society - Charlemagne, Scholasticism and the Scientific Method Many historians and scientists regard the Western Europe, after the fall of the Roman Empire, as completely devoid of interest, a barren wilderness in the history of science. Contemptuously, they give medieval Europe the Dark Ages, and this epithet evokes pictures of filthy, illiterate peasants and rulers, with medieval society a pale, superstitious shadow of the Greek and Roman ages of reason and high philosophy. The Dark Ages - Was Science Dead in Medieval Society? With the aid of arrogant hindsight, the modern perspective of medieval society is of a war-torn and barbaric Europe. Poverty and ignorance replaced the great engineering works and relative peace of the Pax Romanum, and the controlling, growing church stifled development. This view is biased and prejudiced, because the term 'Dark Ages' is simply means that there are few written records remaining from that era, especially when compared to the meticulous record-keeping and prolific writing of the Romans. The Middle Ages have very little evidence to support the idea that there was any progress in society during the periods 500 to 1400, and modern scholars regard the Golden Age of Islam and the enlightenment of the Byzantine Empire as the true centers of knowledge. In the years immediately after the fall of Rome, there was a period of readjustment, where medieval society was more concerned with keeping peace and empire building than nurturing centers of learning.
    [Show full text]