Down in Davenport: a Regional Perspective on Antebellum Town
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ReviewEssay 53 1 GlerupaRtrcy, The Fenmle Frontier: A ConrparatiueView of Womenon the Prairieand Plains LTLLTANScHr_rssrl, ByRo GrnarNs, AND ELTZABETH HAMpsrEN, Far From Home:Families of the Westwardlourney Down in Davenport: Er-rrorrWnsr, Growing Up with the Country:Childhood ott the Far Western Frontier A RegionalPerspective by PaulaM. Nelson Book Reviews on Antebellum Town 541 ParRtcraDawsoN AND DAVrD HuDSoN, coMps., lowa Histortland Culture: A Bibliographyof MaterialsPublished Betu,een 1952 and 19g6,by Economic Development Donald StuartPady 544 DonorHy SCHWIEDER,THoues MoRaru,AND LYNN NrrlsrN, lowa. pastio Present:The People and the Prairie,bv Michael Zahs 546 FneruxNonell, Bourgmont,Explorer ot' the Missouri,169g-1725, bv Trtr,toruyR. MauoNsy RogerL. Nichols 548 Prrrn s. owuD statehoodand Llnion:A Historyof the Northwestordinance, by Carl Ubbelohde IN THE 1850s the river towns of eastern Iowa emerged as ,,Arrd 549 RrcHanDE. BENNETIMornrons at theMissouri, 1846-1g52: Should dynamic places that provided goods and services for the wave WeDie . .", by SamuelC. Pearson of settlers then streaming into Iowa and the 551 Wtt-rl.tlrE. Graruarr,The Originsof the Republicanparty, 1g52-1g56, by West. Believing GeorgeMcJimsey that each urban place could develop into both a replica of local 553 GrrNoa RnEv,Cliies on the Cedar:A Portraitof CedarFalls, waterloo, and town economies and societies elsewhere and a microcosm of BlackHawk County,by Loren N. Horton the larger economy and society as a whole, the founders of 556 Wtlrrev Rona,Ilre Riuerand the Prairie:A History of the euad-Cities, 1812-1960,by Myron A. Marty these towns had initially sought to make them the centers of 558 KerHlErNUNDERWooD, Town Building on theColorado Frontier, by autonomous local economies. However, the development of a PaulaM. Nelson regional economy, based on the emergence of a hierarchical 559 HoLLY HopE, Garden City: Dreams in a KansasTown, by Jon Gjerde 56r Jacr Trrraru Krnsy Rural Worlds Lost: The Anerican So:uth,7920-1960. urban system, altered the basis of local urban development. bv M. Philip Lucas Rather than relying on providing goods and services to their 563 ANoniw Gur-upbno, America's Country Schools, by L. Clenn Smith local hinterlands, towns increasingly felt pressure 564 SauuEl N. SToKES,n et, SauingAmerica's Coutriryside:A Guide to Rural to broaden Consensation,by Patrick Nunnally their economic functions within the new urban system in order 566 Cuanrrs T. Gooosrll, The Social Meaning of Ciuic Space:Studying political to continue developing.In responseto heightenedcompetition Authority through Architecture, by Wayne Franklin from nearby towns, local elites were compelled 568 Cmnr R. MoLLENHonr,Atanasoft': Forgotten Father of the Computer,and to formulate ALrcER. BURKSAND ARrHun W. Bunrs,The FirstElectronic Computer: more assertive and ambitious economic strategies. The eco- TheAtanasoff Story, by BernardO. Williams nomic elite of these towns came to believe that the town that 572 MILToNDrRsER, Labor in lllinois: TheAffluent years,7945--1980, by PeterRachleff could specializeand generateexternal and transport economies would broaden the reach Book Notices of its trade, draw other towns inro dependent economic relationships 575 JreruENSCH, Er AL., EDs., Luxenlbourgers in the N ewWorld, by JosephW. Walt with it, and emerge as a 576 GwrNN DavrsaNo BlvrRly A. Jovcr, coMps..personal Wiitirrgs'btt rNonren significant regional entrep6t. In time, by attracting railroads, to 1900:A Bibliographyof Americanand British lNriters, Uy JuayNotte further expanding trade, and establishing Lensink new financial con- 577 HERBERTHoovER, Anterican Indiuidualism and TheChallenge to Liberty; tacts with larger cities back east, so it was believed, centrality GroRcEH. NasH,Herbert Hoouer and Stanford Llniaersita; Menr'M. elsewhere would migrate farther west and propel the suc- DoocE, no.,Herbert Hooaer and the Historians;and Fnar.rrT. Nvr, Jn., Doorsof Opportunity:The Life and Legacyof HerbertHoouer, by Marvin Bergman THE ANNALS OF IOWA 50 (Summer1990). OThe StateHistorical Soci- ety of lowa, 1990. 452 THe AruNals or Iowa Down in Dauenport 453 cessful entrep6t city to metropolitan status in the midwestern mefropolis, some localities responded to relative decline within urban system. the system by ignoring its implications and asserting that local Then, between 1857 and 1865, something unexpected history still followed the same local linear process of develop- happened to the ambitions of one river town after another, ment as they thought it always had. They argued that each com- Eachtown activelysought to attract railroadsas the catalystsof munity should be judged on its own terms. What would be seen further development and regional control, but their arrival from a regional perspective as decline or just keeping up was shifted mercantile connections from St. Louis to Chicago, and interpreted locally as progress. No matter that paved sheets, brought agents, branch offices, traveling salesmen, and cata- sewer systems,streetcars, or telephones arrived years after their logs from the melropolis. Gradually, local manufacturers and appearancein the metropolis, each still marked a milestone in merchants were forced out of business, transshipping activity the advance of progress in a town. Local life, viewed out of all moved elsewhere, and the local dynamics of economic devel- context, becameparochialized and isolated from the broader his- opment atrophied. One by one local economic actions were tory of the regional system of which it was a part. drawn into the regional economic dynamics centered at the Ironically, the tendency among historians to analyze towns metropolis. Forced either to coordinate local economic activity and communities as casestudies of setsof other such towns and with or differentiate it from metropolitan activity, the course of communities reinforced the tendency to view town histories as local development fragmented, and change came more slowly individualized and isolated from those of other urban units. and discontinuously, usually introduced from the outside. As Either way, the real story of these towns, their continual strug- this happened, those who stayed abandoned their earlier ambi- gle to respond to and interact with the overwhelming power of tions and goals, and increasingly relied on compromise, adjust- the metropolis in the regional system has been understated,if ment, and rationalization. Rather than acting on their own ini- not ignored, by residents,local historians,and, more recently, tiative, locals tended to respond passively to outside decisions.l professionalhistorians. This reorientation to the realities of the new regional sys- Yet this continual struggle of small and middle-sized towns tem pushed the history of many such towns to the side. Life in and cities in the hinterland to find a useful role within the these towns seemed to fall behind the pace of regional and metropolitan-dominated regional system is the distinguishing national development, and the local economy seemed no historical experience of these places. In the nineteenth century longer able to keep up with the competition among larger cities, more than half of the towns and cities in modernizing America which increasingly took place at a higher level of functional experienced urbanization from this hinterland perspective,and specialization and development across the regional system. As it remains the primary experience of most towns and cities a result, such towns retreated to providing goods and services today. Connecting the history of such towns and cities to the to a small local area, an economic eddy, a backwater in the larger process of regional metropolitan development forces a regional system. reconsiderationof theseplaces not asfailed towns, but rather as Given the metropolitan ambitions of the first generation, secondaryplaces within regional systems.In the words of the anything short of becoming a metropolis was perceived by resi- urban historian Eric Monkkonen, they "enhanced agriculture, dents and observersalike as failure. Such places were increas- fed the larger cities, [and] helped build a rich network of trans- ingly considered stagnant, redundant, and simple urban places portation and manufaciuring throughout the country" by serv- of little interest. Ignored or treated as a dependent by the ing place-specific functions within the larger process of regional urbanization and development.2 1.Robert H. Wiebe,The Opening of AmericanSociety: From the Adoption of the jonathan Constitutionto theEue of Disutriott(New York,1984),287-90; Raban, 2. Eric Monkkonen, America BecomesUrban:The Deuelopment of LJ.S.Cities Old Glory:An AmericanVoyage (New York, 1981),193. and Towns,1780-1980 (Berkeley, CA, 1988\,24-26, 123. 454 THr ANNals or Iowa Down in Daaenport 455 From the beginning, the history of each town was shaped the Rock River further attested to the strategic importance of by the ways townspeople responded to the shifting realities of the site. the regionaleconomic system. Because this development dove- Between 1808 and 1816 the American government estab- tailed with the rapid growth of one or two urban centers, lished four forts on the upper Mississippi River: Fort Madison, responseswere necessarilydirected at competing or interacting establishedin 1808 but evacuated and burned in 1813; Fort with larger cities.Each town's responseshaped the continuing Edwards at the lower rapids near the mouth of the Des Moines characterof its economic and social development