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Anarcho-Communists, Platformism, and Dual Power Innovation Or Travesty?
The Anarchist Library (Mirror) Anti-Copyright Anarcho-Communists, Platformism, and Dual Power Innovation or Travesty? Lawrence Jarach Lawrence Jarach Anarcho-Communists, Platformism, and Dual Power Innovation or Travesty? www.geocities.com from Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed usa.anarchistlibraries.net power discourse is concerned with government, with how to cre- ate and maintain a set of institutions that can pull the allegiance of the governed away from the existing state. Unless the partisans of dual power have worked out a radically different understand- ing of what power is, where its legitimacy comes from, how it is Contents maintained, and — more importantly — how anarchists can possi- bly exercise it within a framework that is historically statist, the discussion of “anarchist dual power” is a mockery of the anarchist What is “anarchist dual power”? .............. 8 principle of being against government. Love & Rage and the influence and legacy of Leninism . 13 18 3 rity, a curio from anarchist history, something to titillate the trivia- minded. What made it worth rediscovering? The anarcho-communism of the Platformists is eerily similar to the authoritarian communism of various Leninist gangs. From a cursory examination of their published rhetoric, it is difficult not to conclude that they have taken the “successful” aspects of a Lenin- ist program, a Leninist vision, and Lenino-Maoist organizing, and more or less removed or modified the vocabulary of the more ob- viously statist parts. The promoters of this hybridized anarchism — should it be called anarcho-Leninism? — draw on the Platform the same way that the writers of the Platform drew on Leninism. -
Anarchist Movements in Tampico & the Huaste
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Peripheries of Power, Centers of Resistance: Anarchist Movements in Tampico & the Huasteca Region, 1910-1945 A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (History) by Kevan Antonio Aguilar Committee in Charge: Professor Christine Hunefeldt, Co-Chair Professor Michael Monteon, Co-Chair Professor Max Parra Professor Eric Van Young 2014 The Thesis of Kevan Antonio Aguilar is approved and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Co-Chair University of California, San Diego 2014 iii DEDICATION: For my grandfather, Teodoro Aguilar, who taught me to love history and to remember where I came from. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page……………………………………………………………..…………..…iii Dedication……………………………………………………………………………...…iv Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………….v List of Figures………………………………………………………………………….…vi Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………vii Abstract of the Thesis…………………………………………………………………….xi Introduction……………………………………………………………………………......1 Chapter 1: Geography & Peripheral Anarchism in the Huasteca Region, 1860-1917…………………………………………………………….10 Chapter 2: Anarchist Responses to Post-Revolutionary State Formations, 1918-1930…………………………………………………………….60 Chapter 3: Crisis & the Networks of Revolution: Regional Shifts towards International Solidarity Movements, 1931-1945………………95 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….......126 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………129 v LIST -
{PDF EPUB} Towards a Fresh Revolution by Amigos De Durruti Friends of Durruti
Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Towards A Fresh Revolution by Amigos de Durruti Friends of Durruti. Audiobook version of the pamphlet Towards a Fresh Revolution, published by the Friends of Durruti group during the Spanish Civil War. A revolutionary theory (with an introduction by Agustín Guillamón) An article published in July 1937 by The Friends of Durruti, large portions of which appeared in the pamphlet “The Revolutionary Message of the ‘Friends of Durruti’” (PDF) that was translated into English via French. Here it is translated in full directly from Spanish for the first time. Views and Comments No. 44 (April 1963) The No. 44 (April 1963) issue of Views and Comments , an anarcho-syndicalist leaning publication produced out of New York by the Libertarian League from 1955 until 1966. A look at the past: the revolutionary career of Joaquín Pérez – Miguel Amorós. A vivid biographical sketch of Joaquín Pérez (1907-2006), based on a manuscript he wrote during the last few years of his life, who joined the CNT at the age of sixteen in the early 1920s, and was, successively, a specialist in the CNT’s Defense Committees in Barcelona during the 1930s, a militiaman in the Durruti Column during the first months of the Civil War, one of the original members of The Friends of Durruti, a fugitive, a prisoner in Montjuich, and then, after escaping from Montjuich as Franco’s forces closed in on the citadel, an exile, first in labor camps in France, and then, after stowing away on a British warship during the evacuation of Brest, in London. -
Anarchist FAQ Review
An Anarchist FAQ Review Jon Bekken 2013 Iain McKay, An Anarchist FAQ Volume 1 (AK Press, 2008), 555 pages, $25 paper. Volume 2 (AK Press, 2012), 561 pages, $25 paper. This two-volume compilation includes the great bulk of the material assembled online inthe Anarchist FAQ by ASR contributor Iain McKay and other comrades over more than a decade. Established to confront misrepresentations of anarchism that have proliferated particularly in the online universe (allegedly anarchist tendencies exist there that have no apparent manifestation in the material world in which the rest of us live), AFAQ quickly evolved into a much broader overview of anarchism, as a social movement and as a set of ideas. It is impossible to do justice to the 1,136 pages in these two volumes. Volume 1 opens (after three introductions which explain the origins and evolution of the project) with an overview of anarchism, followed by sections explaining why anarchists oppose hierarchy, capitalism and the state; summarizing the anarchist critique of capitalist economics; reviewing how statism and capitalism operate as an intertwined system of exploitation and oppression; offering an anarchist analysis of the ecological crisis, and refuting the notion that there could be some sort of “anarcho”- capitalism. An appendix reviews the origins of three major anarchist symbols: the black flag, the red-and-black flag and the circled A. Volume 2 opens with a survey of individualist anarchism, which remains implacably hostile to capitalism despite its differences with the social anarchism embraced by most anarchists; followed by an explanation of why anarchists (who McKay rightly insists are part of the broader socialist movement) reject state socialism; an overview of anarchist thinking about the shape of a future, free society; a section addressing contemporary anarchist practice (involvement in social struggles, direct action, organizational approaches, alternative social organizations, child rearing, and social revolution); followed by a brief bibliography. -
Inceorganisinganarchy2010.Pdf
ORGANISING ANARCHY SPATIAL STRATEGY , PREFIGURATION , AND THE POLITICS OF EVERYDAY LIFE ANTHONY JAMES ELLIOT INCE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY QUEEN MARY , UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2010 0 ABSTRACT This research is an analysis of efforts to develop a politics of everyday life through embedding anarchist and left-libertarian ideas and practices into community and workplace organisation. It investigates everyday life as a key terrain of political engagement, interrogating the everyday spatial strategies of two emerging forms of radical politics. The community dimension of the research focuses on two London-based social centre collectives, understood as community-based, anarchist-run political spaces. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), an international trade union that organises along radical left-libertarian principles, comprises the workplace element. The empirical research was conducted primarily through an activist-ethnographic methodology. Based in a politically-engaged framework, the research opens up debates surrounding the role of place-based class politics in a globalised world, and how such efforts can contribute to our understanding of social relations, place, networks, and political mobilisation and transformation. The research thus contributes to and provides new perspectives on understanding and enacting everyday spatial strategies. Utilising Marxist and anarchist thought, the research develops a distinctive theoretical framework that draws inspiration from both perspectives. Through an emphasis on how groups seek to implement particular radical principles, the research also explores the complex interactions between theory and practice in radical politics. I argue that it is in everyday spaces and practices where we find the most powerful sources for political transformation. -
Reclaiming Syndicalism: from Spain to South Africa to Global Labour Today
Global Issues Reclaiming Syndicalism: From Spain to South Africa to global labour today Lucien van der Walt, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa Union politics remain central to the new century. It remains central because of the ongoing importance of unions as mass movements, internationally, and because unions, like other popular movements, are confronted with the very real challenge of articulating an alternative, transformative vision. There is much to be learned from the historic and current tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism. This is a tradition with a surprisingly substantial and impressive history, including in the former colonial world; a tradition that envisages anti-bureaucratic and bottom-up trade unions as key means of educating and mobilising workers, and of championing the economic, social and political struggles of the broad working class, independent of parliamentary politics and party tutelage; and that aims, ultimately, at transforming society through union-led workplace occupations that will institute self-management and participatory economic planning, abolishing markets, hierarchies and states. This contribution seeks, firstly, to contribute to the recovery of the historical memory of the working class by drawing attention to its multiple traditions and rich history; secondly, to make a contribution to current debates on the struggles, direction and options for the working class movement (including unions) in a period of flux in which the fixed patterns of the last forty years are slowly melting away; thirdly, it argues that many current union approaches – among them, business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism – have substantial failings and limitations; and finally, it points to the need for labour studies and industrial sociology to pay greater attention to labour traditions besides business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism. -
Georges Fontenis Papers 1945-1975 (-2010)1945-1975
Georges Fontenis Papers 1945-1975 (-2010)1945-1975 International Institute of Social History Cruquiusweg 31 1019 AT Amsterdam The Netherlands hdl:10622/ARCH00422 © IISH Amsterdam 2021 Georges Fontenis Papers 1945-1975 (-2010)1945-1975 Table of contents Georges Fontenis Papers................................................................................................................ 3 Context............................................................................................................................................... 3 Content and Structure........................................................................................................................3 Access and Use.................................................................................................................................4 Allied Material.....................................................................................................................................4 Provisional list...................................................................................................................................5 International Institute of Social History 2 Georges Fontenis Papers 1945-1975 (-2010)1945-1975 Georges Fontenis Papers Collection ID ARCH00422 Creator Fontenis, Georges Period 1945-1975 (-2010)1945-1975 Period (bulk) 1945-1975 Extent 0.75 m. Language list English Language of Material French Context Biographical Note Born in Paris 1920, died in Tours, France 2010; teacher; anarchist; during the Second World War active in the underground -
10 Octubre Mujer Y Memoria
1 MUJER Y MEMORIA OCTUBRE --------------------- 31 DE OCTUBRE JUANA ROUCO BUELA El 31 de octubre de 1969 muere en Buenos Aires (Argentina) la anarcosin- dicalista y propagandista anarcofemi- nista Juana Buela, más conocida como Juana Rouco Buela. Había nacido el 19 de abril de 1889 en Madrid (España). Cuando tenía cuatro años quedó huér- fana de padre, viviendo en la miseria; nunca fue a la escuela. El 24 de julio de 1900 llegó como emigrante en Argen- tina con su madre, donde ya vivía un hermano 10 años mayor que ella, Ci- riaco, y desde muy joven entró a formar parte del movimiento libertario y anar- cosindicalista de la mano de éste, que también lo enseñó a leer y a escribir. En 1904 participó activamente en los actos del Primero de Mayo, que fueron duramente reprimidos, y que acabaron con la vida del fogonero marítimo de 22 años Ocampo. En 1905 asistió, con el apoyo de Fran- cisco Llaqué, secretario del Consejo Federal y redactor del periódico La Protesta, como delegada indirecta en representación de los obreros de la Refinería Argentina de Azúcar de Rosario, entonces en huelga, en el V Congreso de la Federación Obrera de la Región Argentina (FUERA), donde proclamó claramente que la finali- dad de la federación obrera es el comunismo anarquista. En 1907 entra a formar parte, con María Collazo, Virginia Bolten, Marta Neweels- tein, Teresa Caporaletti y otras, del grup creador del primer local libertario de mu- jeres del país («Centro Femenino Anarquista»), que tenía como sede la Sociedad de Resistencia de Conductores de Carros, participa energicament en la Huelga de Inquilinos de aquel año para protestar por la subida de los alquileres y los desalo- jos. -
Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917–21 Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917–21
Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917–21 Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917–21 Colin Darch First published 2020 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Colin Darch 2020 The right of Colin Darch to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7453 3888 0 Hardback ISBN 978 0 7453 3887 3 Paperback ISBN 978 1 7868 0526 3 PDF eBook ISBN 978 1 7868 0528 7 Kindle eBook ISBN 978 1 7868 0527 0 EPUB eBook Typeset by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England For my grandchildren Historia scribitur ad narrandum, non ad probandum – Quintilian Contents List of Maps viii List of Abbreviations ix Acknowledgements x 1. The Deep Roots of Rural Discontent: Guliaipole, 1905–17 1 2. The Turning Point: Organising Resistance to the German Invasion, 1918 20 3. Brigade Commander and Partisan: Makhno’s Campaigns against Denikin, January–May 1919 39 4. Betrayal in the Heat of Battle? The Red–Black Alliance Falls Apart, May–September 1919 54 5. The Long March West and the Battle at Peregonovka 73 6. Red versus White, Red versus Green: The Bolsheviks Assert Control 91 7. The Last Act: Alliance at Starobel’sk, Wrangel’s Defeat, and Betrayal at Perekop 108 8. The Bitter Politics of the Long Exile: Romania, Poland, Germany, and France, 1921–34 128 9. -
1 the Search for a Libertarian Communism: Daniel Guérin and The
The search for a libertarian communism: Daniel Guérin and the ‘synthesis’ of marxism and anarchism I have a horror of sects, of compartmentalisation, of people who are separated by virtually 1 nothing and who nevertheless face each other as if across an abyss. – Daniel Guérin Concerned that his reinterpretation of the French Revolution, La Lutte de classes sous la Première République (1946), had been misunderstood, Daniel Guérin wrote to his friend, the socialist Marceau Pivert in 1947 that the book was to be seen as ‘an introduction to a synthesis of anarchism and Marxism-Leninism I would like to write one day.’2 This paper aims to analyze exactly what Guérin meant by this ‘synthesis’, and how and why he came to be convinced of its necessity—for as Alex Callinicos has commented, ‘[g]enuinely innovative syntheses are rare and difficult to arrive at. Too often attempted syntheses amount merely to banality, incoherence, or eclecticism.’3 It must however be noted from the outset that Guérin had no pretensions to being a theorist: he saw himself first and foremost as an 1 Daniel Guérin, Front populaire, Révolution manquée. Témoignage militant (Arles: Editions Actes Sud, 1977), p. 29. All translations are the present author’s, unless stated otherwise. 2 Letter to Marceau Pivert, 18 November 1947, Bibliothèque de Documentation Internationale Contemporaine (hereafter BDIC), Fonds Guérin, F°Δ Rés 688/10/2. La Lutte de classes sous la Première République, 1793-1797 (Paris: Gallimard, 1946; new edition 1968), 2 vols. 3 Alex Callinicos (ed.), Marxist Theory (Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 108. -
Anarchisme Français De 1950 À 1970 1
Anarchisme français de 1950 à 1970 1 Cédric Guérin Introduction “ Y en a pas un sur cent et pourtant ils existent La plupart fils de rien ou bien fils de si peu Qu’on ne les voit jamais que lorsqu’on a peur d’eux. ” C’est le 10 mai 1968, pendant la nuit des barricades, que Léo Ferré créa sa célèbre chanson “ Les anarchistes ”. Ce couplet traduit dans une certaine mesure la surprise des observateurs attentifs à la renaissance du drapeau noir lors des manifestations et des défilés de Mai. L’antibureaucratisme, l’autogestion, la spontanéité révolutionnaires sont autant de mots qui donnent à la révolte de Mai 1968 un caractère libertaire, et Edgar Morin peut écrire : “ C’est la renaissance intellectuelle de l’anarchisme, teinté de marxisme et de situation-nisme. ” Paradoxalement, c’est un fait acquis que les organisations “ officielles ” ne sont pas ou pratiquement pas intervenues dans les événements, alors que ceux-ci témoignent d’une indéniable présence intellectuelle de l’anarchisme ; même si on peut s’interroger sur la nature de l’anarchisme estudiantin décrit par Morin. Cette apparente contradiction entre l’inaction des organisations et l’explosion des thèmes libertaires détermine dans une large mesure le caractère spécifique de l’anarchisme, révolte à la fois individuelle et collective. Les traits de l’anarchisme sont difficiles à cerner. Ses “ maîtres ” n’ont presque jamais condensé leurs pensées en des traits systématiques. Quand, à l’occasion, ils en ont fait l’essai, ça n’a été qu’en de minces brochures de propagande et de vulgarisation, où n’en affluent que des bribes. -
Anarchist Organisation Not Leninist Vanguardism
Wayne Price Anarchist Organisation not Leninist Vanguardism 2006 The Anarchist Library Contents Why an Anarchist Organization is Needed. But Not a “Van- guard Party”.............................. 3 The Anarchist Revolutionary Political Organization...... 4 The Leninist Party.......................... 7 The Myth of the Bolshevik Revolution.............. 9 Conclusion............................... 10 References ............................... 11 2 Why an Anarchist Organization is Needed. But Not a “Vanguard Party” Right now only a few people are revolutionary anarchists. The big majority of people reject anarchism and any kind of radicalism (if they think about it at all). For those of us who are anarchists, a key question concerns the relationship between the revolutionary minority (us) and the moderate and (as- yet) nonrevolutionary majority. Shall the revolutionary minority wait for the laws of the Historical Process to cause the majority (at least of the working class) to become revolutionary, as some propose? In that case, the minority really does not have to do anything. Or does the minority of radicals have to organize itself in order to spread its liberatory ideas, in cooperation with the historical process? If so, should the revolutionary minority organize itself in a top-down, centralized, fashion, or can it organize itself as a radically democratic federation, consistent with its goal of freedom? Perhaps the most exciting tendency on the left today is the growth of pro-organizational, class struggle, anarchism. This includes international Plat- formism, Latin American especifismo, and other elements (Platformism is in- spired by the 1926 Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists; in Skirda, 2002). Even some Trotskyists have noticed, “ ‘Platformism’ [is] one of the more left-wing currents within contemporary anarchism.