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Populism and Corruption
Transparency International Anti-Corruption Helpdesk Answer Populism and corruption Author(s): Niklas Kossow, [email protected] Reviewer(s): Roberto Martínez B. Kukutschka, [email protected] Date: 14 January 2019 This Helpdesk Answer looks at how corruption and populism interlink. First, it provides an overview of the different definitions of populism, all of which point to the fact that populism, as a political ideology and as a style of political communication, divides society into two groups: the people and the “elites”. Second, it explains how corruption becomes an inherent part of populist rhetoric and policies: populist leaders stress the message that the elites works against the interest of the people and denounce corruption in government in order to stylize themselves as outsiders and the only true representatives of the people’s interest. While the denunciations of corruption can often be considered valid, populist leaders rather than effectively fighting corruption use the populist rhetoric as a smoke screen to redistribute the spoils of corruption amongst their allies. In many cases populism even facilitate new forms of corruption. Finally, the answer uses examples from Hungary, the Philippines and the USA to show how corruption and populism relate to one another. © 2019 Transparency International. All rights reserved. This document should not be considered as representative of the Commission or Transparency International’s official position. Neither the European Commission,Transparency International nor any person acting on behalf of the Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information. This Anti-Corruption Helpdesk is operated by Transparency International and funded by the European Union. -
Comparing Presidential Corruption Scandals in Guatemala and Brazil: Part 1
Comparing Presidential Corruption Scandals in Guatemala and Brazil: Part 1 Comparing Presidential Corruption Scandals in Guatemala and Brazil: Part 1 Written by Mike LaSusa Thursday, 27 October 2016 Brazil Guatemala Elites and Organized Crime Over the past several years, both Brazil Twitter and Guatemala have been rocked by revelations of widespread corruption at the highest levels of government. Former presidents in both countries are now standing trial for their alleged roles in the respective scandals. InSight Crime Recent corruption scandals have reached the highest levels of government in Guatemala and explores some of the similarities and Brazil differences between these cases. In addition to reporting by InSight Crime and other outlets, this article also draws on a discussion InSight Crime moderated recently between Mike Allison, an expert on Central American politics who serves as an associate professor and chair of the political science department at the University of Scranton, and Matthew Taylor, an associate professor at American University's School of International Service who focuses on state capacity and corruption in Latin America and who has extensive experience in Brazil. An edited transcript of that conversation has been published here. Who was involved? Guatemala: Former Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina and former http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/comparing-presidential-corruption-scandals-in-guatemala-and-brazil[10/28/2016 11:10:25 AM] Comparing Presidential Corruption Scandals in Guatemala and Brazil: Part 1 Vice President Roxana Baldetti were accused in June 2016 by the United Nations-backed International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala - CICIG) of leading a "criminal mafia structure that had co-opted power through the ballot box." The criminal network also allegedly included Baldetti's private secretary Juan Carlos Monzón as a key intermediary, as well as numerous other government officials and business elites. -
The Electoral Consequences of Political Scandals in Spain Pablo
The Electoral Consequences of Political Scandals in Spain Pablo Barberá New York University José Ramón Montero [email protected] Universidad Autónoma de Madrid [email protected] Raúl Gómez European University Institute Pedro Riera [email protected] European University Institute [email protected] Juan Antonio Mayoral European University Institute [email protected] Prepared for the XXII nd World Congress of Political Science, July 2012 Abstract Previous studies of the electoral consequences of corruption in Spanish local elections (Jim énez, 2007; Fernández-Vázquez and Rivero, 2011; Costas et al.., 2011) have found that voters do not necessarily punish corrupt mayors. As has been pointed out in the comparative literature, the average loss of electoral support by corrupt incumbents is small and does not prevent their reelection most of the times (Jiménez and Ca ínzos, 2006). What remains unsolved, however, is the remarkable variability in this pattern. This paper explores the micro-level variables that might mediate the effect of corruption scandal on the votes. We focus on three factors: ideological closeness to the incumbent party, political sophistication, and employment status. Our results provide only partial support for our hypothesis, suggesting that the effects of corruption are much more complex than what may seem at first sight. 1. Introduction One of the leading theories of voting behavior argues that people hold accountable incumbents for their performance in office during the previous term. According to this idea, which dates back to Key (1966), as people progressively value better the outcomes produced by the current ruler/s, they become more likely to vote for her/their reelection. -
Combating Corruption in Latin America: Congressional Considerations
Combating Corruption in Latin America: Congressional Considerations May 21, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45733 SUMMARY R45733 Combating Corruption in Latin America May 21, 2019 Corruption of public officials in Latin America continues to be a prominent political concern. In the past few years, 11 presidents and former presidents in Latin America have been forced from June S. Beittel, office, jailed, or are under investigation for corruption. As in previous years, Transparency Coordinator International’s Corruption Perceptions Index covering 2018 found that the majority of Analyst in Latin American respondents in several Latin American nations believed that corruption was increasing. Several Affairs analysts have suggested that heightened awareness of corruption in Latin America may be due to several possible factors: the growing use of social media to reveal violations and mobilize Peter J. Meyer citizens, greater media and investor scrutiny, or, in some cases, judicial and legislative Specialist in Latin investigations. Moreover, as expectations for good government tend to rise with greater American Affairs affluence, the expanding middle class in Latin America has sought more integrity from its politicians. U.S. congressional interest in addressing corruption comes at a time of this heightened rejection of corruption in public office across several Latin American and Caribbean Clare Ribando Seelke countries. Specialist in Latin American Affairs Whether or not the perception that corruption is increasing is accurate, it is nevertheless fueling civil society efforts to combat corrupt behavior and demand greater accountability. Voter Maureen Taft-Morales discontent and outright indignation has focused on bribery and the economic consequences of Specialist in Latin official corruption, diminished public services, and the link of public corruption to organized American Affairs crime and criminal impunity. -
Preventing Systemic Corruption in Brazil
Preventing Systemic Corruption in Brazil Sérgio Fernando Moro Abstract: This essay describes the Brazilian anticorruption operation known as Operação Lava Jato (“Operation Car Wash”), its findings, and its results based on cases tried up to March 2018. Told from the perspective of the federal judge of the Thirteenth Federal Criminal Court of Curitiba, in whose court most of the Lava Jato cases have been prosecuted, this massive criminal case offers lessons that may be useful to other anticorruption efforts. Preventing systemic corruption is a challenge, but it is a necessary step for the improvement of democracy. What began as an investigation of an isolated in- stance of corruption within a Brazilian oil compa- ny expanded into an immense anticorruption oper- ation known as Operação Lava Jato (“Operation Car Wash”). This investigative operation has penetrat- ed deep within Brazil’s government and corporate elite to root out systemic state-sanctioned corrup- tion. Its criminal cases also appear to be instating new legal norms for how corruption cases are han- dled in Brazil, giving citizens hope that Lava Jato’s impact will be felt far into the future. How Brazilian prosecutors and courts dealt with this immense anti- corruption effort may provide important lessons for the battle against systemic corruption both in Bra- zil and elsewhere. This essay provides a comprehen- sive account of Lava Jato and its significance for Bra- zil going forward. It is important to note from the beginning that Lava sÉrgio fernando moro is Jato is not a single criminal case but several, in which a Federal Judge of the Thirteenth federal prosecutors have decided to pursue separate Federal Criminal Court of Curi- charges against many defendants. -
Effects of Scandals on Voter Turnout in Canada
Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies Volume 32 Article 12 2015 Effects of Scandals on Voter Turnout in Canada Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation (2015) "Effects of Scandals on Voter Turnout in Canada," Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies: Vol. 32 , Article 12. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma/vol32/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Effects of Scandals on Voter Turnout in Canada by Terrance Kutney Although there has been much research done regarding the effects of political scandals on the voting share won by a political party, little research has been done on the effect of political scandals on voter turnout. This is especially true in the context of Canadian politics. This work analyzes the effect of the Canadian sponsorship scandal on voter turnout, primarily using the 2004 and 2006 iterations of the Canadian Election Study. It finds a positive rela- tionship between anger about the sponsorship scandal and the probability of voting. Closer analysis of the 2004 election shows that voters who were angry about the sponsorship scandal increased their political activity leading up to the election and were thus more likely to vote. Introduction On 19 May 2013, Nigel Wright resigned his position as chief of staff to the Cana- dian Prime Minister, having been implicated in what is now known as the Canadian Senate Expenses Scandal. -
Government, Scandals and Political Support in Italy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ESE - Salento University Publishing Interdisciplinary Political Studies 127 Vol.1, No. 2, November 2011 ©IdPS Government, Scandals and Political Support in Italy VINCENZO MEMOLI Università degli Studi di Milano I am particularly grateful to Nicolò Conti (Unitelma -Sapienza, University of Rome), James Newell (University of Salford) and two anonymous reviewers for their constructive revisions.Nevertheless, errors and omissions are entirely my own. Abstract What are the political implications of government scandals? This article examines the impact of political scandals on the popularity of the Italian government. The literature on scandals shows that there is a strong relationship between scandals and the popularity of individual politicians and government leaders. Yet, the question of how scandals influ- ence support for governments remains open. Exploring the case of Italy through the use of different data series, the article shows how sex and economic scandals have affected government popularity in 2005-2010 Introduction a longitudinal perspective (Adamany and Grossman 1983). Furthermore, diffuse support may also absorb When citizens say they support the political system, the effects of unpopular decisions (Gibson 1989; Tyler what do they effectively support? The key to answer- 1990). In this respect, diffuse support can be high even ing this question may be found in Easton’s work (1965; when specific support is low. 1975). He describes the basic elements of democratic Studies on political support have shown that the sce- support: citizens’ evaluation of institutions (perfor- nario of the last twenty years is not very optimistic. -
A Banana Republic? the Effects of Inconsistencies in the Counting of Votes on Voting Behavior
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Potrafke, Niklas; Roesel, Felix Working Paper A banana republic? The effects of inconsistencies in the counting of votes on voting behavior ifo Working Paper, No. 276 Provided in Cooperation with: Ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Suggested Citation: Potrafke, Niklas; Roesel, Felix (2018) : A banana republic? The effects of inconsistencies in the counting of votes on voting behavior, ifo Working Paper, No. 276, ifo Institute - Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich, Munich This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/191281 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been -
Political Hypocrisy: the Effect of Political Scandals on Candidate Evaluations
Original Article Political hypocrisy: The effect of political scandals on candidate evaluations Yosef Bhatti, Kasper M. Hansen* and Asmus Leth Olsen Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Øster Farimagsgade 5, Copenhagen K, 1353, Denmark. E-mails: [email protected]; [email protected]; www.kaspermhansen.eu; [email protected] *Corresponding author. Abstract Although political scandals receive unprecedented attention in the con- temporary media, the knowledge of political scientists regarding the consequences of such scandals remains limited. On the basis of two nationally representative survey experi- ments, we investigate whether the impact of scandals depends on the traits of the politicians involved. We find substantial evidence that politicians are particularly punished for poli- tical-ideological hypocrisy, while there is less evidence that gender stereotypes matter. We also show that voters evaluate scandals in the personal lives of politicians in a highly parti- san manner – other-party voters punish a politician substantially harsher than same-party voters. Interestingly, voters show no gender bias in their candidate evaluations. Acta Politica advance online publication, 12 April 2013; doi:10.1057/ap.2013.6 Keywords: scandal; trustworthiness; trust; public opinion; experiment; Denmark Introduction Political scandals have always been a central aspect of politics (Thompson, 2000), and scandals appear to receive more attention than ever in the contemporary online, continuously updated media environment (Tumber, 2004; Cushion and Lewis, 2010; Allern et al, 2012). While it can be tempting to dismiss personal scandals as ‘sensationalistic’ or simply an unserious way of approaching political life, scandals can convey political information and often have real political conse- quences (Väliverronen and Juntunen, 2010). -
Using Governance Data to Fight Corruption Across the Sdgs Handbook for E-Learning Course
USING GOVERNANCE DATA TO FIGHT CORRUPTION ACROSS THE SDGS HANDBOOK FOR E-LEARNING COURSE Transparency International is a global movement with one vision: a world in which government, business, civil society and the daily lives of people are free of corruption. With more than 100 chapters worldwide and an international secretariat in Berlin, we are leading the fight against corruption to turn this vision into reality. This handbook is designed to accompany an e-learning course entitled Using Governance Data to Fight Corruption Across the SDGs. This course has been produced by Transparency International in collaboration with Leiden University and Kemitraan: The Partnership for Governance Reform. This handbook, together with the accompanying e-learning course has been funded by the European Union as well as by UK aid from the UK government. We gratefully acknowledge this support. The views expressed in this publication are the authors’ alone and the contents do not necessarily reflect the views or official policies of either European Union or the UK government. www.transparency.org Authors: Matthew Jenkins and Marie Chêne, Transparency International Marie Laberge, independent governance expert Inda Loekman, Kemitraan: the Partnership for Governance Reform We would to thank Leiden University’s Centre for Innovation for their superb input and collaboration in putting together this e-learning course. In particular, we would like to thank Monique Snijder, Joasia van Kooten, Marloes van Tienhoven, Sebastien Muñoz van Hövell tot Westerflier, Monika Theron, Karen van Muiden and Thomas Baar. Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this document. All information was believed to be correct as of September 2018. -
Handling Systemic Corruption in Brazil
BRAZIL INSTITUTE A Conversation with Judge Sérgio Fernando Moro Handling Systemic Corruption in Brazil THE WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a liv- ing national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commem- orate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan institution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publica- tions and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. Jane Harman, Director, President and CEO BOARD OF TRUSTEES Thomas R. Nides, Chairman Public members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; John F. Kerry, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States; Fred P. Hochberg, Chairman and President, Export-Import Bank; Carole Watson, Acting Chairman, National Endowment for the Humanities; Kathleen Sebelius, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Private Citizen Members: Timothy Broas, John T. Casteen III, Charles Cobb, Jr., Thelma Duggin, Carlos M. -
United States District Court for the District of Columbia
Case 1:16-cv-00333-APM Document 76 Filed 03/30/17 Page 1 of 57 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA _________________________________________ ) EIG ENERGY FUND XIV, L.P., et al., ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) Case No. 16-cv-00333 (APM) ) PETRÓLEO BRASILEIRO S.A., et al., ) ) Defendants. ) _________________________________________ ) MEMORANDUM OPINION I. INTRODUCTION This case arises out of the largest modern political scandal in the history of Brazil. In 2014, Brazilian investigators discovered that Defendant Petróleo Brasileiro S.A. (“Petrobras”), a Brazilian state-owned oil company, was at the center of a complex web of political and corporate corruption. The investigation, now popularly known as “Operation Car Wash,” revealed that Petrobras had a long-standing practice of soliciting bribes in exchange for awarding construction and service contracts. In addition to enriching its executives, Petrobras also funneled portions of those payments to officials in Brazil’s majority political party—the Workers Party—presumably to curry favor with those officials. These revelations sent shockwaves through Brazil and led to the prosecution and incarceration of several high-ranking Petrobras executives and government officials. The investigation into the full scope of the scandal continues to date. Plaintiffs are eight related U.S.-based and Cayman Islands-based investment funds, plus their investment adviser, that equity financed one of the entities entangled in the corruption scheme: Sete Brasil Participações (“Sete”). Petrobras established Sete to serve as a financing Case 1:16-cv-00333-APM Document 76 Filed 03/30/17 Page 2 of 57 vehicle to fund the construction of a large fleet of drillships that Petrobras planned to use in developing large, newly discovered oil reserves located off the coast of Brazil.