The Central Role of Philosophy in a Study of Community Dialogues Michele S

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The Central Role of Philosophy in a Study of Community Dialogues Michele S The Central Role of Philosophy in a Study of Community Dialogues Michele S. Moses, University of Colorado Boulder Lauren P. Saenz, Boston College Amy N. Farley, University of Colorado Boulder Revised Article Submission for “Philosophical Enquiry through Empirical Research” Special Issue of Studies in Philosophy and Education Guest editors: Doris A. Santoro & Terri S. Wilson February 15, 2014 Contact: Michele S. Moses, [email protected] 2 Abstract The project we highlight in this article stems from our philosophical work on moral disagreements that appear to be – and sometimes are – intractable. Deliberative democratic theorists tout the merits of dialogue as an effective way to bridge differences of values and opinion, ideally resulting in agreement, or perhaps more often resulting in greater mutual understanding. Could dialogue mitigate disagreements about a controversial education policy such as affirmative action? Could it foster greater understanding? We conceived of a project that would simultaneously fulfill two goals that we had as philosophers, education researchers, and aspiring public intellectuals. First, it would allow us to use philosophy in research, grounding our mixed methods research in a philosophically informed framework. The tools and analytic techniques that are particular to philosophers felt uniquely suited for an empirical study concerning political theory. Second, we aimed to use philosophy in the community. We were able to put our own expertise in philosophy and race-conscious education policy to good use by purposefully creating opportunities for diverse community members in our larger metropolitan area to engage in dialogue and deliberation with each other over the issue of affirmative action. Introduction and Background Questions of method tend to occupy philosophers of education (see for example, Burbules & Warnick 2006; Moses 2002; Ruitenberg 2009, as well as many others). Indeed, they are questions that consume other philosophers, as well; consider, for example, Rorty’s distinction between systematic and edifying philosophy (Rorty 2009/1979). Philosophers of education often face the task of applying or using philosophical tools to get at questions and problems in education policy and practice. 3 In a previous examination of a morally controversial education policy, we aimed to use deliberative democratic theory to make the case that education scholars and researchers – that is, experts in particular policy issues – have a responsibility to take action and share their work in the community, especially when members of the public have the opportunity to participate in collective decision-making about education policy (see Saenz & Moses 2010). In the process of making such an argument, however, we came to see that our philosophical inquiry and argumentation would be both complemented and strengthened by empirical data. For example, we used qualitative media analysis in an examination of the discourse surrounding Proposal 2, Michigan’s 2006 anti-affirmative action ballot initiative. We couldn’t claim that the media were providing the public with fair and accurate information about an important and thorny education policy issue without studying what, in fact, the media said about that issue to see if our intuitive claim was indeed supported by the available evidence (it was). As three scholars immersed both in philosophy of education and education policy studies, we discovered that deliberative democratic theory provides a helpful framework for understanding how persons come to understand their own views and beliefs about morally controversial education policy issues. However, even as the tenets of deliberative democratic theory seemed – on the whole – quite obviously right to us, we realized that there was little empirical work providing evidentiary support for our belief that using deliberation as a tool in communities would clarify provocative education policy issues, and in turn help people make better decisions about those policies when they were up for popular vote. The particular case we had in mind was affirmative action policy, which would be eliminated in our state (Colorado) if a particular anti-affirmative action state ballot initiative known as Amendment 46 were to pass. Moses (2006) has written about affirmative action as a morally contentious policy, one that 4 provokes moral disagreements stemming not only from factors such as racism, but also from differing conceptions of democratic ideals such as equality, liberty, and diversity. These in turn are the result of profound theoretical disagreements between those who believe that democratic ideals require equal opportunity policies like affirmative action and those who believe that similar or parallel ideals require abolishing them. In the context of Colorado’s impending vote in 2008, we conceived of a project that would simultaneously fulfill two goals that we had as philosophers, education researchers, and aspiring public intellectuals. First, it would allow us to use philosophy in research (Moses 2002), grounding our mixed methods research in a philosophically informed framework. The tools and analytic techniques that are particular to philosophers felt uniquely suited for an empirical study concerning political theory. Second, we aimed to use philosophy in the community. We were able to put our own expertise in philosophy and race-conscious education policy to good use by purposefully creating opportunities for diverse community members in our larger metropolitan area to engage in dialogue and deliberation with each other over the issue of affirmative action (Davidson & Moses 2012). These two goals exemplify how we see our work as philosophically oriented empirical research, allowing us to bring philosophy to bear on contested education policy issues. The project we highlight in this article stems from our philosophical work on moral disagreements that appear to be – and sometimes are – intractable. Deliberative democratic theorists tout the merits of dialogue as an effective way to bridge differences of values and opinion, ideally resulting in agreement, or perhaps more often resulting in greater mutual understanding. Our project essentially tested this premise: could dialogue mitigate disagreements about affirmative action? Could it foster greater understanding? Our research team set out to investigate these 5 questions, especially as related to how dialogue participants understood and justified affirmative action. Toward this end, we organized community dialogues in the fall of 2008, just before the election, to help community members learn about and discuss affirmative action policy in Colorado. Beyond these empirical questions, we also are interested in the relationship between philosophical investigation and broader methodological issues in educational research. Can philosophic principles be operationalized in more traditional empirical studies? How might mixed methods approaches be enhanced by philosophy? Policy Context To this date, voters in six states—California, Washington, Michigan, Nebraska, Arizona, and Oklahoma1—have approved ballot initiatives that ban affirmative action in higher education admissions and effectively curtail policies designed to promote equality of educational opportunity. This scenario is becoming increasingly familiar: Voters in states across the country are given the opportunity to decide contentious education policy issues through a direct democratic process. In 2008, Coloradans voted on an identical ballot initiative – Amendment 46 – intended to end affirmative action in the state. For this reason, we urgently wanted to help people gain understanding of the relevant issues, and we saw that desire as an opportunity to explore the relationship between philosophical inquiry and empirical research. Ultimately, Colorado voters became the first (and only) state to defeat an anti-affirmative action ballot measure. Nevertheless, the debate surrounding affirmative action is far from settled on the national stage: in June 2013, the Supreme Court issued a ruling in Fisher v. the University of Texas, affirming the constitutionality of race-based affirmative action in higher education, but 6 placing a larger burden on institutions to withstand strict scrutiny regarding the necessity of such policies. Education policies that have been placed on state ballots often impact minority populations directly (Gamble 1997; Moses & Farley 2011; Sabato, Ernst, & Larson 2001). Yet they are decided by majoritarian democratic processes: whereas in the past these policies were determined by “experts” thought to possess deep knowledge of the issues – educators, policymakers, and political representatives – citizens now hold the power (and responsibility). This shift in policymaking responsibility from experts to citizens means that in order to promote just policy decisions, voters should have access to meaningful information about the policy. While some researchers argue whether the increasing role of the public in policy decisions is a good thing for democracy (Bowler & Donovan 2000; Gerber 1999; Moses & Farley 2011; Moses & Saenz 2008; Smith & Tolbert 2004), there is a need for scholars (that is, experts), to contribute information to the public. As such, our study was conceived with two purposes: (1) to investigate how scholar- facilitated community dialogues on affirmative action may affect dialogue participants’ affirmative action knowledge, beliefs, and voting behavior; and (2) to bring scholarly expertise
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