Vagrants, Rogues and Vagabonds--Old Concepts in Need of Revision
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1485-1553
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1986 Basilisks of the Commonwealth: Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1485-1553 Christopher Thomas Daly College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Daly, Christopher Thomas, "Basilisks of the Commonwealth: Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1485-1553" (1986). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625366. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-y42p-8r81 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BASILISKS OF THE COMMONWEALTH: Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1485-1553 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts fcy Christopher T. Daly 1986 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts . s F J i z L s _____________ Author Approved, August 1986 James L. Axtell Dale E. Hoak JamesEL McCord, IjrT DEDICATION To my brother, grandmother, mother and father, with love and respect. iii TABLE OE CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................. v ABSTRACT.......................................... vi INTRODUCTION ...................................... 2 CHAPTER I. THE PROBLEM OE VAGRANCY AND GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSES TO IT, 1485-1553 7 CHAPTER II. -
Slavery by Another Name History Background
Slavery by Another Name History Background By Nancy O’Brien Wagner, Bluestem Heritage Group Introduction For more than seventy-five years after the Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, thousands of blacks were systematically forced to work against their will. While the methods of forced labor took on many forms over those eight decades — peonage, sharecropping, convict leasing, and chain gangs — the end result was a system that deprived thousands of citizens of their happiness, health, and liberty, and sometimes even their lives. Though forced labor occurred across the nation, its greatest concentration was in the South, and its victims were disproportionately black and poor. Ostensibly developed in response to penal, economic, or labor problems, forced labor was tightly bound to political, cultural, and social systems of racial oppression. Setting the Stage: The South after the Civil War After the Civil War, the South’s economy, infrastructure, politics, and society were left completely destroyed. Years of warfare had crippled the South’s economy, and the abolishment of slavery completely destroyed what was left. The South’s currency was worthless and its financial system was in ruins. For employers, workers, and merchants, this created many complex problems. With the abolishment of slavery, much of Southern planters’ wealth had disappeared. Accustomed to the unpaid labor of slaves, they were now faced with the need to pay their workers — but there was little cash available. In this environment, intricate systems of forced labor, which guaranteed cheap labor and ensured white control of that labor, flourished. For a brief period after the conclusion of fighting in the spring of 1865, Southern whites maintained control of the political system. -
The Larceny Act
LARCENY THE LARCENY ACT ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS 1. Short title. PART I. Inferprefafion 2. Interpretation. 3. Definitions. 4. Offensive weapons. PART 11. Indictable Ofences 5. Simple larceny. 6. Larceny of cattle. 7. Killing animals with intent to steal. S. Larceny, etc., of dogs. 9. Larceny of wills. 10. Larceny of documents of title to land, etc. 11. Taking, destroying, etc., documents for a fraudulent purpose. 12. Damaging fixtures with intent to steal. 13. Praedial larceny. 14. Larceny of goods in process of manufxture. 15. Abstracting electricity. 16. Larceny, etc., of ore from mines, etc. 17. Larceny of postal articles. 18. Larceny in dwelling-houses. 19. Larceny from the person. 20. Larceny from ships, docks, etc. 2 1. Larceny by tenants or lodgers. 22. Larceny and embezzlement by clerks or servants. 23. Stealing or embezzlement by officer of Post Office. 24. Conversion. 25. Conversion by trustee. [The inclusion of this page Is authorized by L.N. 180At20061 LARCENY Factors obtaining advances on the property of their principals. Frauds by director. etc. Fraudulently inducing persons to invest money. Falsification of accounts. Falsification of account books of a bank. etc. Clerks. etc.. making out false dividend warrants. Personating the owner of stock. Personation with intent to obtain land. etc. Falsely acknowledging bail. etc. False pretences. Obtaining credit by fraud. Robbery. Sacrilege. Burglary. House-breaking and committing felony. House-breaking with intent to commit felony. Being found by night armed or in possession of house-breaking implements. Extortion. [Repealed by Act 29 of 200.5.] [Repealed by Act 29 of 2005.1 [Repealed byAct 29 of 2OO5.] Receiving. -
Inside the Home, Outside the Law Abuse of Child Domestic Workers in Morocco
Morocco Inside the Home, HUMAN RIGHTS Outside the Law WATCH Abuse of Child Domestic Workers in Morocco December 2005 Volume 17, No. 12(E) Inside the Home, Outside the Law Abuse of Child Domestic Workers in Morocco I. Summary.................................................................................................................................... 1 Methods ................................................................................................................................. 3 II. Recommendations ................................................................................................................... 5 To the Moroccan Government .......................................................................................... 5 To the Parliament ................................................................................................................. 6 To the Ministry of Employment and Professional Development ................................ 6 To the Ministry of National Education, Higher Education, Staff Development, and Scientific Research and its Secretariat of State for Literacy and Nonformal Education................................................................................... 6 To the Ministry of Social Development, Family, and Solidarity and its Secretariat of State for Family, Solidarity, and Social Action......................................... 7 To the Ministry of Justice.................................................................................................... 7 To the International -
Louisiana Vagrancy Law - Constitutionally Sound Harry M
Louisiana Law Review Volume 29 | Number 2 The Work of the Louisiana Appellate Courts for the 1967-1968 Term: A Symposium February 1969 Louisiana Vagrancy Law - Constitutionally Sound Harry M. Zimmerman Jr. Repository Citation Harry M. Zimmerman Jr., Louisiana Vagrancy Law - Constitutionally Sound, 29 La. L. Rev. (1969) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol29/iss2/20 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1969] COMMENTS LOUISIANA VAGRANCY LAW- CONSTITUTIONALLY UNSOUND The several provisions of Louisiana's vagrancy law1 are de- rived from three main sources. The first is the original common law concept of vagrancy which was developed in fourteenth cen- tury England because of grave economic conditions created by the Black Death. The Statute of Labourers of 13492 deemed any- one wandering from place to place without work a vagrant and subjected offenders to harsh punishment. This first type of va- grancy was, therefore, predicated on a theory of economic status criminality.3 As early as the sixteenth century, however, the reason for punishment under vagrancy laws was changed from one of eco- nomic status to one of probable criminal status. For several rea- sons, 4 vagrants, as originally defined, were felt to be likely criminals and "crime prevention," rather than economic consid- erations, became the justification for the continuance of such laws. Although the reason for the punishment had changed, the poor and shiftless were still in truth punished on the basis of 1. -
Group “A” Offenses Group “B” Offenses
Group “A” Offenses Group “B” Offenses Group B’s MUST have an arrest to be NIBRS Reportable NIBRS NIBRS NIBRS OFFENSES CODES NIBRS OFFENSES CODES NIBRS NIBRS Arson 200 Human Trafficking NIBRS OFFENSES CODES NIBRS OFFENSES CODES -Commercial Sex Acts 64A Assault Offenses -Involuntary Servitude 64B Bad Checks 90A Family Offenses, Non- 90F -Aggravated Assault 13A Violent -Simple Assault 13B Kidnapping/Abduction 100 -Intimidation 13C Curfew/Loitering/Vagrancy 90B Liquor Law Violations 90G Larceny/Theft Offenses Violations Bribery 510 -Pocket Picking 23A -Purse Snatching 23B Disorderly Conduct 90C Peeping Tom 90H Burglary/B&E 220 -Shoplifting 23C -Theft from Building 23D Driving Under the Influence 90D Trespassing 90J Counterfeiting/Forgery 250 -Theft from Coin-Operated Machine 23E or Device Drunkenness 90E All Other Offenses 90Z -Theft from Motor Vehicle 23F Destruction/Damage/Vandalism of 290 -Theft of Motor Vehicle Parts or 23G Property Accessories Source: Association of State Uniform Crime Reporting Programs (ASUCRP). Accessed on June 6, 2014. -All Other Larceny 23H Drug/Narcotic Offenses -Drug/Narcotic Violations 35A Motor Vehicle Theft 240 -Drug/Narcotic Equip. Violations 35B Pornography/Obscene Material 370 Embezzlement 270 Prostitution Offenses Extortion/Blackmail 210 -Prostitution 40A -Assisting or Promoting Prostitution 40B Fraud Offenses -Purchasing Prostitution 40C -False Pretenses/Swindle/ Confidence 26A Games -Credit Card/Automatic Teller Machine 26B Robbery 120 Fraud -Impersonation 26C -Welfare Fraud 26D Sex Offenses (Forcible) -Wire Fraud 26E -Forcible Rape 11A -Forcible Sodomy 11B -Sexual Assault with An Object 11C Gambling Offenses -Forcible Fondling 11D -Betting/Wagering 39A Sex Offenses (Non-Forcible) -Operating/Promoting/ Assisting 39B -Incest 36A Gambling -Gambling Equip. -
Federal Mandatory Minimum Sentencing Statutes
Federal Mandatory Minimum Sentencing Statutes Charles Doyle Senior Specialist in American Public Law September 9, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32040 Federal Mandatory Minimum Sentencing Statutes Summary Federal mandatory minimum sentencing statutes limit the discretion of a sentencing court to impose a sentence that does not include a term of imprisonment or the death penalty. They have a long history and come in several varieties: the not-less-than, the flat sentence, and piggyback versions. Federal courts may refrain from imposing an otherwise required statutory mandatory minimum sentence when requested by the prosecution on the basis of substantial assistance toward the prosecution of others. First-time, low-level, non-violent offenders may be able to avoid the mandatory minimums under the Controlled Substances Acts, if they are completely forthcoming. The most common imposed federal mandatory minimum sentences arise under the Controlled Substance and Controlled Substance Import and Export Acts, the provisions punishing the presence of a firearm in connection with a crime of violence or drug trafficking offense, the Armed Career Criminal Act, various sex crimes include child pornography, and aggravated identity theft. Critics argue that mandatory minimums undermine the rationale and operation of the federal sentencing guidelines which are designed to eliminate unwarranted sentencing disparity. Counter arguments suggest that the guidelines themselves operate to undermine individual sentencing discretion and that the ills attributed to other mandatory minimums are more appropriately assigned to prosecutorial discretion or other sources. State and federal mandatory minimums have come under constitutional attack on several grounds over the years, and have generally survived. -
The Poor Law of 1601
Tit) POOR LA.v OF 1601 with 3oms coi3ii3rat,ion of MODSRN Of t3l9 POOR -i. -S. -* CH a i^ 3 B oone. '°l<g BU 2502377 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Chapter 1. Introductory. * E. Poor Relief before the Tudor period w 3. The need for re-organisation. * 4. The Great Poor La* of 1601. w 5. Historical Sketch. 1601-1909. " 6. 1909 and after. Note. The small figares occurring in the text refer to notes appended to each chapter. Chapter 1. .Introductory.. In an age of stress and upheaval, institutions and 9 systems which we have come to take for granted are subjected to a searching test, which, though more violent, can scarcely fail to be more valuable than the criticism of more normal times. A reconstruction of our educational system seems inevitable after the present struggle; in fact new schemes have already been set forth by accredited organisations such as the national Union of Teachers and the Workers' Educational Association. V/ith the other subjects in the curriculum of the schools, History will have to stand on its defence. -
LAW and ORDER
LAW and ORDER GRADE LEVEL: 9–12 DEVELOPED BY: Martha Bouyer; Felicia Pride and Allissa Richardson of 2MPower Media OVERVIEW This activity guide focuses on the laws and statutes — including the Black Codes, vagrancy statutes, pig laws and Jim Crow — enforced by Southern states after the Civil War to assert control over the freedom, mobility and labor of the newly freed blacks. Students will examine Black Codes and Jim Crow laws and analyze their impact on blacks in the decades after the Civil War. Students will make connections between these types of oppressive laws and the rise of forced labor and will have the opportunity to analyze a labor contract. Finally, students will make contemporary connections between state statutes and legislation that potentially impact civil rights. BACKGROUND Immediately after the Civil War ended, Southern states enacted “Black Codes” that granted African Americans certain rights, such as legalized marriage, ownership of property, and limited access to the courts, but denied them the right to testify against whites, to serve on juries or in state militias, vote, or start a job without the approval of the previous employer. The codes largely disappeared in 1866 when Reconstruction began. Even before Reconstruction ended in 1877, however, many Southern states began enacting and enforcing an array of laws intended to re-subjugate newly freed blacks and provide cheap sources of labor. Vagrancy, loitering, riding the rails, changing jobs, even talking too loudly in public — these behaviors and more — all became crimes carrying stiff fines or sentences. The “pig laws” unfairly penalized petty crimes such as stealing a pig (crimes more likely to be committed by poor blacks), as opposed to crimes more likely to be committed by whites. -
The Kent Yeoman in the Seventeenth Century
http://kentarchaeology.org.uk/research/archaeologia-cantiana/ Kent Archaeological Society is a registered charity number 223382 © 2017 Kent Archaeological Society THE KENT YEOMAN IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY JACQUELINE BOWER Mildred Campbell, in the only detailed work so far published on the yeomanry, concluded that the yeoman class emerged in the fifteenth century.1 The yeomen were the free tenants of the manor, usually identified with freeholders of land worth 40s. a year, the medieval franklins. The Black Death of 1348 may have hastened the emergence of the yeomanry. The plague may have killed between one-third and one-half of the total population of England, a loss from which the population did not recover until the second half of the sixteenth century. Landowners were left with vacant farms because tenants had died and no one was willing to take on tenancies or buy land at the high rents and prices common before the Black Death. In a buyer's market, it became impossible for landlords to enforce all the feudal services previously exacted. Land prices fell, and peasant farming families which survived the Black Death and which had a little capital were able, over several generations, to accumulate sizeable estates largely free of labour services. It is taken for granted that yeomen were concerned with agriculture, men who would later come to be described as farmers, ranking between gentry and husbandmen, of some substance and standing in their communities. However, a re-examination of contemporary usages suggests that there was always some uncertainty as to what a yeoman was. William Harrison, describing English social structure in 1577, said that yeomen possessed 'a certain pre-eminence and more estimation' among the common people. -
2. a Short History of English Vagrancy Laws
2. A Short History of English Vagrancy Laws Early English vagrancy laws created a climate unsympathetic to the plight of the poorest and most marginalised persons in society. These laws continue to resonate in the domestic laws of various states around the world. In this chapter the authors examine the origin of vagrancy laws in England and reflect on the extent to which the rationale underlying these laws is appropriate in modern-day constitutional democracies. Introduction Many nuisance-related offences in Malawi originate from English vagrancy laws. English vagrancy laws were rooted in a variety of motivations and produced a myriad of negative effects for the most marginalised members of English society. In countries such as Malawi, where the majority of the population is poor, the effect on society of incorporating English vagrancy laws into its Penal Code is profound and requires consideration. The Oxford English Dictionary defines a vagrant as “a person without a settled home or regular work who wanders from place to place and lives by begging”. The history of English vagrancy laws reveals little concern for the actual plight of vagrants, though it may rather suggest various economic and cultural concerns regarding indigent persons and their place in a rapidly-industrialising English society. Sociologists have suggested three main purposes for English vagrancy laws: • To curtail the mobility of persons and criminalise begging, thereby ensuring the availability of cheap labour to land owners and industrialists whilst limiting the presence of undesirable persons in the cities; • To reduce the costs incurred by local municipalities and parishes to look after the poor; and • To prevent property crimes by creating broad crimes providing wide discretion to law enforcement officials.15 The development of English vagrancy laws was by no means an objective or democratic exercise. -
Vagrancy and the Victorians : the Social Construction of the Vagrant In
VAGRANCY AND THE VICTORIANS: THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE VAGRANT IN MELBOURNE, 1880-1907 SUSANNE ELIZABETH DAVIES RID THESiS, HISTORY DEPARTMENT, UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE, 1990 (This thesis does not exceed 100,000 words,) In Memory of my Father CONTENTS Page List of Figures 4 List of Illustrations 6 List of Abbreviations 9 Acknowledgements 10 Abstract 12 Introduction 15 Chapter One: A World of Difference 42 Chapter Two: The Evolution of the Vagrancy Laws 115 Chapter Three: Policing the Victorian Vagrancy Law 145 Chapter Four: Trial and Error 216 Chapter Five: Punishing and Reforming 274 Chapter Six: A System in Crisis $43 Chapter Seven: New Solutions for an Old Problem 397 Conclusion 450 Appendix One: Statistical Method 455 Appendix Two: Statistics relating to the Arrest and Imprisonment of Vagrants in Victoria, 1888-1907. 461 Appendix Three: Statistics relating to Vagrancy Cases heard by the Melbourne Court of Petty Sessions, 1 May 1888 - 30 April 1901. 468 Bibliography 478 4 FIGURES Page Figure 3.1: Vagrancy Arrests in Victoria, 1880-1907 161 Figure 3.2: Most Common Types of Arrests in Victoria, 1880-1905 162 Figure 3.3: Vagrancy Arrests as a Percentage of Total Arrests in Victoria, 1880-1907 163 Figure 3.4: '1 in 10' Sample - Vagrancy Cases heard by the MCPS, 1888-1901 167 Figure 3.5: '1 In 10' Sample - NVLMS/ILMS Cases as a Percentage of Total Vagrancy Cases, MCPS, 1888-1901 170 Figure 3.6: '1 in 10' Sample - Sex of Defendants in Vagrancy Cases, MCPS, 1888-1901 173 Figure 3.7: '1 in 10' Sample - Sex of Defendants in NVLMS/ILMS