SMALL FARM FUNCTION:
A STUDY OF SMALL FARMS IN MATSQUI MUNICIPALITY
IN THE LOWER MAINLAND OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
by
GUY STRETTON SWTNNERTON
B.A., University of London, 1965
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
in the Department
of
Geography
We accept this thesis as conforming to the
requirefLs^andard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
June, 1969. In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the require• ments for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Depart• ment or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.
Department of Geography
The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada
Date June 9, 1969. ABSTRACT
This thesis documents and analyses some of the major character• istics of the present socio-economic situation of small farms in the
Lower Mainland of British Columbia. To obtain a realistic appreciation of the small farm problem consideration is given to the fact that the major function of small farms is not always agricultural production.
The major term of reference for the study was that the character• istics of small farms are the result of the functions the holding serves for the farm operator and his family. Small farms were identified as holdings of less than twenty-one acres and the heterogeneous functions of farm occupancy were synthesised into three levels of farm operation on the basis of working time spent on the holding, relative income ob• tained from farm and non-farm sources and the value of,the sale of agricultural products. Three types of small farm operators were recog• nised: full-time, part-time and residential.
The Lower Mainland was selected because it is one of the most important agricultural areas in British Columbia and the region contains a high percentage of the total number of small farms in the province.
In addition, the positive relationship between urbanisation, small farms and the part-time and residential farmer was likely to be clearly repre• sented because the area is subject to the metropolitan dominance of Van• couver. Within the Lower Mainland, Mats qui Municipality was singled out
ii iii for specialized study since it is reasonably representative of the Lower Mainland's agriculture and is within commuting distance of Metropolitan Vancouver. The Real Property Appraisal Records for Matsqui Municipality were used as the sample frame and a random sample of forty fain operators completed the interview schedule.
The evidence indicated that many of the small farms under study were not viable economic units, and some of their occupiers may be classed as low income families. However, the low financial returns reported by many of the small farm operators Implied that their reasons for living on farms were not necessarily founded on economic considerations. Social rather than economic factors explained the respondents' higher level of satisfaction with rural than city living, whereas any dissatisfaction with living on farms was related to the lack of economic success. The three most frequently stated reasons for preferring rural living were availability of space, a better place to bring up children and a super• ior physical environment to that experienced in urban areas. The evidence also indicated that there was an inverse relationship between dependency on farming for a livelihood and the level of satisfaction with rural living.
The three factors which were most important in accounting for the relative economic success or failure of small farms were managerial efficien• cy, the availability of working capital and the desire of the farmer to operate his holding as a commercially orientated business. Because the majority of full-time small farms do not adequately ful• fil economic or human needs they will be phased out, whereas small farms used essentially as a place of residence or operated on a part-time basis will become increasingly common in the landscape of the Lower Mainland. iv This is because although they do not adequately meet the economic require• ments of a modern agricultural system, they do provide their occupiers with sufficient independence to satisfy their social needs>^ TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT
LIST OF TABLES viii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi
A(3KNOWLEDGEMENTS xii
INTRODUCTION 1
Chapter
I. THE SMALL FARM PROBLEM $ Choice of Criteria for Identifying Small Farms Factors Relating to the Persistence of Small Farms Identification of Pull-Time, Part-Time and Residential Farmers
II. THE EVOLUTION OF AGRICULTURE IN THE LOWER MAINLAND 16*
Suitability of the Lower Mainland as a Study Area Matsqui Municipality as the Specialized Study Area Physical Geography of Matsqui Municipality Historical Geography of Agricultural Development Present Agricultural Situation Development of an Agribusiness Attitude Consequences of Urban Growth Sources of Primary Data in. ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE FARM FAMILY Ill;
Farm Tenure and Distribution Size of Farm Units Choice of Farm Enterprise Size Factor Type of Operator Intensity of Farming Operations Interrelationship of Factors. Capital Value of Small Farms Factors Affecting Farm Performance Farm Labour Contact with District Agriculturist Marketing Procedure
v vi
Farm Family Income Income from Agriculture Income from Off-Farm Employment Amount of Off-Farm Employment Type of Off-Far m Employment Perquisite Consumption and Welfare Payments Summary
IV. NON-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE LIFE OF THE FARM FAMILY
Social Background and Subsequent On-Farm Migration Place of Birth and Ethnic Origin Migration to the Lower Mainland Level of Mobility Reasons for Farm Occupancy Duration of Farm Residency and Age of Operator Demographic Characteristics of the Farm Family Education Levels of Members of the Farm Family Education Levels of Farm Operators and Wives Education Levels and Future Plans of Farm Children Involvement in the Community Social Participation Economic Participation Degree of Isolation Within Mats qui Municipality Within the Lower Mainland Social Reasons for the Persistence of Small Farms Level of Satisfaction with Rural Living Reasons for Preferring Rural Living Future Plans of Small Farm Operators Summary
V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Summary Factors Accounting for the Presence of Small Farms Economic Circumstances of Families on Small Farms Non-economic Aspects of the Life of the Farm Family Conclusion Factors Accounting for the Economic Success or Failure of Small Farms The Relative Value of Full-Time, Part-Time and Residential Small Farm Operations
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDICES
I. SOME EXISTING GUIDELINES FOR THE IDENTIFICATION OF FULL-TIME, PART-TIME AND RESIDENTIAL FARMS
II. SOIL CAPABILITY CLASSIFICATION FOR AGRICULTURE Til Page III. SELECTION OF SAMPLE FRAME AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE 156
17. INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR SMALL FARMS .....158 LIST OF TABLES
Table Page I. Relative Importance of Farm Size Groups in Census Division k and Census Sub-Division UO, Matsqui Municipality 1951 - 1961 18 II. Urban-Rural Population Breakdown for Census Division 4, 1951, 1956, 1961 and 1966 21 III. Comparison of Area and Use of Farm Land in Census Division k and Matsqui Municipality for the years 1951 and 1961 23 IV. Comparison of Operators and Type of Farm Tenure in Census Division k and Matsqui Municipality for the years 1951 and 1961 2k V. Changes in Farm and Improved Farm Land Acreages in Census Division k and Matsqui Municipality for the Period 1921 - 1966 32 VI. Crop and Livestock Production by Cash Income for the Fraser Valley in 1961 33 VII. Comparison of Area and Use of Farm Land in Census Division k and Matsqui Municipality for the year 1966. 3U VTII. Percentage Distribution of Small Farm Respondents by Physi• cal Relief in Matsqui Municipality U5 IX. Percentage Distribution of Small Farm Respondents by Siae of Holdings 18 X. Percentage Distribution of Small Farm Respondents by Ad• justed Size of Holdings 50 XI. Percentage Correlation Between Size of Farm Holdings and Types of Farm Enterprise for the Survey Farms... 55 XII. Percentage Distribution of Small Farm Respondents by Types of Farm Enterprise. 58
XIII. Percentage Distribution of \Land Use Types by Small Farm Respondents 60
viii ix
Table Page
XIV. Percentage Correlation Between Types of Farm Operator and Types of Farm Enterprise 62
XV. Percentage Distribution of Small Farm Respondents by Esti• mated Total Capital Value of Farms.. 63
XVI. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Real Property Taxes Levied on the Farm Unit 6j>
XVII. Percentage Distribution of Farm Operators by Relative Fre• quency of Personal Contacts with the District Agriculturist. 68
XVTII. Percentage Distribution of Farm Operators by Relative Fre• quency of Attendance at Meetings or Field Days Sponsored by the District Agriculturist 69
XIX. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Gross Value of Farm Products Sold 72
XX. Percentage Distribution of Farm Operators by Gross Income from Off-Farm Employment • 74
XXI. Percentage Distribution of Farm Operators by Type of Occu• pation of Operator's Wife 75
XXII. Percentage Distribution of Farm Operators by Amount of Off- Farm Employment Expressed in Days • 77
XXHI. Percentage Distribution of Farm Operators by Type of Off- Farra Employment 19
XXIV. Percentage of Farm Operators Reporting Types of Perquisites Consumed 81
XXV. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Place of Birth of the Husband 87
XXVT. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Place of Birth of the Wife 87
XXVII. Percentage Distribution of Farm Operators by Immediate Pre• vious Living Location 93
XXVTII. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Farm Childhood Reported by Husband and/or Wife.. 9h
XXIX. Percentage Distribution of Farm Operators by Number of Years Resident on the Farm 9$ X
Table Page
XXX. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Age of Operator • 96
XXXI. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Marital Status of Farm Operator ; 97
XXXII. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Number of Children Reported 98
XXXIII. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Completed Level of Education by the Husband 100
XXXIV. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Completed Level of Education by the Wife 101
XXXV. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents' Children of School Leaving Age by Future Living Location...... 103 XXXVI. Distribution of Farm Respondents by Membership in Formal and Semi-Formal Organisations by the Husband 106
XXXVII. Distribution of Farm Respondents by Membership in Formal and Semi-Formal Organisations by the Wife 107
XXXVIII. Distribution of Farm Respondents by Level of Patronage of Local Services 108
XXXIX. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Average Total Distance Travelled for Services 112
XL. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Frequency of Visits to Vancouver 113 XLI. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Effect of Freeway on Frequency of Visits to Vancouver 115 XUI. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Level of Satisfaction with Rural or Urban Living Expressed by the Husband 116
XLIII. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Level of Satisfaction with Rural or Urban Living Expressed by the Wife 118
XLI7. Percentage Distribution of Farm Respondents by Proposed Function of the Farm Holding in the Future. 120 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. Location of Matsqui Municipality in relation to the Lower Mainland 19
2. Distribution of Farm Respondents in Matsqui Municipality by Type of Operator..... 46
xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to acknowledge the helpful advice and con• structive criticism of Dr. A.H. Siemens and Mr. R. Copley during the pre• paration of this study. He is particularly indebted to Mr. A. Sumnerville,
Land Assessor and Mr. A.H.W, Moxon, Municipal Clerk of Matsqui Municipal staff for their advice and assistance in making available the appropriate municipal records. Mention should also be made of the farm operators in
Matsqui Municipality without whose co-operation this study would not have been possible. Finally, I am indebted to Miss N.E. McCann for her in• valuable editorial critique of the various drafts.
June, 1969. Guy S. Swinnerton.
xii INTRODUCTION
Canada not only has too many farmers on non-agricultural and non-arable land, but also has too many farmers on the arable land as well, operating excessively small units in terms of land and capital. (Dion 1961:72).
This thesis is an attempt to describe and analyse same of the
major characteristics of the present socio-economic situation of small
farms in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia. The author believes
that many of these characteristics are the result of the function or
functions the holding serves for the farm operator and his family and
the specific place farming has in their scale of values. Because agri•
cultural production is only a subsidiary function of many small farms
it is essential to recognise the contrasting levels of farm operation
if a valid assessment of the situation is to be made. With this premise
in mind the small farm is studied as to whether the operator is a full-
time, part-time, or residential farmer. The study therefore covers a
wide range of small farm types, from the highly specialised full-time
small fruit or poultry operator to the residential farmer living at al• most a subsistence level.
The study falls within the field of agricultural geography which
in its broadest sense seeks to describe and explain areal differentiations
in agriculture and the dynamic aspects of these space relationships in
order to understand the problem of land use, land-man ratios, the conser-
- 1 - -2 - vation of agricultural resources, and rural-urban Interaction (Reeds 1964:
SI).1
In the past, however, a disproportionate amount of the work done by agricultural geographers has been land use orientated and descriptive with an emphasis on understanding the physical and biotic aspects of agriculture
(Dodge 1911:144). The danger of this approach is that by concentrating on those aspects of agriculture which are relatively easy to map and see in the field, the geographer risks underestimating the importance of social and economic factors which generally operate in a more subtle way (Board 1963:
201). It has been shown that even in areas exhibiting considerable topo• graphic influence the human factor is extremely significant in explaining the agricultural pattern. With the greater realisation of the importance of socio-economic factors in explaining farming patterns, geographers have come to make more use of material published and methods of investigation used by those researchers outside the discipline of geography. Although much of the work done by agriculturists, economists and rural sociologists is not specifically geographical, "it does contain much that has geograph• ical implications, and it has been a source both of seminal ideas and of material pertinent to the study of agricultural geography.!' (Coppock 1964?
409).
Siemens (1966) has indicated that there are a number of features in the present cultural landscape of the Lower Mainland which are interesting to the field observation of the geographer, in that they offer clues to
References are standardised throughout the thesis in this form, where the year date of the publication and the appropriate page number are placed in parentheses on the line with the text, immediately following the name of the author (Turabian 1955s70). change from rural to urban land use, from farm to non-farm and from one agricultural activity to another. New farm facilities, vestigal farm buildings, the small farm, the hobby farm and defunct service facilities mirror the widespread changes in the rural economy and the modes of life and attitudes of the rural Inhabitant. Ironside (1968), however, has rightly criticised the geographer's reluctance in many cases to go beyond this field observation stage and to obtain finer levels of Information In order to be in a position to explain the forces underlying these changes taking place in the rural landscape. This study is therefore an attempt in part to rectify the position in that it uses the social and economic statistics of farm families to illustrate those aspects of the rural land• scape identifiable with the small farm.
Chapter I deals with some of the existing studies on the snail farm phenomenon and discusses some of the problems in defining this phenom• enon. The chapter also reviews some of the methods used for distinguishing the full-time, part-time and residential farmer and indicates the terms of reference selected for this particular study. The reason for choosing the Lower Mainland and Matsqui Municipality in particular for the area of study is discussed in Chapter II. Within Chapter II the geographical background of the area and the sampling procedure and subsequent method of analysis are also discussed. The various aspects of the small farm as they pertain to those in Matsqui Municipality are discussed in terms of whether the operator is a full-time, part-time or residential farmer. By considering the socio• economic aspects of the small farm in terms of the three types of operator a more realistic appraisal of these patterns is determined. Chapter III deals with the agricultural system and the economic performance of the farm family, whereas Chapter IV concentrates on the non-economic aspects of the - h - farm family. The final chapter summarizes the main findings of the study 2 and briefly discusses the possible future of the small farm in the rural landscape of the Lower Mainland.
For the purpose of this study the small farm is taken as any farm holding under 21 acres. See page 7 for further explanation. CHAPTER I
THE SMALL FARM PROBLEM
The small farm phenomenon is one aspect of the Western Canadian rural landscape which is usually regarded as a problem symbolising inade• quate farm incomes and the inefficient use of land resources. Stutt, in his article "An Approach to the Small Farm Problem in Canada", points out that on August 30, 1958 the Prime Minister stated in Parliament:
...as a means of meeting the small farm problem the government has under consideration ways and means of improving the level of living for farmers on small farms by means of better land use, encouraging the formation of economic family farm units, improving technical training, extending unemployment insurance benefits to certain classes of farm workers, and by extending the vocational and technical training agreement for the benefit of those who wish to enter new occupations (Stutt 1961:LU).
In addition, it was pointed out that "the problem included mainly those full-time farmers on holdings with an inadequate capacity to provide a fair level of living and who for various reasons or lack of opportunities were unable to make a satisfactory adjustment", (ibid: LU)
Choice of Criteria for Identifying Small Farms
Despite this awareness of the small farm situation both in Canada and other advanced agricultural countries, there appears to be no absolute yardstick for defining the limits for this type of farm. Zeman (l96la) in discussing the small farm situation in an area of West Central Saskatchewan uses acreage as a measure of size, and classifies small farms as those of one half section (320 acres) or less. However, he cites (ibid: 60) a pub-
- 5 - - 6 - lication by Motheral (1953) in which the small farm is defined as a unit which cannot keep the operator and his family usefully employed, cannot offer them a reasonably good living, and cannot support modern equipment to enable profitable farming methods. Similarly, Abell(l956:ll5) describes small farms as "farms which are generally considered to have too small an acreage and too small a volume of business to constitute an economic unit capable of providing an adequate level of living for the farm family".
Abell, in the same publication, has taken two mixed farming areas of Mani• toba as case examples and uses 200 acres or less as the criterion for dis• tinguishing the small farm. The problem of fixing a limit for the small farm was also encountered by Wiens (i960) in his study of small farms.in the Davidson area of central Saskatchewan. Although he initially used half-section farms to represent the small farm, he refers to small farms as three-quarter sections (U80 acres) and less in size, but eventually uses a size limit of two-quarter section farms for his sample (Wiens
1960:810.
In contrast to the studies mentioned above, the European Commission for Agriculture, in its questionnaire for research into "The Small Farm
Problem", points out that:
...the enquiry is concerned with small farms - small that is, as regards the labour force employed, not necessarily as regards the area of land, the amount of livestock or the capital invested. It takes into account only farms permanently employing a maximum of two hands, full-time, or a minimum of one. (European Commission for Agriculture, 1958:2).
A similar term of reference is used by Dexter and Barber (1961) for defining the small farm. With regard to the small farm situation in Britain, they state that "the majority of farmers in this country are small-scale produc• ers employing either no regular labour or, at the most, one or two full-time workers" (Dexter and Barber 1961:2U0). - 7 -
The numerous definitions mentioned above indicate the problem of isolating the small farm phenomenon. In this particular study a size limit has been used as the distinguishing criterion for identifying the small farm because it was the only data available from which a random sample of «m«n farms could be drawn. The 200 acre limit used by Abe11 (1956) or the half- section limit used by Zeman (1961a) would be inappropriate for distinguish• ing the small farms of the Lower Mainland. Table I (page 18) shows that in
1961 farms of 180 acres and over accounted for only 2.3 per cent and 0.88 per cent of the total number of farms in Census Division and Matsqui Mun• icipality respectively. The limiting size factor must therefore be appli• cable to the pattern of agriculture in the area of study. In the Lower
Mainland dairying is the dominant agricultural concern, and the size factor for distinguishing the small farm was therefore adjusted to this form of agriculture. With reference to field data used in the compilation of the report "Dairy Farm Organization in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia"
(Crossfield and Woodward, 1961), it was found that dairy farms of under 21 acres had considerable difficulty in meeting the requirements for profitable farming. For the purpose of this study, farms of under 21 acres were there• fore classified as small farms, irrespective of whether they were dairying concerns or not.
Factors Relating to the Persistence of Small Farms
Despite the wide variations in the definitions used for isolating
Census Division No. 1; includes the villages of Squamish, Sechelt, Gibson's Landing, unorganised areas and Indian Reserves on Sechelt Peninsula, around Harrison Lake, and north of Hope, in addition to the Lower Mainland Region (Fraser Valley plus Census Metropolitan area). 2 Matsqui Municipality has been used as the specialised area of study within the Lower Mainland. For further explanation see page 23. - 8 -
the small farm, most existing studies have couched the problem in terms of
inadequate economic returns from the farm holding and the subsequent effect
on the social and economic viability of the farm family. Abell (1956) and
Zeman (I96lb) have attempted to explain the persistence of small farms in
Canada and although both studies are concerned with areas in the Prairie
Provinces, some of their findings are pertinent to the small farm situation
in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia.
In a description of some of the conditions and attitudes prevailing
on a selected group of small farms in two areas of Manitoba Abell (1956:120)
gives four reasons which she found to be of particular significance. First•
ly, many of the operators of small farms were satisfied with their present way of life and this satisfaction had social rather than economic founda•
tions. Secondly, many of the small farm operators had not adopted recom• mended farming practices which could have increased their farm income.
In association with this evidence was a relationship between high income, high standard of living and high adoption of recommended farming practices.
Thirdly, many of the operators were opposed to their sons obtaining suffic•
ient education which could either open alternative employment opportunities
to them or enable them to become more skilled farmers, and in this respect
grade eight was regarded by many farmers as sufficient education to oper•
ate a farm. Fourthly, there was a reluctance by many of the operators to
take advantage of available credit facilities to expand their farms with
the result that the intra-family transference of farms would take place without any appreciable change in the size of the farm operation. In con•
clusion Abell stated that:
These small farms seem to epitomize the "way of life" aspects of farming. This study points to the need for adjustments (both social and economic) which will enable families on small farms to maintain and raise their farming efficiency and their level of living while en• joying a way of life which is in accord with their particular complex of values (Abell 1956:120). - 9 -
Many of the features discussed by Abell (1956) are also referred to by Zeman (1961b) in his study of the Davidson area of Saskatchewan.
Zeman found that in some cases the original land settlement policy had favoured a small size of farm and that subsequent generations had not had sufficient capital to enlarge the holding. In this connection Zeman points out the difficulty of young farmers successfully climbing the "agricultural ladder" if they lack capital and have an inadequate foundation to work from
(ibid;86). Zeman also found that lack of education was an important detri• mental factor in that a higher level of education was now necessary if maximum use was to be made of improvements in farming techniques and management practices and that a lower level of schooling was a barrier to entry into more remunerative occupations outside of agriculture (ibid:
85). This latter situation has become increasingly more evident with the breakdown of rural isolation, the resulting changing pattern of rural life and the farmer's awareness of a higher standard of living frequently assoc• iated with white collar occupations and urbanisation (Fortin 1961), (Spaul- ding 1959), and (Hamilton 1958). Despite the changing rural pattern, Zeman found that some farmers still regarded farming simply as a way of life with its associated advantages of security and independence. In addition, the breakdown of isolation had meant that the social and recreational oppor• tunities were as plentiful and less costly than those of the urban dweller
(Zeman 196lb:87). Zeman suggested in conclusion that:
He who has a small farm.. .will probably solve his own problem by in• tensifying his operations, increasing the size of his farm business unit, securing off-farm employment in addition to work on the farm, and even moving out of farming altogether (Zeman 196lb:9l).
In a publication dealing with the small farm situation in British
Columbia, Steacy (1959:13) points out that fifty-five per- cent of British i ' :
- 10 -
Columbia farms produced less than $1,200 per year but that in many cases the prime purpose of these holdings was residential and only a supplier of part of the family income. Nevertheless, the fact that some forty-four per cent of the U,l50 full-time farmers engaged in livestock and mixed farming enterprises in the Fraser Valley were not producing adequate incomes showed the gravity of the situation (ibid:27). Once again, therefore, the small farm situation is couched in terms of the low income enterprise which may have resulted from adverse historical, physical or economic factors (ibid:
21). Steacy (ibid:42) suggested that there are eleven factors which are the causes of inadequate farm incomes: (la) farms situated on marginal or sub- marginal landj (lb) crops and varieties planted in areas which are marginal or sub-marginal, for satisfactory production, and the growing of crops and varieties that do not have consumer acceptance j (2) the size of the farm and the type; (3) lack of initial and working capital; (h) poor management of land, labour, capital; (5) lack of desire or initiative to improve; (6) availability of off-farm work or the lack of available farm labour; (7) con• flict of competition between urban and rural development; (8a) competition from imported farm produce at prices below cost of local production and often grown on lands reclaimed largely by Federal Finances; (8b) vertical integration in the United States and Eastern Canada has resulted in commodi• ties so produced breaking the Vancouver market; (9) high prices of farm land, for in many areas land is sold not at prices that could be paid from agri• cultural production, but at sub-division values for residential or commer• cial use; (10) lack of sound marketing co-operatives; and (ll) adverse
As a comparison, ARDA in its report Economic and Social Disadvan• tage in Canada, some Graphic Indicators of Location and Degree (196U) uses an agricultural sales value per holding of less than $2,500 to distinguish the low income farms. - 11 -
freight rates. Steacy (1959*U3) points out, however, that since many of
the small farms are not "problem" holdings and are indeed quite successful
it would appear that the critical feature is how many of the adverse fact•
ors indicated above are involved in any one individual enterprise.
With regard to the Fraser Valley, Steacy (1959:l6) suggests that
two factors are particularly significant in explaining the high incidence
of small farms in this region. These are the favourable moderate climate
and the proximity of an urbanised area with its industrial employment, re•
sulting in many of the small farms being operated by semi-retired or part-
time farmers. With regard to the city worker who attempts some agricultur•
al production, Steacy (1959:l6) states that operators in this group are fre•
quently unable, unwilling or lack the managerial knowledge to produce a
quality commodity for a competitive market. One of the most important ob•
servations that Steacy makes is that these part-time or semi-retired farm•
ers should not be confused with those farmers who acquired land intending
to be full-time operators but who were forced to seek off the farm employ•
ment in order to make a living, or whose farm operations, while requiring
full-time services, do not provide net incomes that will ensure an adequate
standard of living for themselves or for their families (ibid;l6).
In an article on agriculture in British Columbia, Palmer (1953:
111) refers to the increase in the number of small holdings especially in
the Fraser Valley and indicates that many of the operators have become
small holders because the high wage scales in British Columbia have forced
them to operate the size of holding which necessitates no outside labour.
In many cases these operators are part-time farmers who regard their agri-
• cultural endeavours as merely a supplementary source of income or even as
a hobby. Palmer (1953:111)> although recognising the fact that small, hold- - 12 -
lugs have Increased the value of agricultural land to a disproportionate level and in many instances represent an uneconomic form of agriculture, points out that these types of holdings have their advantages from the
standpoint of the welfare of the nation. These advantages include the favourable surroundings in which to bring up children, the satisfying of a need to grow plants and raise animals, and the development of suburban and rural communities where people can create much of their own entertain• ment and enjoy a rewarding type of life (Palmer 1953:112). Many of these small farm operators subscribe to what McKain refers to as the "chicken farm myth" (McKain, Jr. 1963:27) and fail to recapture a romantic ideal of rural living but they are nevertheless tangible evidence of the breakdown of rural isolation and the subsequent confrontation of urban and rural so
that "some people are in the city but not of it, whereas others are of the
city and not in it" (Pahl 1966:327).
Existing studies indicate that the small farm is frequently an un• economic unit but that many of these holdings are operated on a part-time basis or are used purely as a place of residence. It would therefore seem essential that if a realistic appreciation of the problem is to be obtained, full consideration must be given to the fact that these contrasting levels of small farm operation and ownership do exist.
Identification of Full-time, Part-time and Residential Farmers
Despite the fact that no farm occupier is likely to be motivated by one single reason for owning a farm, it is convenient to classify farm occu• piers into "fairly homogeneous groups by what appears to be the dominant forces activating them" (Gasson 1966:19). In this respect there would seem to be a logical division between the full-time, part-time and residential farmer, although their exact parameters are more difficult to define. - 13 -
Farm Classification has usually taken into account one or more of the follow• ing: the value of agricultural products sold, the relative time spent by the farm operator at either agricultural Or non-agricultural work and the rela• tive income obtained from farm and non-farm sources.
Two papers dealing with the problem of farm classification (Benedict et al,19hh) and (Bachman et al.19)48) took into consideration both the value of agricultural products sold and the time spent by the operator on the farm
(Appendix I). More recent studies have continued to use these limiting cri• teria. The Dominion Bureau of Statistics of Canada takes into consideration all three factors, although the specific capital values used to identify the various classes have varied from census to census (Appendix I). The Agri• cultural Rehabilitation and Development Act (ARDA) "^publication concerned with Economic and Social Disadvantage in Canada (1964) used criteria simi• lar to that used by the 1966 census for distinguishing a farm, an institu• tional farm, and criteria similar to the 1961 census for defining a resi• dential farm. In a report published by the Ontario Economic Council (1966),
People and Land in Transition, the controlling criterion for defining the type of farmer was the relative time spent by the farm operator on and off the farm (Appendix I). Another study dealing with agriculture in Ontario
(Noble 1967) with particular reference to the farm family, uses the relative value of income from on-and off-farm sources as the sole criterion for dis• tinguishing the full-time and part-time farm (Appendix I).
Probably the most difficult division to establish is that between
^On June 22, 1961, the Parliament of Canada assented to an Act "to provide for the rehabilitation of Agricultural Lands and the Development of Rural Areas in Canada". The short title of the Act was changed by Parlia• ment in 1966 to "Agricultural and Rural Development Act" (ARDA). - Ill -
the full-time and part-time farms. The examples cited above have frequent•
ly used a combination of limiting criteria but a somewhat different approach
to the problem was introduced by Ashton and Cracknel! (l°6l). They calcu•
lated the standard labour requirements^ for a twenty per cent sample of
holdings in the June 1955 Agricultural Census for England and Wales, and
in so doing were able to classify holdings by standard labour requirements
into various "size of business" categories. It was found that farms with
less than 275 man-days or the equivalent could be regarded as part-time
holdings irrespective of whether the occupier worked the holding part-
time or not.^ The emphasis was therefore on the holding and the amount of
employment it was capable of providing under existing management, rather than on the status of the occupier. An earlier study dealing with British
agriculture orientated its classification to the status of the occupier, and
the holdings were classified full-time or part-time according to whether or not the occupier was engaged full-time on the holding and dependent on it
for a living (Thomas and Elms 1938).
The National Farm Survey of England and Wales (1941-3) classifica•
tion was also based on the status of the occupier rather than on the crop• ping and stocking qualities of the holding. In a more recent study by
Gasson (1966) only a simple distinction was drawn between full-time and
-'Standard labour requirements (as used by Ashton and Cracknell) re• late to a standard man-day of eight hours of adult male labour needed for the cultivation of the acreage of crops and care for the number of livestock on a given holding, assuming average rates of working.
^Ashton and Cracknell (1961:478) cite a study by Sturrock (1950) which indicated that in agriculture a full-time man worked approximately 275 days a year, including time spent on maintenance. In spite of some changes in the conditions of employment since then the figure is still broad• ly correct and regarded as providing a useful dividing line between full- time and part-time work. -Im• part-time farmers. Part-time farmers included recipients of pensions and private incomes and also retired persons, although in a strict sense they may have had no income yielding occupation. Full-time farmers were those whose livelihood depended on their success in farming andwho had no other comparable source of income (Gasson 1966:20).
The whole problem of classification would therefore seem to revolve around the question of whether the classification is pertaining to the farm holding or to the farm occupier. In the present study where the type of farm occupier is of prime concern the criteria for establishing the classi• fication are related to the relative working time spent by the occupier on on-farm and off-farm work and the income obtained from the associated activ• ity. It was eventually decided that the full-time, part-time and residen• tial farm operators would be defined as follows: the full-time operator is one who spends less than 100 days on off-farm work, or where at least 51 per cent of the family living income is contributed by the farm; the part-time operator is one who spends more than 100 days on off-farm work, or where at least 51 per cent of the family living income is derived from sources other than from the farm; and the residential farm operator is one who received less than $250 from agricultural sales over the preceding twelve months irrespective of the time he spent on the farm. The author recognises that the criteria used for distinguishing the three types of farm operators would not be adequate for all studies but nevertheless seem appropriate terms of reference for the present one. He therefore endorses the view of Jones
(1957:202) that "there is no single type of farm classification which will suit all purposes" and that the use of any farm classification is limited to within the narrow sphere for which it is suitable (Chisholm 1964:102). CHAPTER II
THE EVOLUTION OF AGRICULTURE IN THE LOWER MAINLAND
In order to meet the requirements implied by the topic of this study it was important to choose an area for investigation in which the small farm was likely to be a strong and clearly defined phenomenon, and in which the geographical setting was likely to have promoted the presence of full-time, part-time and residential farmers. The first part of this chapter presents statistical evidence primarily obtained from the 1951 and 1961 Census which illustrate the suitability of the area selected. This line of evidence is then supported by a brief description of the physical environment and his• torical geography with particular emphasis on those characteristics which may have affected the presence of small farms in the area.
Suitability of the Lower Mainland as a Study Area
The Lower Mainland of British Columbia was chosen as the area of study for a number of reasons. Firstly, the Lower Mainland contains a high percentage of the total number of small farms in British Columbia. With res• pect to census farms of under ten acres, the number of farms reported for
Census Division k^" was 53 per cent of the provincial total in both 1951 and
1961. Farms of under ten acres are also an important size range of farms within Census Division k itself. In 1951 they were 36.2 per cent of the
Census Division No. k includes the villages of Squamish, Sechelt, Gibson's Landing, unorganised areas and Indian Reserves on Sechelt Peninsula, around Harrison Lake, north of Hope, in addition to the Lower Mainland Region (Fraser Valley plus Census Metropolitan area). - 16 - - 17 - total number of farms and 35.5 per cent in 196l (35.0 per cent in 1966).
It must be remembered that since this study has used the size limit of 21 acres to distinguish the small farm, a considerable number of these farms are contained within the census farm size group of ten to sixty-nine acres and are therfore not identifiable from the census figures as a discrete size group.
Table I also shows that except for the farm size group of 10-69 acres, the farm size group of 3-9 acres formed the largest percentage of the total number of farms involved for both Census Division k and Matsqui
Municipality.
The Lower Mainland was also chosen because it is a city-orientated region (Fig.l). Urban influences will continue to radically change rural life in the twentieth century (Saville 1966:35) and there is no longer a clear demarcation between "agriculture", "rural industrial", "rural urban fringe", and strictly "urban" population (Newman 1966:225). With this in mind and the fact that the part-time and residential farmers are reflections of urbanisation in the rural landscape, it would be convenient but quite unrealistic to study the small farm situation in isolation from this ex• panding phenomenon. In addition, results of empirical studies both in
North America and Britain have clearly shown that the agricultural activi• ties of an area are influenced by both the level of urbanisation within the area and the accessibility of that area to a metropolitan centre (An• derson and Collier 1956) and (Gasson 1966).
By choosing the Lower Mainland a region was selected which is not only the most important agricultural area in British Columbia, but one which is subject to the metropolitan dominance of the third largest city in Canada. - 18 -
TABLE I
RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF FARM SIZE GROUPS IN CENSUS DIVISION 4
AND CENSUS SUB-DIVISION 1*0, MATSQUI MUNICIPALITY 195l-196la
53557 I~6l 1951-1961 Farm Size Census Census Census Groups Division 4 Matsqui Division 4 Matsqui Division 4 Matsqui
Under 3 acres 3.80b 3.7b 9.10b 4.7b +5.3C +1.0C 3-9 32.40 24.2 26.40 22.0 -6.0 -2.2 10-69 52.70 63.7 49.90 62.1 -2.8 -1.6 70-129 7.40 6.6 9.60 9.1 +2.2 +2.5 130-179 2.10 1.5 2.70 1.3 +0.6 -0.2 180-239 0.80 0.2 1.10 0.6 +0.3 +0.4 240-399 0.60 0.1 0.80 0.2 +0.2 +0.1 400-559 0.10 0.0 0.20 0.0 +0.1 - 560-759 0.05 0.0 0.08 0.0 +0.03 • 760-1119 o.ou 0.0 0.05 0.0 +0.01 - 1120-1599 0.00 0.0 0.03 0.0 +0.03 - 1600 & above 0.01 0.0 0.04 0.0 +0.03 -
Derived frora Canada Census 1951 and 1961.
b Number of farms in each size group expressed as a percentage of total number of farms.
0 Change of number of farms in each size group with 1961 figures expressed as a percentage of 1951 figures for corresponding group.
Number of farms in Census Division 4 - 1951, 9,985; 1961, 7,369; Matsqui Municipality 1951, 1,498; 1961, 1,276.
The most distinctive feature concerning the Lower Mainland is Metropolitan
Vancouver's position as the financial and commercial centre of British
Columbia and the province's central clearing house (B.C. Department of
Agriculture 1967:44). In 1961 the Lower Mainland's population was
893,619 with Vancouver's Metropolitan area accounting for 790,165, and the estimated numbers for 1966 were 1,034,000 and 910,650 persons respectively
(L.M.R.P.B. 1957). Further expansion of the Vancouver Metropolitan area Figure 1. Location of Matsqui Municipality in relation to the Lower Mainland would seem assured, but whereas Vancouver City increased at an average annual rate of 1.2 per cent between l°6l and 1966, the growth rates of the peripheral municipalities were considerably higher; Burnaby showed a
2.1 per cent increase, Surrey 2.7 per cent, West Vancouver U.3 per cent,
Richmond 2.9 per cent, and Delta 7.1 per cent (B.C. Department of Agri• culture 1967iUB)' Irrespective of the specific geographical location of the greatest population increase in the years ahead, the L.M.R.P.B. (1957) estimated that by 1981 the Lower Mainland would have a population of
2,912,000 with Metropolitan Vancouver accounting for 1,278,700 of the regional total.
The breakdown of the rural population into farm and non-farm is also an indication of the effect of urbanisation within an area, for a large non-farm sector in the rural population is to a considerable extent dependent upon the availability of employment of a non-primary productive nature which is generally found in an urban area. In 1961, although 36.3 per cent of the total farm population in British Columbia lived in Agricul• tural Region k (Lower Mainland), they represented only 3.h per cent of the total population in the region (Allin 196*4:L43).
Table II shows the breakdown of the rural population in Census Div• ision h for the years 1951, 1956, 1961, and 1966, illustrating the high percentage of non-farm population within the rural category. For the years
1951, 1956, 1961, and 1966 the non-farm population as a percentage of the rural population was 62.1 per cent, 65.7 per cent, 79.9 per cent, and 76.9 per cent respectively. In addition, the rural farm population includes those persons who reside on farms but who derive their incomes from non- - 21 -
TABLE II
URBAN-RURAL POPULATION BREAKDOWN FOR CENSUS DIVISION I4 1951, 1956, 1961, 1966a
1951 1956 1961 1966
Total Population . 649,238 767,921 907,531 1,021,791 Total Urban Population 544,668 683,829 772,998 899,741 Total Rural Population 104,570 84,092 134,533 122,050 Farm Population0 39,615 28,852 27,022 28,244 Non-Farm Population 6h,9^ 55,240 107,511 93,806
a Derived from Canada Census, 1951, 1956, 1961 and 1966.
The definition of rural and urban for the 1966 and 1961 Census was substantially the same as that used in 1956. The 1966 and 1961 definition specified that all cities, towns and villages of 1,000 and over, whether incorporated or not, were classed as urban, as well as urbanised fringes of:
(i) cities classed as metropolitan areas (ii) those classed as other major urban areas (iii) certain smaller cities, if the city together with the urbanised fringe was 10,000 population or over. The remainder of the pop• ulation was classed as rural. The main difference from 1956 re• sults from the exclusion of any non-urbanised fringes within metro• politan areas, and the inclusion of urbanised fringes adjoining those cities covered in (iii) above.
The classification of "rural farms" comprises all persons living on such holdings that are classed as farms regardless of the occupier's occupation. In 1966 a census farm was defined as a holding of one acre or more with sales of agricultural products during the previous twelve months of $50.00 or more. The definition of a "census farm" was similar in 1961. In 1956 and 1951 a census farm was defined as a holding on which agricultur• al operations were carried out and which was:
(i) three acres or more in size or (ii) from one to three acres in size and with agricultural production dur• ing the previous year valued at $250.00 or more.
Part of the decrease shown for the rural farm population in 1961 and 1966 is due to the change in farm definition from that used for the 1951 and 1956 census. - 22 - 2 agricultural pursuits. The future trend would seem to be that more and more people will settle in the surrounding countryside, particularly within convenient com• muting distance of Metropolitan Vancouver.
Matsqui Municipality as the Specialized Study Area
Within the Lower Mainland, Matsqui Municipality was singled out for specialised study since it is reasonably representative of the agricultural pattern of the Lower Mainland and is within commuting distance of the Van• couver Metropolitan area. Table I shows that not only do farms under ten acres form a significant percentage of the total number of farms in Matsqui
Municipality, 27.2 per cent and 26.7 per cent in 1951 and 1961 respectively, but that the relative importance of each size group and the trends in the number of farms in each group between 1951 and 1961 were extremely similar to those taking place within the Lower Mainland as a whole. The reliability of Matsqui Municipality as a representative area of Lower Mainland agricult• ure is further indicated by reference to Table III and Table IV. These two tables illustrate the strong similarity in .the relative importance of differ• ent types of land use and farm tenure in the two areas.
In addition, the Regional Index of British Columbia (1966:1610 in des• cribing the general pattern of agriculture in the Lower Mainland and Matsqui
Municipality assigns prime importance to dairying and poultry in both cases, with small fruits and vegetables providing extra income.
The evidence of a number of studies has confirmed that there is a
2 • The Rural population includes those populations not living in cit- . ies, towns and villages of 1,000 and over, whether incorporated or notj the urbanised fringes of these centres, in all cases where the population of the city or town together with its urbanised fringe amounts to 10,000 or more. The farm population is that population irrespective of their occupation re• siding on a holding which is defined by the census as a farm. - 23 -
TABLE III
COMPARISON OF AREA AND USE OF FARM LAND IN CENSUS DIVISION li
AND MATSQUI MUNICIPALITY FOR THE YEARS 1951 AND 196la
CensusMatsqui Land Use Division 4 Municipality
Total Area of Occupied Farm Land:*3 1951 304,291 acres 39,492 acres 1961 274,588 37,661
Area of Occupied Farm Land Owned: 1951 262,337 86.22° 36,770 93.12° 1961 213,066 77.62 31,292 83.12 Area of Occupied Farm Land Rented: 1951 41,954 13.82° 2,722 6.92° 1961 61,522 22. k% 6,369 16.92
Total Area of Improved Farm Land; 1951 202,089 66.42° 23,413 59.32° 1961 198,458 72.32 26,399 70.12 Total Area Under Crops: 1951 112,684 55.72d 12,310 52.62-1 1961 108,492 54.72 13,473 51.02 Total Area Under Summer Fallow: 1951 1,375 0.72d 167 o.72d 1961 1,467 0.72 230 0.92
Area Under Pasture: 1951 73,144 36.22d 73,630 1961 8,926 38.12 10,583 40.12 Other "Improved Farm Land: 1951 14,886 7.42d 2,010 8.62d 1961 14,869 7.52 2,113 8.02 Total Area of Unimproved Farm Land: 1951 102,202 33.62° 16,079 40.72° 1961 76,130 27.72 11,262 29.92 Total Area of Farm Woodland: 1951 62,648 61.326 10,690 66.52s 1961 32,704 43.02 6,774 60.12 Other Unimproved Farm Land: 1951 39,554 38.72s 5,389 33.52s 1961 43,426 57.02 4,488 39.92
Derived from Canada Census, 1951 and 1961.
Area expressed in acres. c
Area expressed as a percentage of total area of occupied farm land.
dArea expressed as a percentage of total area of improved farm land.
6Area expressed as a percentage of total area of unimproved farm land. - 2h -
TABLE IV
COMPARISON OF OPERATORS AND TYPE OF FARM TENURE IN CENSUS DIVISION 4
a AND MATSQUI MUNICIPALITY FOR THE YEARS 1951 AND 196l
Census Matsqui Type of Farm Tenure Division U Municipality
Total Number of Farm Operators: 1951 9,985 1,498 1961 7,369 1,276
Total Number of Owners: 1951 8,747 87.6#b 1,384 92. 1961 5,993 81.3% 1,094 85.72
Total Number of Managers: 1951 124 1.2%h 15 1.0#> 1961 65 0.9% 6 0.52
Total Number of Tenants: 1951 505 5.l2b 41 2.72b 1961 509 6.9% 59 4.62 Total Number of Part Owner- 1951 609 6.l2b 58 3.92b Part Tenant: 1961 802 10.9% 117 9.22
Derived from Canada Census, 1951 and 1961. •u Number of operators in each type of farm tenure class expressed as a percentage of the total number of farm operators. strong relationship between urban influence and part-time and hobby farming
(Gasson 1966:25) and that the incidence of part-time farming varies with dis• tance from the urban centre (Harrison 1965), that is the proportion of part- time farmers increases with proximity to the urban area. Goldsmith and
Copp (19645343) indicated that the average size of farms tends to decrease in metropolitan counties and most non-metropolitan counties as the size of the largest urban place in a county increases. In Britain, Ashton and
Cracknell (1961) have shown that there is not only a positive relationship between urbanisation and the occurrence of small farms but there is a fur• ther interrelationship between urbanisation, small farms, and the part- - 25 - time farmer.
The high incidence of small farms in Matsqui Municipality has al• ready been shown (Table I), and the fact that it does come within the metro• politan dominance of Vancouver is further illustrated by the fact that the area is within commuting distance of the downtown area. Figures published by the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board (1963b) showed that the resi• dential development pattern tenninated at approximately 55 to 60 minutes driving time from dox-mtoxm Vancouver and that the 60 minute driving time choropleth passed through the Maple Ridge area (L.M.R.P.B., 1963b). Since then the development of the "Burnaby Throughway" has meant that even the
Abbotsford-Clearbrook area is within this 60 minute driving time choro• pleth. Further evidence of this commuting factor is shown by the results of a survey of the labour force in the Abbotsford-Mission area. The fig• ures indicated that 30.7 per cent of the working population living in the
Abbotsford area found employment in the Greater Vancouver area (L.M.R.P.B.,
1956:23).
The suitability of Matsqui Municipality as a study area is therefore clearly illustrated since it contains a large number of small farms, is representative of Lower Mainland agriculture and exhibits extremely favour• able conditions for the occurrence of full-time, part-time, and residential farmers.
Physical Geography of Matsqui Municipality
The roughly triangular shaped Lower Mainland of British Columbia ex• tends ninety miles east to west and broadens to approximately thirty miles wide at the seax-rard end between the Coast Mountains and the Canada-United
States Boundary. Within this area of approximately one million acres, which if it were circular xfould have a radius of only sixteen miles (L.M.R.P.B.,
1963a:10, the population density is over 1,000 per square mile and average - 26 - farms are only 34 acres in size (Winter 1968:101). The dominant physio• graphic feature of the Lower Mainland is the Fraser River valley, to the north and south of which are wide, relatively flat topped uplands separ• ated by wide, flat bottomed valleys (Armstrong and Brown 1954s35>l). Most of these east-west orientated uplands consist largely of unconsolidated de• posits and rise abruptly from the intervening valleys by a series of wave cut and river cut terraces (ibid:3?l).
The western part of Matsqui Municipality is physiographically part of the Langley Uplands which consist of a core of unconsolidated deposits with rolling hummocky surfaces of glacial till and glacio-marine deposits with a maximum elevation of approximately 400 feet (Armstrong I960:"4). To the southwest of Abbotsford this upland area (also referred to as the
Abbotsford Upland) has a flat terraced surface of glacial outwash which has north-south ridges on its eastern side that rise seventy-five to one-hundred feet above the general surface (Runka and Kelley 1964:3). The Brown Podzol soils associated with these upland areas are usually less fertile and not as well adapted to general farming as are the lowland soils but can become quite productive with irrigation. The upland soils are predominantly classes three and four on the Agriculture Soil Capability Classification^ with top• ography, adverse soil characteristics and moisture limitations in the form of droughtiness being the main limiting factors. A considerable part of the upland area is still tree covered, but there are large areas of early matur• ing crops such as strawberries, potatoes, carrots and other small fruits and
J The classifications adopted by the Soils Sector of the Canada Land Inventory are based on the combined effects of soil and climate and show the land's limitations and general productive capacity for growing the common field crops. The seven classes used range from good arable land Class 1, to unproductive land Class 7 (see Appendix II). - 27 - bulbs as well as the poultry and fur farms and the occasional dairying con• cern (Runka and Kelley 196*4:9). The upland areas are generally associated with the small farms which are either part-time or residential holdings or full-time operations concentrating on the more intensive forms of land use.
The main area of lowland in the municipality is Matsqui Prairie which is situated in the northeast and is bounded in the east by Sumas
Mountain. This comparatively flat lowland of less than 25 feet elevation was formed by Matsqui glacial lake and by the Fraser River (Armstrong I960:
I4). The other main area of lowland is situated in the northwestern corner of the municipality and is the eastern part of the Glen Valley which is also part of the Fraser Lowland. The lowland soils are of post glacial origin and range from two to six on the Soil Capability Classification^. Although
Matsqui Prairie: is protected by dykes, seepage occurs at high water (Runka and Kelley 196)4:9) with the result that excess water or inundation by water and the occurrence of soils with undesirable structure and/or low permeabil• ity severely limit parts of the lowland for agricultural use. The Glen
Valley is not protected by a dyke (ibid:9) and part of the area is adversely affected by inundation by water and excess water caused by poor runoff to
Natham Creek. Organic soils occur in both Matsqui Prairie and the Glen
Valley. The muck soils are suitable for truck farming but the deep peat soils are suitable only for selected crops (such as blueberries or cran• berries) as these soils require careful management for maximum production
(ibid:$5)« Land use in the lowland area is largely orientated to dairying with most of the area being used for hay, silage or pasture, although there
See Appendix II for explanation of the Soil Capability Classifi• cation. - 28 - are scattered areas of specialised crops. Farms in the lowland area also tend to be larger than those found in the upland areas because of the ease of bringing into cultivation the prairie covered floodplain as opposed to the heavy tree cover of the uplands.
The Lower Mainland's marine west coast climate (Chapman 1952:54) has had considerable influence on the developing cultural landscape of the area.
The mean annual temperature range is only 27°F. July and August show a mean of 63°F. while January and February have 37°F. (Verner and Gubbels
1967:2). At Abbotsford the average monthly temperatures for January and
February are 34°F. and 38°F. respectively and 62°F. for both July and Aug• ust. The frost free period for this area is about 166 days with the mean for the last frost in spring being April 2k, and a mean for the first frost in autumn being October 7 (Runka and Kelley 1964:128). Precipitation conditions during the five months from May to September are the most impor• tant for crop growth. In these months forty-two and forty-six per cent of the years of record had less than two inches of rainfall per month at Al- dergrove and Abbotsford respectively (ibid:5). This mean3 that for heavy soils having a water requirement of above five inches during the dry months, there is a deficiency in July and August and in some years in May, June or
September (ibid:5). Particularly on the low-moisture holding soils of the upland areas, most crops would benefit from irrigation at some stage in their development in above eight years in ten (Carne et al. 1965:1).
Despite the extremely favourable climatic conditions prevailing over the Lower Mainland, variations from the norm do occur and have had serious effects on both agricultural and non-agricultural activities in - 29 - the area.'' The mild climate, however, with its maximum of human comfort and a minimum of inconvenience (Stager and Wallis 1968:100) has been an impor• tant factor in attracting immigrants and other Canadians as potential settlers to the Lower Mainland. This is particularly so in the case of many Prairie farmers who have moved to the Lower Mainland to continue farming on a part- time basis or simply to retire on a few acres of land and thus become oper• ators of small farms.
Although the influence of topography and climate on the agricultur• al pattern of the Lower Mainland is detectable it is somewhat dangerous to attempt to seek direct relationships between particular farm patterns and factors of the physical environment. "The latter (relief and climate) really are static in terms of the human time-scale, particularly the time-scale in which business decisions are made, whereas the pattern of farming is constan• tly changing." (ChishoLm 1964:100). This being the case, it is therefore necessary to be aware of the changing patterns of farming that have occurred in the Lower Mainland as some of today's problems associated with the small farm are legacies of nineteenth century pioneers whose twentieth century de• scendants have been confronted with a different economic and social environ• ment.
Historical Geography of Agricultural Development
The first farming operations in the Lower Mainland were associated^ with the founding of Fort Langley in 1827 (L.M.R.P.B. 1962:36). Initially, however, farming was carried out reluctantly as second choice to the early fur trade and gold prospecting (MacGregor 1961:69). With the discovery of
The hard winter of 1964 had a serious effect on the strawberry and raspberry plants in the Lower Mainland. Information obtained from personal communication with Mr. Murray Anderson of Clearbrook Frozen Foods Ltd. on May 31, 1967. - 30 - gold in the Fraser River in 1856 many people came to the Fraser Valley and found not only gold, but an area with considerable agricultural potential, and it was the latter which attracted the first permanent settlers to the
Lower Mainland (White 1937:1+0). In 1862 and 1863 the Chilliwack and Sumas
Valleys attracted many farmers, and there the first attempts at systematic farming were made other than at Fort Langley (Scholfield and Howay 1914*
592). After 1865 agriculture developed in other parts of the Lower Main• land despite certain handicaps and disadvantages.
Compared with other districts in western Canada the price of land was high, the cost of clearing the heavy timber cover was extreme and a considerable part of the low lying areas had to be dyked against flooding during the annual freshet of the Fraser (White 1937:U0)• For these reasons an initial outlay of considerable capital was almost a necessity, and con• sequently many of the holdings were of limited acreage (ibid.). In 1902, for example, land which had little improvement could be purchased for from twenty to thirty dollars per acre in the Abbotsford-Matsqui-Aldergrove area
(Winter 1968:107), but in addition to this initial cost there was often the expense of clearing which averaged 250 dollars an acre for even lightly tim• bered areas (White 1937:123). Another factor which indirectly led to the creation of small farms was the lack of people during the early periods of settlement so that families established themselves within close proximity of one another to mitigate loneliness (Winter 1968:111), thus often pre• venting farm expansion at a later date by descendents of the initial settles.
The early settlers were, however, confident of the agricultural potential of the area. This confidence and the availability of ready markets in the de• veloping population centres of New Westminster and Vancouver and an expand• ing communication network (Howell Jones 1966:35-40) proved sufficient impetus - 31 - to further the development of agriculture in the area. The early optimism expressed for agriculture continued, even though it frequently arose out of ignorance, and a number of publications issued by various municipalities in the Lower Mainland in 1919 were rather pretentious in acclaiming the agri- 6 cultural merit of their repsective areas.
The publication put out by Matsqui Municipality entitled Matsqui -
The Farmer's Paradise, and What You are Looking For, Wealth, Happiness^
Health, Prosperity, Home; Industrial Advantages and Opportunities indicated that the upland area of the municipality appealed to the orchardist, cattle• man, the mixed farmer and the retired home seeker, whereas the lowland areas of Matsqui Prairie and Glen Valley were almost exclusively the demesne of the cattleman (Matsqui 1919 :f>). At this time farming was still very much a way of life rather than purely a business enterprise and the small free• holder formed the backbone of the country (ibid; 7 and 8). In addition part-time farming was already a recognisable feature in the farming pattern of the area. ...The man on ten acres with his half dozen head of stock makes a comfortable living with these and the bye products of veal, pork and poultry, while the district is dotted with even smaller places of five acres, where the man of small means but independent spirit, can assist his neighbours in spring and harvest, or the mill-man and road foreman in their busy weeks, and still maintain his own land, stock and garden in unshackled freedom (Matsqui 1919:7).
Present Agricultural Situation
The subsistence farming which characterised so much of the Lower
Mainland in the latter part of the nineteenth century and early part of the twentieth century was gradually replaced by a more mechanised and market
These publications were almost certainly put out to attract de• mobilised soldiers and new and potential immigrants to the respective muni• cipalities. Under provision of the Soldier Settlement Act of 1917, 802 settlers purchased farms in the Loxrer Mainland, mainly in Chilliwack, Surrey, Langley and Matsqui Municipalities (White 1937:129). - 32 - orientated agriculture. The area of farm land expanded steadily until about
1941 when the amount of land classed as "occupied" farms reached its peak of 330,000 acres. From 1941 to 1966 this total declined^ although the area of "improved" land continued to increase until 1956. These trends are shown in Table V.
TABLE V
CHANGES IN FARM AND IMPROVED FARM LAND ACREAGES IN CENSUS DIVISION 4 A AND MATSQUI MUNICIPALITY FOR THE PERIOD 1921-1966
Census Matsqui Farm Land Division 4 Municipality
Total Area of Occupied Farm Land13 1921 289,687 c 1931 316,472 30,980 1941 330,259 38,425 1951 304,291 39,492 1956 294,033 40,270 1961 274,588 37,661 1966 256,235 37,425 c Total Area of Improved Farm Land 1921 142,583 1931 172,813 14,434 l$4l 196,195 21,474 1951 202,089 23,413 1956 204,016 26,470 1961 198,458 26,399 1966 202,096 29,636
Derived from Canada Census
Area expressed in acres
Not available
' The decline in total farm land has largely been the result of land lost to urban sprawl. Crerar (1962:190) calculated that for each 1000 in• crease in population there is an average loss of 382 acres of farm land on the metropolitan fringe. If this pattern of uncontrolled urban development were to be allowed-to take place in the Lower Mainland the area would lose all its available farm land by 1980 (L.M.R.P.B. 1962:12). - 33 -
In addition to the changing pattern of land use, there has been a reorienta• tion in the type of farm operation and a general trend toward specialisation which has been motivated by the economic necessity of lowering the cost of production (Richter 196)4:6).
The B.C. farmer is a dairy farmer, or a fruit rancher, a cattle rancher, a seed grower, or a broiler producer. He is hardly ever a "farmer" only. (Richter 196)4:6).
Today the Lower Mainland is by far the most productive farming area in the Province of British Columbia, and one of the more intensive agricul• tural areas in Canada. The area accounts for nearly 50 per cent of the to• tal farm cash income of the province with the main types of production being dairying, poultry, vegetables and potatoes, special horticulture crops and small fruits (Table 71). This agricultural pattern is also reflected in
TABLE VI
CROP AND LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION BT CASH INCOME
FOR THE FRASER VALLEY IN 196la
b Vegetables l4,7)49,)46l 60.2P Special Horticulture 3,801,000 6)4.8 Small Fruit 2,632,130 75.2
Potatoes 2,500,000 57.3
Forage (sold) 516,250 27.7 Grain 277,800 U.9
Tree Fruit 87,997 0.6 Forage Seed 28,000 3.6
Dairy 27,998,669 70.9 Poultry Products 17,32)4,It80 66.7 Fur Bearers 2,908,546 85.0 Beef 2,289,000 13.0
Swine 1,01)4,590 39.3 Sheep 69,160 7.2
The Table is taken from a report by Allin (196I4)
Cash Income expressed in dollars
Represents per cent contributed to the B.C. Provincial Total. - 34 - the extent and variety of land use in the Lower Mainland (Table VTl).
TABLE VII
COMPARISON OF AREA AND USE OF FARM LAND IN CENSUS DIVISION 4
a AND MATSQUI MUNICIPALITY FOR THE YEAR 1966
Census Matsqui Land Use Division 4 Municipality
Total Area 6,248,960 54,165 Total Area of Occupied Farm Land 256,235 37,425 Area of Occupied Farm Land Owned 201,359 30,035 Area of Occupied Farm Land Rented 54,876 7,390 Total Area of Improved Farm Land 202,096 29,636 Total Area Under Crops 112,512 15,466 Area Under Summer Fallow 2,280 384 Area Under Pasture 71,151 11,075 Other Improved Farm Land 16,153 2,711 Total Area of Unimproved Farm Land 54,139 7,789 Area of Woodland 23,270 4,146 Other Unimproved Farm Land 30,869 3,643 Number of Farm Operators 6,915 1,205
a Derived from Canada Census 1966
Area expressed in acres
Development of an Agribusiness Attitude. In order to appreciate the small farm situation in the Lower Mainland, certain other features which have not been indicated by Tables VI and VII must be considered. These feat-
> ures are essentially tangible expressions of the changing concept of "rural- ity", and more particularly, a changing pattern of agriculture. Reference has already been made to Richter's observation that specialisation and econ• omies of scale are an integral part of the developing pattern of British
Columbia agriculture (Richter 1964:6). The British Columbia Department of
Agriculture in its report .Agricultural Outlook Conference 1967 pointed out that the projected production figures for the Lower Fraser Valley had been . 35 - calculated on the basis of a gradual change from extensive to intensive agriculture, more production per acre rather than an increased acreage, improved animal and plant breeding, and greater mechanisation, all of which would require sound farm management and more specialised knowledge
(B.C. Department of Agriculture 1967:48). With respect to nearly all these trends the small farmers are at a disadvantage unless their type of enterprises are correctly adjusted to the size of holdings they oper• ate. The full-time farmers on a small unit are often in no financial
i • ! position to buy better stock and plant varieties or toi invest in modern equipment and machinery. The part-time farmers are in an even worse position, however, (with respect to the agricultural situation), in that in addition to the disadvantages experienced by the full-time operators on small acreages, they frequently lack specialised knowledge in the first place and then have little or no time or incentive to make themselves aware of agricultural information and to adopt any agricultural innovations.
Although marketing boards have prevented vertical integration in agriculture taking place in the Lower Mainland to the same extent that it has developed in parts of the United States^ there has been nevertheless an adoption of an agribusiness attitude with a certain degree of vertical integration in the region (Richter 1964:3) and this trend would seem likely to increase in the future. Vertical integration by contract farming usually implies the specification of prices, amounts and quality of the product in• volved (Hamilton 1958:5). In most cases, whether the contract involves small fruit, fluid milk, eggs or broilers, a significant feature of the arrangement is the prerequisite imposed by the contractor to receive large quantities of
Information obtained from personal communication on June 6, 1967 with Mr. C. W. Wood of the British Columbia Department of Agriculture, Poul try Division Branch at Abbotsford. - 36 - the produce at a standard quality from the farmer. For example, in the small fruit industry many contractors encourage the elimination of the small producer by establishing unfavourable rates for those berry growers Q who deliver insignificant quantities of fruit . A similar pattern occurs in the egg marketing situation where egg stations encourage the delivery of large quantities of eggs by'offering one cent per dozen more for large deliveries^. The small producer is also handicapped with regard to crop insurance, a feature which has become of greater necessity with the increase in specialisation and the reliance by the farmer upon a single crop to pro• vide the major part of his income. A producer can qualify for the crop
insurance plan sponsored by the Government of British Columbia and Canada
only if his annual income from the specific crop or crops to be insured
is at least 2,000 dollars (B.C. Department of Agriculture 1968:4).
The reorganisation of resource use on individual farms resulting
in intensification and specialization and the adoption of an agribusiness
attitude in order to compete successfully with external producing areas would seem to put the small farmer at a disadvantage in almost every res• pect, particularly if he is a part-time operator. Nevertheless, the small
' Clearbrook Frozen Foods Ltd. of Clearbrook in Matsqui Municipality stipulate in the introductory note to their contract agreement for 1967, that growers whose total delivery of strawberries, and/or raspberries, is less than 2,000 pounds will receive one cent per pound less than the estab• lished grower price, and for amounts of no more than 200 pounds of fruit in a season, the price paid will be three cents per pound less than the es• tablished grower price. Despite these penalties, however, 65 per cent of the raspberries received by Clearbrook Frozen Foods come from growers with holdings of 5 to 8 acres or less and 5 per cent of the strawberries come from holdings of a similar size range. (Information obtained from personal communication on May 31, 1967 with Mr. Murray Anderson of Clearbrook Frozen Foods Ltd., Clearbrook).
Information obtained from personal communications on June 6, 1967 with Mr. C.W. Wood of the British Columbia Department of Agriculture, Poul• try Division Branch at Abbotsford. I
- 37 - ' farmer still produces a significant percentage of the total agricultural output of the Lower Mainland (MacGregor 1961:83).
Consequences of Urban Growth. Despite the Lower Mainland's im• portance as an agricultural area, concern was expressed, particularly in the early years of this decade, about the continuation of a viable agri• culture in the region (L.M.R.P.B. 1962:22). This concern grew largely out of the fear that existing agricultural areas would be overwhelmed by urban expansion. Since that time, however, the implementation of zoning regulations and a more positive approach to the conservation of agricul• tural land has meant that this fear has subsided considerably and that the situation is now a far more optimistic one for farming.Neverthe• less, the confrontation of urban and rural interests continues to exist and affect not only those areas on the periphery of the city in the urban- rural fringe, but also those areas seemingly remote from urban influences.
Associated with this pattern of development are high land values, unequal municipal taxation and the fragmentation and subdivision of farm holdings to create uneconomic units.
At the present time farm land in the Lower Mainland sells at be• tween 750 and 2,000 dollars an acre if under cultivation (Winter 1968:
108). In Matsqui Municipality the value of cleared farm land is approxi• mately 750 to 1,000 dollars an acre near the Canada-United States Border,
650 dollars on Matsqui Flats, 600 dollars in the area around Bradner, and approximately IjOO dollars an acre in the western part of the municipality
^ Information obtained from personal communication on June 7, 1967 with Mr. V.J. Parker, Executive Director of the Lower Mainland Region• al Planning Boai-d. - 38 - 12 near Aldergrove. Land clearing for agriculture is still an expensive proposition, and costs vary from between 100 and 25(0 dollars an acre de• pending on the type of timber cover.^ (In comparison, land values with• in the Abbotsford-Clearbrook urban area can be over 5,000 dollars an acre)
Substantial areas of potential agricultural land in the Lower Main• land have already been lost to urban sprawl, and experiences both in the
U.S.A. and Britain have shown that unless zoning regulations are intro• duced and strictly adhered to, spreading urbanisation eventually over• whelms almost all farm land because the land is less intensively developed than the land of the city. Prior to the complete elimination of agricultur• al land, however, there is a stage when agricultural and urban interests overlap, with the result that bona fide farmers are not only priced off the land because of high land values, but also because of increased tax- ' ation to meet the cost of servicing the surrounding subdivisions. Lower
Mainland Regional Planning studies in 1954 showed that at that time farm• ers residing in municipalities which were partly urban and partly rural paid more into municipal funds than they received in services (L.M.R.P.B.
1962:45 and 46). In addition, the pattern of assessment associated with this situation penalised the larger farm operation and in so doing encour• aged the subdividing of the farm holding (ibid.). The present situation would appear to be more favourable to the farmer, however, in that the
Information obtained from personal communication on June 6, 1967 with Mr. A. Summerville, Land Assessor for Matsqui Municipality.
13 Ibid.
~* Information obtained from personal communication on June 6, 1967 with Mr. M.L. Loeppky, President of Clearbrook Realty and Insurance Agency Ltd., Clearbrook. I
- 39 - assessed value for a farmer is in reality about 2$ per cent of the actual value, whereas for a non-farm resident it is $0 per cent of the actual
n 15 value.
The fragmentation and subdivision of farm land to create small hold• ings of five acres or less, not only encourages urban sprawl (Foerstel I96J4:
IJ46), but also limits the type of enterprise that can be carried on. The smaller the unit, the fewer the alternatives open to the farmer. Figures issued by the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, although not being precise limitations, are useful guidelines in this respect.
A farm of J4O acres or more can support any of the common types of agriculture in the Fraser Valley. A 20 acre farm can support small fruits, but not successful dairying. At 10 acres the limit of successful small fruit farming is reached. On 5 acres only the most intensive kinds of farming can be supported successfully (that is, as full-time activities) such as poultry, pigs and mink (L.M.R.P.B. 1962:15).
Many of the holdings classified as farms by the census in the Lower Main• land fall within the five acre or less category (Table I), and the number of farms in this group are increasing as subdivision increases.
Zoning as a major tool in conserving farm land is already in oper• ation in parts of the Lower Mainland (Ulmer 196U), and the Lower Mainland
Regional Planning Board in its Official Regional Plan for the Lower Mainland
Planning Area*"-^ has suggested the subdivision size limits for rural areas in
1$ Information obtained from personal communication on June 8, 1967 with Mr. A.H.W. Moxon, Municipal Clerk, Matsqui Municipality. 16 ^ Official Regional Plan for the Lower Mainland Planning Area was initially adopted by the Lower Mainland Planning Board and the Member Municipalities and then enacted as law by the Provincial Order-in-Council on August 29, 1966. I
- ho -
the region, which would insure that "the Region's supply of arable land be retained in large parcel sizes to promote economic farm activity, and that
resource-orientated land be retained in large parcels to facilitate future
development" (L.M.R.P.B. 1966:6). Three types of rural areas have been identified in the Regional Plan. The "Acreage Rural Areas" are areas of predominantly small holding parcel sizes with some potential for, or lo•
cation adjacent to future expansion, and have a parcel size limit of not less than five acres (ibid:6). A parcel size limit of not less than ten acres has been assigned to the "Upland Rural Areas", and the "Lowland
Rural Areas" have a parcel size limit of not less than twenty acres
(ibid.).1?
The discussion of the physical geography and the historical geo•
graphy of the development of agriculture in the Lower Mainland has attempt• ed to give sufficient background material to the small farm situation in the region in order that the more discrete data dealt with in the following
chapters be considered in their correct perspective.
Sources of Primary Data
Although the Agricultural Census for British Columbia and existing studies such as those of Richter (1961;) and Allin (1964) provide valuable elucidation of the agricultural pattern and other salient background detail to the present study, they do not attempt to identify in detail those charac-
17 Matsqui Municipality, as a Member Municipality of the Lower Main• land Regional Planning Board has organised its zoning by-laws to largely co• incide with the Official Regional Plan. In addition, the municipality has assigned a 1-a acre parcel size limit for small holdings which will act as a buffer zone between the urban and rural areas, (information obtained from personal communication on June 6, 1967 with Mr. A. Summerville, Land Assessor for Matsqui Municipality). - Ui -
teristics associated with the small farm situation. The present study, in
contrast, is an investigation of a particular aspect of the agricultural pattern, and, this being the case, it is necessary to treat the problem at a different scale from that used by Richter and Allin. Instead of thinking of British Columbia agriculture as a uniform entity undergoing recognisable
change, it is necessary to regard the situation as one in which separate farm units react in their own way to changing external social and economic circumstances, and each of which has its own complicated internal structure
to generate its own change. In order to obtain adequate information to in• vestigate the small farm problem at this dimension, it was necessary to use a confidential interview schedule.
This study is largely based on a random sample of farms of under 21 acres located within Matsqui Municipality in the Lower Mainland of British
Columbia. The sampling frame used was the "Real Property Appraisal Cards" for those holdings identified as farms by the Assessment Departaent of Mat- 18 squi Municipality. The universe consisted of 881 farms of under 21 acres , 19 on the assessment list in January 1967. A random sample of 7.9 per cent
l8 — Holdings within Matsqui Municipality are classed as farms if they meet the requirements described below. This ruling has been effective since I960. The holding is more than five acres and is used for bona fide agri• cultural/horticultural production, and includes poultry, bee and fur farm• ing, or where the holding is less than five acres but more than two and if the owner signs a statutory declaration under oath that he makes more than fifty per cent of his total annual income from the agricultural production attributed to the legally described parcel of land, (information supplied on June 6, 1967 by Mr. A. Summery-ille, Matsqui Municipality Land Assessor). 19 For more information as to the identification of the universe see Appendix III, - U2 - was drawn by means of a table of random numbers. This sample consisted of
70 farmers, and of this number 1*0 operators (4.5 per cent of the universe) 20 completed the interview schedule. The Interview schedule (Appendix 17) used was designed largely with reference to the Socio-Economic Interview
Schedule used by the Socio-Economic Sector of the Canada Land Inventory in British Columbia, and the questionnaire adopted by the Food and Agri• cultural Organisation of the United Nations for its inquiry into the
"Small Farm Problem" as carried out by the European Commission for Agri• culture.
The field survey and interviews were conducted by the author from
May 8 to May 25, 1967, and of the forty interviews completed, 23 (57.5 per cent) were with the husband, 13 (32.5 per cent) were conductedT^wAth the wife, and k (10.0 per cent ) were conducted with both the farm operator and his wife present. After editing for consistency of response the data were punched on cope-chat processing cards for analysis. It was found that by using the distinguishing criteria discussed at the end of Chapter I, 11
(27.5 per cent) of the respondents were full-time operators, 18 (45.0 per^ cent) were part-time farmers, and 11 (27.5 per cent) were residential farm• ers. The data was then sorted and analysed in terms of these three types of small farm operators.
The interview schedule (Appendix TV) which contained forty-seven questions was designed not only to obtain information on the agricultural
It was found from existing information on the thirty operators who refused to grant interviews, that they were not restricted to any par• ticular size of holding within the 21 acre limit, or to any particular tax assessment group. - U3 - performance of the small farms, but also the relevant data which would help to explain the respondents' motivation for living on farms. In this respect, the interview schedule can be envisaged as being composed of two separate but closely interrelated sections. Firstly, an economic section which was composed, to enable documentation of the economic capacity of the farm family, and secondly, a series of questions orientated to the demographic and social characteristics of the farm families. In the following chapters the data obtained from the interviews are documented and analysed in an attempt1to obtain a better understanding of small farms and their operators. CHAPTER III
ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE FARM FAMILY
The present period in agriculture's evolution may be identified by the replacement of the concept of agrarian fundamentalism explicit in
"farming as a way of life", by farming as an agribusiness system which is integrated into a sophisticated and dynamic economy. Subsequently, the value of farm holdings is generally weighed in terms of their econo• mic productive capacity and the standard of living this affords the oper• ator and his family. Therefore, although the character of small farms de• velops out of the reaction of interrelated socio-economic forces to both internal and external circumstances, it is expedient to investigate initial• ly the economic situation of small farms because it is usually from the fi• nancial standpoint that their value is measured. Chapter III concentrates on the economic base of the farm family and, as a result, takes into con• sideration both agricultural and non-agricultural data. The first part of the chapter examines land tenure, size of holding, type of farm enterprise, land use and capital value in terms of the three types of small farm opera• tor.
Farm Tenure and Distribution
Nearly all of the respondents owned their property and of the ten per cent that did not, half were managers and the other half were tenant farmers. Eight full-time operators (72.7 per cent) indicated that they owned their property whereas two farmers in this category (18.2 per cent) were managers and one respondent (9.1 per cent) was a tenant. In the case - hh - - \6 - of the part-time farmers, all eighteen respondents were owner-occupiers. Of the eleven residential occupiers, ten (90.9 per cent) were owners and only one (9.1 per cent) reported that he was a tenant farmer.
With regard to the distribution of full-time, part-time and resi• dential farmers in the study area, the Bureau of Economics and Statistics in the Regional Index of British Columbia stated that:
Large areas of upland soils in the Municipality of Matsqui have remained uncleared, and many small holdings are to be found between Abbotsford and Aldergrove, where farming is often carried on as a part-time activity. (Bureau of Economics and Statistics 1966:16U).
In order to obtain an indication of farm distribution in relation to the major physiographic divisions occurring in Matsqui Municipality, the forty
sample farms were plotted by types of operator on a contour base map (Fig.2).
Thfl particular contours shown in Table VIII were chosen because they indi-
. TABLE VIII .
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF SMALL FARM RESPONDENTS
BT PHYSICAL RELIEF IN MATSQUI MUNICIPALITY
Elevation Full-Time Part-Time , Residential All Farms in feet No. % No. % No. a' No. % 0-50 2 18.2 1 5.6 1 9.1 h 10,0 51 - 250 1; 36.3 12 66.6 8 72.7 2k 60.0 251 - J4OO 3 27,3 h ' 22.2 • •1 9.1 8 20.0 Ovior l.i 00 2 18.2 1 5.6 1 9.1 h 10.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 ho 100.0 catod the sigrd.ficent relief features in the study area. The fifty foot contour represents the approximate boundary of the Fraser River flood plain end the 250 foot contour and the 1(00 foot contour give some indication of the upland topography, the maximum elevation of which is just over 1;00 feet.
In the northeast corner of the municipality'-;, however., the western flank of
Sumas Mountain exceeds the 1,000 foot elevation. The distribution pattern -1* -
1 0 12 3
Figure 2. Distribution of Farm Respondents in Matsqui Municipality by Type of Operator - 1*7 - of the small farms in relation to these contour levels is indicated in
Table VIII.
As would be expected, the greatest number of farm respondents (60.0 per cent) occurred in the 51 to 250 foot elevation range and this pattern was similar for the three types of operator categories. This feature is partly a reflection of the fact that farms at this elevation have a safe location above the flood plain and that this area, other than the flood plain itself, is the largest expanse of relatively level land for culti• vation. The low percentage of farm respondents on the lowland area, ten per cent of the total, illustrates two features. Firstly, the heavy tim• ber cover of the uplands restricted the size of farm units and consequent• ly farm density in these areas is greater than on the lowlands (Crerar
1954J2U). Secondly, and perhaps more important, a large number of the farms situated on the flood plain are dairying concerns exceeding the 21 acre size limit used for identifying the small farm in this study. Des• pite the general tendency for larger farms to be situated on the flood plain,1 of the twelve sample farms in the size range of fifteen to twenty acres, only two (16.7 per cent) occurred on the lowlands and only one of these was a dairy unit.
Size of Farm Units
It is often assumed that the part-time farmer with less time to. spend on his holding and with less obligation to make a profit will operate a smaller acreage than the full-time operator, and that the residential far• mer will occupy only the very small holdings (Gasson 1966 :Ii0). Table IX
Information obtained from "Real Property Appraisal Cards" for all holdings identified as farms by the Assessment Department of Matsqui Munici pality. - 48 - indicates the extent to which these assumptions may be applied to the small farms in the survey.
TABLE IX
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF SMALL FARM RESPONDENTS BT
SIZE OF HOLDINGS
Pull-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Farm Sizea No. % No. % No. % No. %
0 - 4 l 5.6 1 2.5 5 - 9 5 45.5 6 33.3 4 36.4 15 37.5 10 - i4 5 45.5 3 16.7 4 36.4 12 30.0 15 - 20 l 9.0 8 44.4 3 27.2 12 30.0
Total ll 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
a Farm size in acres
In terras of acreage, the average size of holding for the forty
farms was 11.,0 acres. The breakdown by types of operator indicated that
the average size for full-time holdings was 10.0 acres, 11.8 acres for
part-time operations and 10.7 acres for residential holdings. Whereas
the full-time and residential farms were concentrated in the 5 to 14 acre
size ranges, the part-time farms occurred most frequently in the 15 to 20
acre range. Although these findings contrast with the assumptions made by
Gasson (ibid.), they are largely explainable by the fact that, whereas her
study in the South East of England included farms of between less than 5.0
and over 300 acres, this study has been restricted to a limited size range
of farm units.
A more meaningful relationship between farm types and the size of holding may be obtained when farm acreages are adjusted to take into con- - 49 - sideration the soil's productive capacity for growing the common field crops.
Noble in a study An Economic Classification of Farms in Eastern Ontario
(1965) used a system whereby the various soil capability classes for agri• culture as identified by the Canada Land Inventory (Appendix II) could be used to calculate the adjusted acreage of holdings in terms of their soil capability. The adjustments used by Noble (ibid:9) were as follows:
1 acre of soil class No. 1 = 1.00 adjusted acre 1 acre of soil class No. 2 = O.87 adjusted acre 1 acre of soil class No. 3 = 0.75 adjusted acre 1 acre of soil class No. 4 = 0.33 adjusted acre 1 acre of soil class No. 5 = 0.25 adjusted acre 1 acre of soil class No. 6 = 0.20 adjusted acre
Class 7 soils were not given an adjusted rating since these soils have no capability for arable agriculture or permanent pasture. Although it may be questionable whether the adjustment values used by Noble would be approp• riate for all farming areas, the fact that he suggested that the economic classification of farms using this criterion "may form the basis of a 'rough benchmark' for land use in dairy general farm units" (farm units which are essentially dairy operations) (ibid:3) would seem to indicate that it is an acceptable one to use for the Lower Mainland.
With reference to the forty sample farms, the acreages of the various soil capability classes for each holding were obtained from the relevant Real
Property Appraisal Cards and the adjusted acreages for the forty holdings were then calculated (Table X) using the adjustment values identified by
Noble (ibid:9).
In order to identify the effect of using an adjusted acreage factor, the relative importance of each farm type to the combined total acreage of the forty sample farms was calculated for both the normal and adjusted acre• age values. Although the total full-time farm area was only 25.0 per cent - 50 - of the combined total area of the forty farms using the normal acreage values, it had increased by 6.2 per cent to register 31.2 per cent of the total adjusted acreage of the sample farms. The importance of the part- time farm acreage decreased by 0.6 per cent to 47.7 per cent of the com• bined total adjusted acreage and the residential farm area decreased by 5.6 per cent to be only 21.1 per cent of the adjusted total area.
TABLE X
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF SMALL FARM RESPONDENTS BT
ADJUSTED SIZE OF HOLDINGS.
Adjusted Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Farm Sizea No. % No. % No. % No. %
0 - I k 36.3 7 38.9 6 54.5 17 42.5 5 - 9 6 54.6 8 44.4 5 45.5 19 47.5 10-14 3 16.7 ." 3 7.5 15-20 l 9.1 1 2.5
Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
a Adjusted farm size expressed in acres.
The above figures indicate that the smaller full-time farm units were in some ways compensated by the fact their soils were of superior capability for agriculture. It is difficult to ascertain the exact reason why the full-time farms were generally located on the better soils, but per• haps the initial full-time operators consciously settled in these areas.
Another factor is the agricultural settlement history of the Lower Mainland.
Most of the early market centres in the Lower Mainland were located on good lowland soils (L.M.R.P.B. 1962:8). Abbotsford, although not being situated on Matsqui Prairie itself, was established on the edge of the Fraser River - $1 - flood plain and was therefore within a short distance of the lowland areas which were initially developed for agriculture because of the lack of a heavy timber cover (ibidtlh). As a result, holdings established at a later date in the vicinity of Abbotsford were restricted to the poorer upland soil areas and were frequently of a limited size. Although these smaller holdings were large enough to support a family at a subsistence farming level in the latter part of the nineteenth and early part of the twentieth century, they have subsequently become part-time or residential farms in a large number of cases. In addition, the farms located on the lower quality soils would be the first ones to be phased out of full-time farming.
An important aspect when dealing with the size of agricultural holdings is whether their acreage has increased or decreased over a certain time period or whether existing land has been cleared and brought into cul• tivation. Part-time farming is often regarded as a step on the ladder to• ward full-size commercial farming, and the change toward this goal is fre• quently attained by enlarging the size of holding in addition to intensi• fying the level of operation. With regard to increasing the size of holdings by means other than by renting or buying existing farm land, the small farmer in the upland areas in particular encounters the serious obstacles of proxi• mity of other holdings and the high cost of clearing new land. This being the case, the newly cleared areas are usually put into intensive use. .
Clearing and improvement of land already held was far more common than expanding the acreage of the holding. Eight (72.7 per cent) of the full-time operators had cleared and improved land, and the numbers reported for the part-time and residential farmers were six (33.3 per cent) and seven
(63.6 per cent) respectively. The high percentage of residential respondents clearing land can be explained by the fact that most of this clearing or im- - 52 - provement was done when the present farmer was operating on a full-time or part-time basis. Although some of the clearing on part-time holdings had been done in anticipation of the operator becoming a full-time operator, for the most part it was to increase output but with the farmer remaining in his present type of operator category. These findings therefore tend to suggest that the part-time farmers may in fact be a restraining influence on the farm size structure in that once established, the operators have little incentive to increase their size of unit but prefer to intensify their oper• ation on their existing acreage.
Choice of Faiw Enterprise
Although the area of Matsqui Municipality is only 5U,l65 acres
(approximately 100 square miles), a sufficiently clear land use pattern does occur within the area to permit some identification of regional spe• cialisation. Gasson's suggestion that farmers are likely to choose the type of farming enterprise suited to their locality (Gasson 1966:34) was therefore investigated by over-laying the sample farms identified by their 2 type of enterprise on the present land use map of Matsqui Municipality.
It was assumed for the purpose of this exercise that regional specialization identifiable from the land use pattern indicated the best type of farming suited to the area involved. The various farm enterprises identified on the forty small farms were, "dairying", "livestock", "poultry", "fruit and vegetables", "speciality crops", and "mixed fanning". A holding was iden-
The present land use maps used were those covering Matsqui Munici• pality at the scale of 1:50,000 (Sumas Map Sheets 92G/1 East and West). The unpublished maps were compiled by the Present Land Use Sector of the Canada Land Inventory in British Columbia from field checking in 1967 and by the use of forty chain air photographs, taken in June 1967. - 53 - tified by one of the above categories when at least half of the farm's in• come came from that type of enterprise. For example, most of the farmers reporting "fruit and vegetables" also kept one or two head of beef and also some poultry largely for home consumption.
The overlay exercise indicated that in the majority of cases, the farmers, irrespective of whether they were full-time, part-time or resi• dential operators, had selected the types of enterprise which were common to their local area. Dairy farms occurred in the dairying area of Matsqui
Prairie and the small fruit and vegetable producers were, for the most part, located in the horticultural area south of Clearbrook and Abbotsford near the Canada-United States Border. The egg producers were situated close to the Clearbrook-Abbotsford urban area, whereas the broiler production units were more widely distributed in the upland areas. The three specialised producers, all of which were bulb or nursery operations, were located in or near the Bradner district which has become important for bulbs and cut flowers. As would be expected, the types of enterprises with the most ran• dom distribution were mixed farming and livestock operations.
With regard to the influence of farm size and ethnic background of the operator affecting the choice of farm enterprise, a study by Gibson com• paring the farming practices of Anglo-Saxon, Mennonite and Dutch farmers in the Chilliwack, Sumas and South Poplar areas of the Lower Mainland, indi• cated that farm size was the paramount factor in the differentiation of the rural landscape (Gibson 1959:183). MacGregor in a later study correctly suggested that Gibson should have gone further in his analysis and investi• gated the possibility that, although the choice of farm size is often con• tingent on the available assets of the farmer, a more important factor is the type of farm enterprise (MacGregor 196l:8l). In this respect, MacGregor - 54 - contrasted the small fruit enterprises of the Mennonites with the larger dairying concerns of the Dutch (ibid.). MacGregor is therefore suggesting that although it would appear that the type of farm enterprise and associa• ted practices are explainable in terms of farm size, this factor is itself dependent upon the decision made by the operator as to the type of farming he wishes to pursue. In addition, the decision-making process involved in choosing the type of farm enterprise is frequently conditioned by the opera• tor's ethno-religious background.
With reference to the present study, it would therefore seem fea• sible to suggest that, although the limited acreage of small farms does imply certain restrictions as to the types of farm enterprise that can be successfully maintained, this factor was taken into consideration by the majority of potential operators before they acquired a holding. In other words, the potential operator decides the specific function or functions the farm unit is to serve for himself and his family and then attempts to obtain a holding which will meet these requirements. As a result, the function the farm serves is reflected in the choice of farm enterprise and the size of the holding. In order to investigate the validity of this assump• tion, a series of tables was calculated to indicate the relationships be• tween type of operator, type of enterprise, size of holding, and intensity of land use. Although Table IX indicated the percentage distribution of farm size by the three types of operators, a considerable variation as to the choice of enterprise was found to occur within these size categories
(Table XI). - 55 -
TABLE XI
PERCENTAGE CORRELATION BETWEEN SIZE OF FARM HOLDINGS
AND TYPES OF FARM ENTERPRISE FOR THE SURVEY FARMS
5 - Farm 0 - 9 10 - 1)4 15 - 20 No. Enterprise No. % . No. % No. %
Dairy- 1 5o.o 1 5o.o Livestock 7 53.8 1 7.7 5 38.5 Poultry- 1 16.7 1 16.7 h 66.6 Fruit and Vegetables 5 62.5 1 12.5 2 25.0 Speciality Crops 2 66.7 1 33.3 Mixed 1 33.3 2 66.7 No farm enterprise 3 60.0 2 UO.O
Total 1 2.5° 15 37.5 12 30.0 12 30.0
Farm size categories in acres.
b Number of farms in each size category expressed as a percentage of the total number of operations reporting that type of enterprise. c Number of farms in each size category expressed as a percentage of the total number of farms in the sample.
Size Factor. Dexter and Barber (1961:2)42) have indicated that al•
though small farmers are almost as efficient as large-scale producers in
their use of resources, the small' farmer frequently does not produce enough
to earn a satisfactory income because of the limitations imposed by the
physical size of the holding. With regard to the Lower Mainland, reference
has already been made to the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board's guide•
lines as to the size of holding necessary to maintain the types of farming
enterprise found within the area (L.M.R.P.B. 1962:15). By studying Table
H with reference to the size and type of enterprise guidelines, it is possible not only to see the relationship between farm size and type of - 56 - enterprise for the forty sample farms, but also which of these operations were likely to be successful as far as the acreage of the holding was con• cerned.
Although both dairy units occurred within the two bigger acreage categories, neither of them ranked within the successful dairy farm size of over twenty acres suggested by the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board
(ibid.). The livestock enterprise covered a wide range of holding sizes, but just over half of them (53.8 per cent) occurred within the 5-9 acre category and the remainder (1*6.2 per cent) were larger than ten acres.
Since most of the livestock enterprises concentrated on calf rearing and some hog production, a ten acre holding and over could possibly support a full-time operation. Only one poultry unit (16.7 per cent) was under the suggested five acre limit, whereas most of the operations (66.6 per cent) occurred on holdings of 10 to lh acres. The fruit and vegetable farms, however, did not compare so favourably with the minimum suggested size limit of ten acres. Five (62.5 per cent) of the holdings were under this limit.
The three nursery and bulb operations were all under intensive operation, al• though two of them were smaller than ten acres. The three mixed farming op• erations were all over the ten acre limit. The fact that all of the opera• tors reporting no type of farm enterprise had holdings of over ten acres implies that the size of unit was not a factor in their decision not to farm. It may therefore he suggested that the size of holding is a signi• ficant factor in explaining the types of farm enterprise which have a rela• tively low intensity of land use, but that this importance diminishes as the intensity of land use' increases.
Before discussing the correlation found between the types of farm operator and their choice of enterprise of the forty respondents, it is - 57 - worth while talcing into consideration some of the findings of other studies.
A four county study in Ohio by Moore and ¥ayt (1957:4) indicated that al• though part-time farmers tended to conform to the dominant type of farming around them and follow about the same combination of enterprises as full- time farmers, they did so with slightly less intensity, particularly in the development of livestock enterprises. Ashton and Cracknell (1961:492) showed in their study of agricultural holdings in England and Wales that for part-time holdings the largest number of "one enterprise types" of operation were poultry, horticulture and cattle. In the case of "combina• tion enterprises", the type most frequently reported was poultry and cattle
(ibid.). The study also indicated that part-time operations with only one or two enterprises were less common than might have been supposed (ibidt
480). Gasson (1966:34) in her study found that part-time farmers as a whole derived more of their output from crops than from livestock, but that part-time farmers faced with the same alternatives tended to select the simpler enterprises which required less attention (ibid:35).
Type of Operator. Although full-time operators had chosen a wide variety of farm enterprises (Table XII) none of them had gone into dairy• ing and mixed farming because, particularly in the case of dairying, a large acreage is required to maintain a successful operation on a full-time 3 basis. For the three full-time livestock operators their type of enterprise was only a temporary status since they were reorganising their farm holdings.
Both full-time poultry operations concentrated on broiler production.
Although dry lot dairying operations can maintain an animal density of more than sixty cows per acre (Gregor 1963:298), this form of o^irying is as yet not.a feature of the Vancouver milkshed as it is in many parts of the United States. Crossfield and Woodward (1961:24) in their survey of dairy• ing in the Fraser Valley indicated that for commercial dairy farms the aver• age animal density was two animal units per acre of pasture. Those operators who had developed fruit and vegetable or speciality crop enterprises were putting high inputs of capital, labour and management into their holdings but were also obtaining relatively high returns.
TABLE XII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF SMALL FARM RESPONDENTS BT
TYPES OF FARM ENTERPRISE
Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Farm Enterprise No. % No. % No. % No. %
Dairy 1 5.6 1 9.0 2 5.0 Livestock 3 27.3 5 27.8 5 145.5 13 32.5 Poultry 2 18.1 k 22.2 6 15.0 Fruit and Vegetables 3 27.3 5 27.8 8 20.0 Speciality Crops 3 27.3 3 7.5 Mixed 3 16.6 3 7.5 No farm enterprise 5 Ii5.5 5 12.5 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 li 100.0 Uo 100.0
An equal number of part-time operators were classed in the livestock category (27.8 per cent) and the fruit and vegetable category, but in most cases, particularly in the livestock enterprises, the units were less in• tensively operated than similar types of enterprise worked on a full-time basis. Three quarters of the part-time poultry operators specialised in egg production, whereas only one (25.0 per cent) produced broilers. Two of the mixed farm occupiers reported that livestock was possibly the most important single aspect of their operation, but that small fruit and poultry formed an invaluable supplementary income. The third operator in the mixed farming class concentrated on small fruit. Of the eleven residential far• mers, five ("45.5 per cent) were operators of livestock enterprises, rearing animals mainly for home consumption. Only one of the five residential - 59 -
farmers reporting no farm enterprise was retired; the others were simply using their holdings as residences.
Although a farmer may report that his holding is a small fruit and vegetable operation or other type of enterprise, it is unlikely that the
total farm area will be under this crop. In order to investigate this sit• uation, the land use types as identified on the "Real Property Appraisal
Cardsfor the forty sample farms were plotted for the three types of small farm operator (Table XIII).
Intensity of Farming Operations. Table XIII clearly indicates that
there is considerable difference in the way the three types of farm opera• tors utilise their land resource. If land use type 3, "specialised crops,"
is taken as an indicator of intensive land use, the higher intensity of land cultivation by the full-time operators as compared with the part-time and residential farmers is clearly illustrated. Not only did more full- time operators report having land under specialised crops (54.5 per cent) than either the part-time (l5.0 per cent) or the residential farmers (9.1 per cent), but this type of land use covered a larger percentage of the to• tal area of the eleven full-time farmers' holdings than was the case for the
two other operator classes. In the case of the full-time farmers, specialised 1
crops accounted for 28.7 per cent of the total combined acreage, whereas this figure was only 8.1 per cent for the part-time and 5.2 per cent for the residential farmers. For unimproved land, indicated as land use type 5 in
Table XIII, the trend is exactly the opposite. Unimproved land accounted for only 8.6 per cent of the combined total acreage of the full-time farms,
^ The land use data on the Real Property Appraisal Cards referred to the situation in 1965. Any significant changes which had occurred since that time were taken into consideration in compiling Table XIII. TABLE XIII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF LAND USE TYPES BY SMALL FARM RESPONDENTS3-
Full-Time . Part-Time Residential All Farms - Land Use Area0 No.c Av. & Area No. Av. % Area No. Av. % Area No. Av. %
Type 1 14.92 81.8 1.7 13.5 23.05 40.0 1.4 10.8 14.77 100.0 1.3 12.5 52.74 90.0 1.5 11.9 Type 2 37.35 45.6 3.4 33.9 99.32 37.5 6.6 46.6 42.27 90.9 4.2 35.9 178.94 80.0 5.6 40.6 Type 3 31.57 54.5 5.3 28.7 17.26 15.0 2.9 8.1 6.10 9.1 6.1 5.2 54.93 32.5 4.2 12.5 Type U 16.79 2.7 5.6 15.3 25.52 22.5 2.8 12.0 10.89 27.3 3.6 9.2 53.20 37.5 3.6 12.1 Type 5 9.44 45.5 1.9 8.6 48.05 32.5 3.7 22.5 43.89 7.3 5.5 37.2 101.38 65.0 3.9 22.9
Total 110.07 100.0 6.4 100.0 213.20 100.0 11.8 100.0 117.92 100.0 10.7 100.0 441.19 100.0 11.0 100.6 9. Land Use data obtained from Real Property Appraisal Cards of the forty sample farms. Area expressed in acres of total combined area under that land use in that farm type. c Number of farms reporting expressed as a percentage of the total number farms in that operator class. d Average acreage of each land use on holdings reporting that type of use. e Acreage of each land use type expressed as a percentage of the total combined area of that farm type. Land Use Types: Type 1 - Farm Buildings and associated uses Type 2 - Cultivated land and/or cuitivatable pasture Type 3 - Specialised crops, for example small fruits Type 4 - Permanent pasture with limitations for other use because of topography Type 5 - Unimproved land - 61 - but this amount had increased to 22.5 per cent of the part-time farms to• tal acreage and 37.2 per cent of the area under residential operation.
In addition to the land use pattern, the number of animal units per holding also indicated that full-time operators farmed more intensively than either the part-time or residential operators in order to attain the economies of scale to maintain a viable farm unit. Although both full-time poultry operators handled four batches each of over 20,000 birds per year, the part- time operator dealt with only four batches of 4,000 broiler birds. It was difficult to make a comparison of the livestock enterprises because the three full-time operators in this type of enterprise were in a change over period when interviewed. However, information gained during the interviews indicated that when back in normal operation they would have more animal units than their part-time counterparts.
It is now possible with reference to Table XIV to summarise and ex• plain some of the more important relationships found occurring between the types of small farm operator, the choice of farm enterprise and the size of holdings.
Interrelationship of Factors. The evidence has shown that the full- time farmers in the small farm survey differed significantly from the part- time and residential operators with respect both to their choice of enter• prises and the complexity and intensity of their farming operations. As . would be expected, the type of enterprise chosen by the operator was reflected in the size of the holding. Where this was not so obvious, the relative a- mounts of cultivated and non-cultivated land on the holding indicated that the farmer had adjusted the cultivatable acreage of the holding to meet the requirements implied by the function of the farm unit. Whereas the farming enterprises chosen by the full-time operators needed constant labour input - 62 -
and managerial attention, the part-time and residential farmers had tended to
select those farming enterprises which were less time consuming. In this res•
pect, the full-time operators ensured that they were gainfully employed
throughout the year and consequently many of them carried other farming en•
terprises in addition to the major one by which they were identified in the
tables. The part-time operators had selected the more seasonal types of enter•
prise and quite often took their annual holidays from their non-farm job at the
peak labour period on their farm while relying on family labour for the greater
part of the time. It was evident from the replies obtained from residential
farmers that any type of farm enterprise was orientated to subsidising the
household food supply. One important feature that is likely to increase in
the future is that many of the types of farm enterprises, traditionally res•
tricted to the full-time operator because of the large labour input, will be
operated by part-time farmers because of the substitution of labour by capi•
tal inputs in the form of automated animal husbandry.
TABLE XIV
PERCENTAGE CORRELATION BETWEEN TYPES OF FARM
OPERATOR AND TYPES OF FARM ENTERPRISE
Farm Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Enterprise No. %a No. % No. % No. %
Dairy 1 50.0 1 50.0 2 5.0 Livestock 3 23.0 5 38.5 . 5 38.5 . 13 32.5 Poultry 2 33.3 h 66.7 6 15.0 Fruit and Vegetable 3 37.5 5 62.5 8 20.0 Speciality Crops 3 100.0 3 7.5 Mixed 3 100.0 3 7.5 No Farm Enterprise 5 100.0 5 12.5 Total 11 100.0 18 loo. b ii 100.0 ho IOO.O
Number of farms in each farm type expressed as a percentage of the total number of farms reporting that type of farm enterprise. Capital Value of Small Farms
The previous sections have used the physical size of the farm unit to measure the size of operation of small farms, without specific economic values being attached to the features identified. Before discussing the small farms in economic terms and attaching capital values to them, it would be expedient to bear in mind the ARDA definition of low income farms, since farms of a limited size are frequently regarded as uneconomic units (Chapter 1). ARM defined full-time lo\j income farms as farms with a total capital value of less than $25,000, gross sales of agricultural products of less than $2,500, and off-farm work by the operator of less than one month during the census year
(Canada Department of Forestry 1964). This original definition was regarded by many as too restrictive, since it identified only the hard core of farm poverty among full-time farmers (Buckley and Tihanyi 1967:33). Adjustments have subsequently been made by ARDA so that a low income farm in the formula for allocating federal funds is now one having a capital value of less than
$2^,000, but with gross sales of up to $3,750 (qbid.). In addition, families
TABLE XV
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT
ESTIMATED TOTAL CAPITAL VALUE OF FARMS
Value Full-time Part-time Residential All Farms No. % No. % No. % No. %
Less than $9,950 2 18.2 l 5.6 2 18.2 5 12.5 9,950- 14,949 3 27.3 3 7.5 14,950- 24,949 5 45.4 10 55.5 2 18.2 17 42.5 24,950- 49,949 2 18.2 6 33.3 4 36.3 12 30.0 49,950 and over 2 18.2 1 5.6 3 7.5
Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0 • - 64 - having less than $3,000 in total income per year are identified by ARDA as sub-marginal or low income households (ibid.).
For the purpose of expressing the size of the forty sample farms in economic terms, the total capital value of the holding was used (Table XV).
This figure took into consideration not only the land and buildings, but al• so the machinery, equipment and livestock. The value reported was an estimate of the market value, and not the original, replacement or assessed value. All of the respondents had a holding total capital value of over $7,45>0, and the highest reported value was $76,000. Land and buildings accounted for the major part of the total value in all cases, and many of the full-time and part-time operators xrere in the process of increasing this value by new building construction or improvements. The three operations in the $49,950 and over category (Table XV") were all poultry farmers with a high level of investment in the large batches of broiler birds and the buildings and equip• ment needed for dealing with intensive production on a large scale. Although no significant pattern could be determined between the capital value of the holding and the type of farm operator, the evidence suggested that the major factor in explaining the variation in the value of the holdings was -the number of animal units involved and the investment in equipment and buildings for dealing with them. This factor is further illustrated by Table XVI, which indicates a wide range of values for the real property taxes, both within the operator classes and between the three types identified. Table XVI indi• cates the value of the real property taxes levied on the respective holdings prior to the application of the occupiers for the Provincial-Home Owners Grant.
Since the home owners grant must be applied to the value of the taxes levied against the lot on which the house is situated and not necessarily to the to• tal property, some of the small farm respondents suffered in that their pro• perty consisted of more than one lot. - 65 -
TABLE XVI
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT
REAL PROPERTY TAXES LEVIED ON THE FARM UNIT3,
Full -Time Part -Time Residential All Farms cf cf Amount No. p No. p No. % No. %
Less than $99 3 27.3 1 5.6 k 36.4 8 20.0 100 - 199 3 27.3 10 55.5 5 145.J4 18 1)5.0 200 - 299 2 18.2 6 33.3 1 9.1 9 22.5 300 - 399 2 18.2 1 9.1 3 7.5 1*00 and over 1 9.0 1 5.6 2 5.0
Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
Data obtained from Tax Records pertaining to the Corporation of the District of Matsqui. The values indicated refer to the "current-year taxes" for 1967.
Factors Affecting Farm Performance
Farm income is not only dependent on the physical capacity of the farm, but also on how efficiently these resources are used. Three aspects of the
farms' organisation which were likely to affect eventual income were selected
and investigated with reference to the three types of farm operator. The
three features studied were farm labour, contact with the District Agricul*
turist and the method of marketing the agricultural product.
Farm Labour. The labour force employed on a farm holding has frequent• ly been used as an indicator of the size of farm business (Chapter l). Gasson
(1966:43) has pointed out that although labour is often regarded as a more ac•
curate measure of the size of farm business than the area of land farmed, it
too has its limitations because its effectiveness is partly dependent upon the proportion of capital, land and management available. No attempt has been made
in this study to utilise the labour input as an indicator of farm efficiency or
size. Instead, the labour input has been studied in terms of the relative im- - 66 - portance of hired labour and unpaid family labour, and which of the types of farm enterprise required a greater labour input than the farm family could supply. Palmer (1953 sill) suggested that the number of small holdings in the Lower Mainland was partly the result of farmers limiting their size of operation to that which would require no outside labour. This being the case, and the fact that labour costs have increased substantially since 1953, it would be expected that hired labour on the small farm is restricted to a minimum because farmers are unable to obtain a labour supply which has already been absorbed by other sectors of the economy paying higher wages.
The survey indicated that none of the forty farms employed outside labour on a full-time basis, and twenty-five (62.5 per cent) of the farm respondents used no hired labour at all. Forty-four per cent of those re• porting no hired help on the farm were the eleven residential farmers. Six
(54.5 per cent) of full-time respondents used no hired labour, while five
(45.5 per cent) used part-time labour only. It was found that all the wives of full-time operators (eight, 72.7 per cent were married) helped substantially on the farm (Table XXI). In the full-time operator category, both poultry operators hired part-time labour, two of the three fruit growers used hired labour, as did the two bulb operations.
Nine (50.0 per cent) of the part-time operators reported that they used hired labour on a part-time basis. In contrast to the full-time operator's wives, only seven (58.3 per cent) of the wives of the part-time operators had no outside occupation and helped substantially on the farm (Table XXI). The following part-time respondents indicated that they used outside labours the one dairy operation, 20.0 per cent of the livestock operations, 25.0 per cent of the poultry operations, 66.7 per cent of the mixed farming enterprises, and
80.0 per cent of the small fruit operations.
The type of farming enterprise was the most significant factor in ex- - 67 - plaining the use of hired labour, but the type of operator was more important
in explaining the number of persons hired. All of the broiler producers took
on outside labour four times a year when the batches of birds were being
shipped. The dairy and livestock respondents indicated that hired labour was only used during the haying season. Hired help on the bulb and small
fruit and vegetable operations was used almost exclusively for picking.
The length of time and the size of the temporary labour force involved on
the different holdings varied considerably, but the average figure was ten
persons for approximately three weeks. Many of the respondents employed per•
sons of under eighteen years of age because they could be paid at a lower
wage scale. Despite the short period of time when outside help was used,
the cost of labour was one of the major expenses in the farm's operation.
It was also generally agreed that the small operator had considerable diffi•
culty in hiring labour because he could not compete with the wage scale
offered by the larger operators and still make a profit.
The amount of unpaid family labour was dependent not only on the type
of occupier and the size of holding, but also upon whether the wife had an
off-farm occupation. In general, however, wives tended to contribute more
to the labour force on non-livestock enterprises than on holdings where an•
imal husbandry was a major concern. The amount of farm labour supplied by
the children of operators depended more on age than upon the sex of the in•
dividuals concerned.
Contact with District Agriculturist. One of the main sources of in•
formation and advice for farm operators is the District Agriculturists, and
it has been shown that farmers who have more contact with him show a higher
rate of adoption of new farm practices (Rogers and Capener I960). Of the
four District Agriculturists stationed in the Lower Mainland, one is located
at Abbotsford. Two levels of contact with the District Agriculturists were - 68 - studied, one at the personal level and the other at the group level.
TABLE XVII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM OPERATORS BY RELATIVE
FREQUENCY OF PERSONAL CONTACTS WITH THE DISTRICT AGRICULTURIST
Frequency Full -Time Part-Tim e Residential All Farms No. a No. % No. % No. %
Never 3 27.3 9 5o.o 10 90.9 22 55.0 Rarely 6 5U.5 6 33.3 1 9.1 13 32.5 Sometimes 2 18.2 2 11.1 U 10.0 Often 1 5.6 1 2.5
Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 ho 100.0
The part-time farmers rated higher than the full-time farmers for both levels of contact, and particularly at the group level of contact. This was measured by the frequency of attendance at meetings or field days (Table
XVTII). The evidence obtained from the interviews indicated that attendance was usually confined to those meetings dealing with the specific type of en• terprise the operator was already involved in. The survey also showed that personal contact with the District Agriculturist was usually on the basis of the respondent visiting the District Agriculturist's office rather than the other way round. Irrespective of whether the farm operators were full-time or part-time, the farmers who used the personal level of contact with the Dis• trict Agriculturist were also more likely to attend the meetings than those who reported no contact on an individual basis.
The fact that many of the farm operators had originated from outside the province of British Columbia (35.0 per cent) and would therefore have been unaware of local conditions for agriculture in Matsqui Municipality, was not a significant factor in accounting for the amount of contact by respondents,; with - 69 -
TABLE XVIII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM OPERATORS BT RELATIVE
FREQUENCY OF ATTENDANCE AT MEETINGS OR FIELD DAYS
SPONSORED BY THE DISTRICT AGRICULTURIST
Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Frequency No. % No. % No. % No. %
Never 9 81.8 10 55.5 11 100.0 30 75.0 Rarely Sometimes 2 18.2 5 27.8 7 17.5 Often 3 16.7 3 7.5 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 1+0 100.0
the District Agriculturist. Some of the operators, both full-time and part-
time, had made an initial contact with the District Agriculturist when they had first moved into the area, but visits after that were generally restricted
to advice when specific problems occurred in the farm's operation. There was
also no significant correlation between the types of farm enterprise and the frequency of visits to the District Agriculturist by the operator. However,
the livestock operators registered a lower percentage of visits to the Dis•
trict Agriculturist than farmers in any of the other types of enterprise cate• gories. The two factors which were significant, and which were frequently in•
ter correlated, in accounting for the frequency of contact with the District
Agriculturist were education (particularly adult education) and future plans of the farm operator. Three (60.0 per cent) of the five part-time farmers in•
tending to become full-time operators not only regularly attended the meetings
and recorded the highest number of personal visits to the District Agricultur•
ist, but had also completed adult education courses by either correspondence or attendance. The education level of the operator and, or his wife was also - 70 - the most significant factor in explaining the frequency of contacts with the
District Agriculturists for those remaining part-time operators, or those al• ready farming full-time. It appeared that there was a positive relationship between a higher level of education and the frequency of visits. In the greater number of cases, the District Agriculturist was contacted by the res• pondents in a remedial capacity rather than a source of information with res• pect to innovations in agriculture.
Marketing Procedure. Reference was made in Chapter II to the develop• ment of contract farming and to some of the prerequisites imposed by the con• tractor which discouraged the continuation of production by the small producer.
With this in mind, the small farm respondents were asked if they marketed their product through any organisation. Seventeen (42.5 per cent) of the forty farmers marketed their agricultural produce under contract to the ap• propriate processing agency. As would be expected, none of the residential farmers marketed their produce under contract. These eleven operators accoun• ted for 47.8 per cent of the 23 operators who did not have an agreement with a processing or marketing agency. Six (54.5 per cent) of the full-time opera• tors had contracts with other than co-operative organisations. The figure for the part-time operators was eleven (6l.l per cent).
It would appear that the type of farm enterprise is a more significant factor in explaining the marketing procedure adopted by the farmer than either the size of operation or the type of operator. Produce such as small fruit, broilers or eggs needs fast and effective handling when ready to be processed, and, particularly when large quantities of these products are involved, con• tract farming is the most efficient means of dealing with them. With general livestock operations, however, this level of marketing efficiency is not as acute. - 71 -
Farm Family Income
Although the chapter has so far concentrated on discussing the farm unit in terms of its agricultural characteristics, economic values not direct• ly dependent upon these characteristics must be taken into consideration when evaluating the farm family income. Sufficient data was not available to con• struct operating statements for the forty sample farms and as a result, the gross value of income from the sale of agricultural products was compared with the financial returns from off-farm occupations in order to identify some of the major economic features of small farms.
Income from Agriculture. The farm Income, which for the purpose of this study was identified by the gross annual income from the soils, is the normal dollar income from the sale of all products of the farm, but not in• cluding income from the rental of the farm or its buildings, or earnings or income of the operator from sources other than the farm (Ontario Economic
Council 1966:2). Even though the definition used in this study for a resi• dential farmer allowed gross farm sales to the value of $2]?0, all eleven res• pondents reported farm sales of less than $100, and five (U5.5 per cent) made no farm sales. Where any sales were made by the residential farmer they were usually restricted to a calf or beef animal. Whereas ten (90.9 per cent) of the full-time operators recorded agricultural sales of over $1,200, only twelve (66.7 per cent) of the part-time operators had agricultural sales over this value.
Within the full-time farmer category, the gross annual incomes from the soil varied from $76,000 to a minimum of $2,000 except for the one opera• tor who was essentially living off interest and rent. Poultry operations re• corded the biggest turnover of capital. One reported a gross value of farm sales of $76,000 and the other operator had gross sales of $75,000. The bulb - 72 - operations had gross farm sales of $9,000 and $7,000 respectively, and the livestock and fruit and vegetable operations recorded sales of between $2,000 and $4,000. By subtracting farm expenses from the gross annual income from the soil for each holding a very simplified profit margin was obtained. Ex• cept for the two poultry operations which had profit margins of $11,000 and
$8,000 and one of the bulb operations with a profit margin of $4,500, the other eight operations (72.7 per cent) had profit margins of less than $2,000.
TABLE XIX
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT
GROSS VALUE OF FARM PRODUCTS SOLD
Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Value No. % No. % No. % No. %
Less than $100 1 9.1 11 100.0a 12 15.0 100 - 599 5 27.7 5 12.5 600 - 1,199 1 5.6 1 2.5 1,200 - 2,399 3 27.3 1 5.6 4 10.0 2,400 and over 7 63.6 11 61.1 18 45.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
a Of the eleven residential operators, five of the respondents sold no agricultural produce.
. Within the part-time farmer category, poultry operations also recorded the highest gross incomes from the soil and subsequent profit margins. One of the operations recorded a gross figure of $46,000 with a profit margin of
$8,000, but the average gross farm sales for the other poultry operations were $5,000. Of the six (33.3 per cent) part-time farmers reporting gross farm sales of less than $1,000, the majority were livestock operations. The calculation of the margin of profit for the eighteen part-time operations I
- 73 - showed that five (27.8 per cent) had farm expenses in excess of farm receipts from farm sales. The enterprises this applied to were the dairy operation, one of the small fruit operations, two of the livestock farms and one of the mixed farming operations. In all five cases this deficit was covered by the off-farm income.
Income from Off-Farm Employment. The preceding section clearly il- ustrated that for many of the respondents the farm income based on agricul• tural sales was insufficient to support a family at even a subsistence level in the second half of the twentieth century. The fact that five of the part- time operators recorded a loss on their agricultural activities, and all of the residential operators reported gross farm sales of less than $100 indi• cates that for many of the forty respondents the farm unit's primary func• tion was a place of residence rather than agricultural production. It would therefore seem essential that in discussing the economic characteristics of the farm and the farm family sufficient consideration must be given to other forms of income accruing to that unit. Even though farm occupiers may obtain
some of their income in the form of interest on investment, pensions and pri• vate income, for the purpose of this study off-farm income was restricted to financial returns from income yielding occupations.
The eleven full-time operators had no income yielding occupation other than working on their own holding (Table XX). There was also no occupation re• ported by any of their respective wives except for helping on their husbands' farms (Table XXI).
As the definition implies, all of the part-time operators had some form of off-farm employment (Table XX). In addition, six (33.3 per cent) of the operators" wives contributed to the family income by having off-farm occupa• tions (Table XXI) and another seven (38.9 per cent) helped substantially in - 74 - the running of the farm. No table was compiled for the wives' contribution to the farm family income since this amount did not affect the relative standing of the amount of off-farm income for the respective farms in Table
XX. In nearly all cases where part of the off-farm income was contributed by the wife, the husband's off-farm income was itself over $2,400.
TABLE XX
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM OPERATORS BT
GROSS INCOME FROM OFF-FARM EMPLOYMENT*
Amount $ Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms cf No. No. p No. % No. %
Less than 600 2 11.1 1 9.1 3 7.5 600 - 1,199 1 9.1 1 2.5 1,200 - 2,399 2 11.1 2 5.0 2,400 and over 13 72.2 7 63.6 20 50.0 Not reporting 11 100.0 1 5.6 2 18.2 14 35.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 4o loo.o
Refers only to income contributed by the farm operator from off- farm employment.
There was considerable variation in the total value of off-farm in• comes (the combined operator's and wife's earnings). Of the two respondents reporting off-farm income of less than $600, one was receiving armed services and medical pensions, and the other one reported that his wife was the real contributor to their off-farm income. The two operators reporting total off- farm incomes of between $1,200 and $2,399 (Table XX) were both intending to become full-time farmers. One operator whose wife contributed the total off- farm income was identified as "not reporting" in Table XX. Thirteen (72.2 per cent) of the part-time operations had off-farm incomes exceeding $2,400, - 75 - and of these six (46.2 per cent) reported incomes of over $5,000.
TABLE XXI
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM OPERATORS BT
TYPE OF OCCUPATION OF OPERATOR'S WIFE
Type of Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Occupation No. % No. % No. % No. %
Teaching 1 5.6 1 2.8 Clerical 3 16.7 3 8.6 Other 2 11.1 1 11.1 3 8.6 No outside occupation 8a 100.0 12b 66.6 8C 88.9 28d 80.0 Total 8 100.0 18 100.0 9 100.0 35 100.0
a All of the full-time operators' wives helped substantially on the farm. b Seven (58.3 per cent) of the part-time operators wives in this cate• gory helped substantially on the farm, Q One (12.5 per cent) of the residential operator's wives in this category helped substantially on the farm.
^ Sixteen (57.1 per cent) of all farm operators' wives helped sub• stantially on the farm.
1 As far as the relative importance of the sources of the family income was concerned, fourteen (77.8 per cent) of the part-time operations received a higher income from off-farm employment than that which they derived from farm sales. Three (l6.7 per cent) respondents whose farm sales yielded the major part of the farm family income were intending to become full-time oper• ators.
Even though the residential farmers obtained little or no income from agriculture, the relative values of their off-farm incomes were not significant• ly different from those reported by the part-time operators. This was partly - 76 - because there was a greater tendency for part-time operators' wives to do
off-farm work than was the case for residential operators' wives (Table XXI).
In the residential operator category two (18.2 per cent) of the respondents were retired and their respective pensions were their major source of income,
although this was supplemented in both cases by the occupiers renting out
some of their land. The other operator (9.1 per cent) in the lower income bracket (Table XX) was living at a subsistence level with no other major
source of income. Of the seven (63.6 per cent) respondents with off-farm
income of over $2,1+00, four (5-7.1 per cent) earned more than $6,000. One
of these four reported that although his wife worked off the holding, he
himself earned nearly $5,000. The evidence therefore suggested that the ma•
jority of part-time operators showed more resemblance to residential operators
than they did to full-time farmers in respect to their relative sources of
income.
Amount of Off-Farm Employment. The importance attached by part-
time operators to their non-farm occupations was also reflected in the amount
of time they spent working off their holdings. Fuguitt (1961:1+1) has suggest•
ed that occupational commitment is more accurately measured in hours than in
days because there is no certainty that "a person working during a day in a
non-farm job has necessarily put in a full eight hours". However, the criter•
ion used for this study was the number of days involved, since this was regar•
ded as an accurate index for the purpose of the study. Table XXII shows that
the occupational commitment by most of the part-time operators to their off-
farm jobs was considerably more than that which they attached to operating
their farms. Eleven (6l.l per cent) of the respondents worked full-time off
the farm, and another two (11.1 per cent) spent more than half their working
time in non-agricultural activities. Of the four operators who reported that - 77 -
they spent less than half of their time on off-farm work, two were intending
to become full-time farmers, a third relied mainly pn his service and medical pensions, and another did some custom agricultural work, while his wife's occu• pation was the main source of income. The situation was similar for the residential operators, with six (54.5 per cent) working full-time off the
farm. Those reporting a low level of commitment to off-farm work either were on pensions (18.2 per cent) or other financial sources, or were living
at a subsistence level.
! TABLE XXII i
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM OPERATORS BY
AMOUNT OF OFF-FARM EMPLOYMENT EXPRESSED IN DAYS
Number of Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms cf Days No. % No. A> No. No. % Less than 48 2 11.1 2 5.0 49 - 72 1 9.1 1 2.5 73 - 96 1 5.6 1 2.5 97 - 126 1 5.6 1 2.5 127 - 156 1 9.1 1 2.5 157 - 228 2 ll.l 1 9.1 3 7.5 229 - 365 11 61.1 6 54.5 17 42.5 Not reporting 11 100.0 1 5.5 2 18.2 14 35.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
Type of Off-Farm Employment. The type of off-farm occupational com• mitment is also an important factor in that the nature of the work and its location can determine the amount of time the operator can spend on his hol• ding. It would appear that this was the case for the majority of small farm operators with off-farm employment since the income and time commitment tables
(Tables XX and XXII) indicate that the agricultural function of the holding was organised to coincide with the off-farm occupation rather than vice versa. - 78 -
Part-time farming has always been a characteristic of agriculture in
British Columbia, but the type of off-farm employment available to the rural resident has become more varied. The brief historical outline of agriculture in the Lower Mainland (Chapter II) indicated that farming was frequently com• bined with other forms of rural occupation such as agricultural custom work, logging or labouring. In contrast, the type of off-farm employment now avail• able to the part-time or residential farmer is considerably more varied, and includes industrial, commercial and service occupations in addition to those occupations traditionally associated with rural residency (Table XXLT).
Two distinct, but interrelated factors have been mainly responsible for this change. Firstly, the development of an urban hierarchy in the Lower
Mainland (Hoxrell Jones 1966:76-81) has meant that centres such as Clearbrook and Abbotsford now contain numerous commercial, manufacturing and service en• terprises which are capable of absorbing part of the labour potential of their local area (Bureau of Economics and Statistics 1966:161).). Secondly, the in• creased mobility of people and commodities with the development of a compre• hensive road network has meant that a wider range of occupational opportuni• ties are available to the rural resident. (Greater emphasis will be attached to this aspect in the next chapter). A third factor, which to some extent is related to the first two, is the adoption by many industrial and manufacturing concerns of a shift system for labour employment.
It can be seen from Table XXII that the part-time farmers have tended to neglect the traditional rural occupations and instead have found employment in the secondary and tertiary sectors. However, these forms of employment fre• quently have had agricultural connections. Two of the three employed in factory
^ Information obtained from personal communication on August 30, 1966 with Mr. B.K. Acton, Canada Department of Agriculture, Economics Branch, Van• couver. - 79 - production were concerned in some way with agricultural products, as was the case of one of the respondents classified as a truck driver. In the "other" category (Table XXIII) three of the part-time farmers were insurance agents, one was a salesman, one was a hard rock miner and the other part-time respon• dent was a storekeeper. Residential farm occupiers tended to have even less connection with primary production in their off-farm work with the only res• pondent whose occupation had agricultural connections being a salesman. He was classed under "other" in Table XXIII.
TABLE XXIII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM OPERATORS BY
TYPE OF OFF-FARM EMPLOYMENT
Type of Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Employment No. % No. % No. % No. %
Agriculture 1 £.6 1 2.5 Logging 1 9.1 1 2.5 Construction U 22.2 3 27.3 7 17.5 Factory Production 3 16.6 3 7.5 Clerical 1 5.6 1 2.5 Truck or bus driver 2 11.1 k 36.3 6 15.0 Other 6 33.3 1 9.1 7 17.5 Not reporting 11 100.0 la 5.6 2° 18.2 lk 35.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 ko 100.0
a Although the farm operator reported no off-farm work his wife had a full-time job. b Two respondents were retired.
Twelve (70.6 per cent) of the seventeen part-time operators reporting off-farm employment worked within Matsqui Municipality, and only two (11.8 per cent) travelled into the Vancouver Metropolitan area for their place of employ- - 80 - ment. The other three respondents also found employment within the Lower
Mainland. Six (66.7 per cent) of the nine residential farmers reporting off-farm work found employment within Matsqui Municipality and two (22.2 per cent) worked in the Vancouver Metropolitan area. The higher percentage of residential farm operators working in the Vancouver Metropolitan area was a result of them not having farm commitments to the same extent as the part- time farmers, and in some cases, the respondents having been former Vancouver residents who had moved into Matsqui Municipality with the knowledge that they were still within commuting distance of downtown Vancouver. All of . the part-time and residential operators' wives reporting off-farm employ• ment worked within Matsqui Municipality.
Perquisite Consumption and Welfare Payments
Two other factors which often affect farm family income were investi• gated with reference to the forty sample farms. They were the perquisite con• sumption of the farm family, and whether or not any of the household units received welfare payments.
Sven though perquisite consumption is in no way a direct contribu• tor to farm family income, the judicious use of home produced food can often lead to a considerable decrease in the amount of money budgeted for food pur• chases. Thirty-two (90.0 per cent) of the forty respondents said they raised agricultural products, part of which went for home consumption (Table XXIV).
In the case of both the full-time and residential respondents, seven (63.6 per cent) operators in each category reported perquisite consumption. All of the part-time operators relied to some extent on home grown produce. The average full-time farmer reporting perquisite consumption used, in varying combinations, three of the five commodities shown in Table XXIV. The situation was approxi- - 81 - mately the same for residential respondents. Three of the part-time opera• tors reported that home produced food accounted for almost the total "quanti• ty of all five commodities referred to. In the majority of cases, however, most families produced only three of the five commodities for home consump• tion. No distinct pattern was observed as to the estimated value of perqui• sites consumed and the type of farm operator. The average value of perqui• site consumption was between $200 and $250, although some respondents re• ported values of less than $100, while others estimated that they were be• tween $350 and $400. There was no evidence that low income families con• sciously attempted to supplement their low income by a greater perquisite consumption. In fact, the opposite relationship predominated, with higher income families reporting higher values of perquisite consumption than those reported by the low income families.
TABLE XXIV
PERCENTAGE OF FARM OPERATORS REPORTING
TYPES OF PERQUISITES CONSUMED3,
Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Type No. % No. % No. % No. %
Milk 4 36.4 10 55.6 3 27.3 17 42.5 Butter 1 9.1 4 22.2 1 9.1 6 15.0 Eggs 4 36.4 7 38.9 3 27.3 14 35.0 Meat 4 36.4 io 55.6 5 45.5 19 47.5 Garden Produce 7 63.6 14 77.8 5 45.5 26 65.0
Perquisite consumption of a commodity was only considered when home production accounted for the major part of total family consumption.
None of the forty respondents were receiving welfare payments at the time the interviews were conducted. In general, the majority of welfare pay- - 82 - ments were made to the urban population, although there were exceptions to this, such as people who were trying to farm on a very small parcel of land, 6 or those who had not succeeded in farming and whose property was up for sale.
Summary
The evidence has shown that the size of the farm holding is a signi- fant factor in explaining the types of farm enterprise which have a relative• ly low intensity of land use, but that this importance diminishes as the in• tensity of land use increases. In addition, the full-time farmers differed significantly from the part-time and residential operators with both respect to their choice of enterprise and the complexity and intensity of their farm• ing operations. This was largely because whereas the majority of the part- time farmers and all of the residential farmers subscribed to the hobby-farm ideal, the full-time farmers on small farms were obliged to concentrate on specific intensive type enterprises if they were to attain the economies of scale which would maintain viable economic units. In this respect the full- time farmers aimed for economic efficiency whereas the part-time and resi• dential farmers paid greater attention to technical efficiency in operating the farm.
The contention that small farms frequently symbolise inadequate farm incomes would seem to hold true for a number of the respondents in the present study. In addition, the farms with low capital values were also the ones with the lowest farm cash incomes. The evidence relating to the relative value of income from and occupational commitment to farm and non-farm activities indi• cated that the part-time farmers showed greater resemblance to the residential operators than they did to the full-time operators. Because financial returns
^ Information obtained by correspondence, February 27, 1°68 from Mr. A.H.W. Moxon, Municipal Clerk, Matsqui Municipality. The initial source of information was Mr. L. Vanderveen, District Supervisor of the Department of Social Welfare in Abbotsford. - 83 - from agricultural production were only supplementary sources of income for the part-time and particularly the residential operators, standards of eco• nomic evaluation adopted for full-time farmers are severely limited in their application towards the other operator categories. In this respect, low in• comes reported by full-time farmers are an agricultural problem whereas low family incomes reported by part-time and residential operators are to a greater extent a reflection of the situation of other forms of employment in the economy.
Although some of the farm occupiers would be classed as low income families by ARDA, none of the respondents were on welfare. There was also . a tendency for low income families to have made no attempt to improve the family budget by increasing the level of perquisite consumption. Because of the variation in house values among the respondents no exact figures were available to indicate what capital saving resulted from farm living as opposed to city living for the farm sector of the rural population.
Nearly all the respondents owned their property and rent was therefore not a cost factor. Nevertheless, it would seem that small farm occupiers do benefit from lower cost housing and lower assessment rates than those ex• perienced in the city, but that this is frequently off-set by inconveniences of rural living which necessitate capital expenditure to overcome them. For example, in the case of the part-time and residential operators it is often necessary for the family to have two cars instead of the one because of the distance involved in the husband getting to the place of his off-farm employ• ment and the wife doing the shopping and other activities. Were they to live in the city, public transportation would negate the necessity of the second car.
Despite the fact that the farm family incomes of some of the respon• dents permitted them to achieve a reasonably high standard of living, the 1 - 8U - low financial returns reported by many of the small farm occupiers would im• ply that their reasons for living on farms were not necessarily founded on economic considerations. CHAPTER TV
NON-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE LIFE OF THE FARM FAMILY
A large volume of literature has been published on the changing role
of the farm family as part of the evolution of modern agriculture. The de• velopment of an agribusiness attitude in farming and the process of urban•
isation have been well documented with numerous studies done in Britain
(Pahl 1965, Gasson 1966, Wibberley I960, Higgs, ed. 1966); the United States
(Spaulding 1959, ¥ilkening 1964, Fuguitt 1963) and Canada (Fortin 1966,
Noble 1967, Buckmire 1966, Tremblay and Anderson, eds. 1966). The purpose
of this chapter is, therefore, not to give an overall analysis of the socio•
logy of the changing agriculture of the Lower Mainland, but rather to in• vestigate some of the major social characteristics of families on small
farms which may explain or complement the economic aspects discussed in the previous chapter. In addition, the farm family is studied with reference to
its social participation in the community and patronage of local services.
Noble (1955:13) has stated that the quality of rural life and the efficiency
of operation of Canadian farms is largely determined by those who farm. As
a result, the background, experience, age and education of the farm operators
and their families are important considerations in realising the full impli•
cations of the economic performance of small farms.
Social Background and Subsequent On-Farm Migration
Some of the studies dealing with agriculture in the Lower Mainland of - 85 - - 86 -
British Columbia have pointed out that not only have certain national groups been attracted to agriculture more than others (MacGregor 1961), but that some of these groups have favoured specific types of farming (Siemens I960) and (Ginn 1967). MacGregor (1961:72) indicated that three of the national groups which particularly favoured living on farms were the Dutch, the Rus• sians and the Japanese, whereas a larger proportion of British and West
European immigrants became urban residents.
Place of Birth and Ethnic Origin. Tables XXV and XXVI specify the place of birth of the farm operators and their wives respectively, and al• though they would initially seem to contrast with what MacGregor (ibid.) found, this is not the case. In both tables Canada as the place of birth registered the highest percentage of respondents (50.0 per cent of the hus• bands and 51.h per cent of their wives). However, when the racial origins of the respondents were identified, a large percentage of them were found to have come to the Lower Mainland from Eastern Europe via the Prairies and other parts of British Columbia. In other words, the Canadian birthplace category included first and second generation Canadians who were frequently of east
European origin. Both tables (XXV and XXVI) show that the East Europeans
composed the largest category which were foreign born (22.5 per cent of the husbands and 25.7 per cent of the wives), and of the male respondents five
(55«5 per cent) listed their place of birth as Russia. All of the Russian respondents were Mennonites. Of the other eight Mennonites included in the sample, seven were born on the Prairies and one was born in the Lower Main• land. (These figures refer to the farm operators only and not their wives).
Siemens (1968 :lfj) has suggested that because of their variation in ethnic ori• gin (German and Dutch), Mennonites are best considered as a religious rather
than an ethnic group. Certainly as a group they probably express themselves - 87 -
"more clearly than any other in Matsqui Municipality, particularly in Clearbrook which is approximately seventy-five per cent Mennonite and contains most of the major institutions associated with this religious group (ibid.). They have also become identified mth small farms and the utilisation of high family labour inputs on small fruit and poultry enterprises.
TABLE XXV
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION CF FARM RESPONDENTS BY
PLACE OF BIRTH OF TIE HUSBAND
Full-Time Part-Time Residential "AlT Farms cf Birthplace No. No. No. /•) No. %
Matsqui Municipality 1 9.1 1 5.6 2 18.2 4 10.0 Other B.C. i 5.6 1 9.0 2 5.o Other Canada 2 18.1 10 55.4 2 18.2 14 35.o United States 1 9.1 1 5.6 2 5.0 United Kingdom 1 5.6 3 27.3 4 10.0 Western Europe 2 18.1 1 5.6 3 7.5 Eastern Europe 3 27.3 3 16.6 3 27.3 9 22.5 Orient 2 18.1 2 5.0
Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
TABLE XXVI
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BY
PLACE OF BIRTH OF THE WIFE
FullL-Tim e Port-Time Residential All Farms cf cf . cf Birthplace No. No. /•> No. p No. i°
Matsqui Municipality 3 16.6 3 8.6 Other B.C. 1 12.5 1 11.1 2 5.7 Other Canada 2 25.0 9 50.0 2 22.3 13 37.1 United States 1 12.5 1 '5.6 2 5.7 United Kingdom 1 5.6 3 33.3 4 11.4 Western Europe 2 25.0 l 2.9 Eastern Europe 1 12.5 4 22.2 3 33.3 9 25,7 Orient 1 12.5 1 2.9 Total 8 100.0 18 100.0 9 100.0 35 100.0 - 88 -
The absence of respondents of Dutch origin was a result of this nation• al group preferring larger farms on which to develop dairying, and they were therefore excluded from the sample on the basis of farm size. Although peo• ple of British origin accounted for approximately sixty per cent of the to• tal population of Census Division U (Census of Canada, l?6l), they only ac• counted for 10.0 per cent of the farm operators (Table XXV) and 11.U per cent of their wives (Table XXVI). This is probably because many of the more recent immigrants reflect selective migration from the British Isles of people with a sufficiently high education level to enable them to enter the more remunerative occupations available in Vancouver. Both farm operators from Japan operated speciality crop enterprises, bulbs, a form of agricul• ture with very high labor inputs, which is traditionally associated with this national group.
Three main factors help to explain the percentage distribution of the various national groups in Table XXV. Firstly, the development of a nucleus of a particular national or cultural group attracts others holding the same set of values. This would explain the continuing development of
Clearbrcok as a Mennonite centre. Secondly, many of the European immigrants of non-British origin have had considerable difficulty in ccatimunicating with their fellow Canadians because of a language problem. A few of the respon• dents said that their English was not good enough for them to obtain a job in Vancouver when they first came to the Lower Mainland, and as a result, they had often done farm work because it did not necessitate them being fluent in English. In many cases these people have remained on their farms even though their command of the English language would now permit them to obtain off-farm employment. This, however, was not a common problem in the case of - 89 -
the respondents in the present study because most of the immigrants had not
come directly to the Lower Mainland from Europe, but had spent a number of
years on the Prairies. The third factor is to some extent associated with
the language problem but is essentially the reluctance of some labour unions
to permit immigrant Europeans to engage in occupations for which they are
qualified.^ Persons affected by this ruling have already been granted entry
into Canada by the Federal Immigration Department and consequently have to
obtain some form of occupation by which they can sustain themselves. In a
large number of cases these people end up farming or labouring on one of
the larger farms in the Lower Mainland. This category of immigrant would
therefore contribute to the large number of non-English speaking persons working or living on farms.
Not only was there considerable diversity in the percentage distri•
bution of the farm operators by their place of birth (Table XXV), but this
dissimilarity was also present in the migration patterns of the respondents.
Six ($k'$ per cent) of the residential respondents had been born outside of
Canada (Table XXV), and of these, four (66.7 per cent) had lived in a province
other than British Columbia before moving to the survey area. In all four
cases one of the Prairie Provinces had been the initial place of residence
in Canada. This pattern was relatively similar to that reported by the full-
time respondents. Seven (63.6 per cent) of the full-time farmers had immi•
grated to Canada (Table XXV), and of these, five (71.h per cent) had lived
outside of British Columbia prior to living in the Lower Mainland. Once again,
the Prairies had been their initial area of residence in Canada. Although
Information obtained from personal cor.imunication on June 8, 1967 xri-th Mr. C. Hacker, Editor, of the "Abbotsford, Sumas.and Matsqui News". - 90 - six (33.3 per cent) of the part-time operators were immigrants to Canada
(Table XXV), all of them had come directly to the Lower Mainland.
The contrast in the migration patterns of the three types of farm operators would appear to be largely explainable in terms of what function the farm was to serve for the farm operator and his family. The potential full-time farmers had gone to the Prairies because it was one of the most distinct areas of agriculture in Canada. The attraction of this area was no doubt enhanced by the fact that there already existed there members of their particular national or cultural groups. This theory of ethnic or religious concentrations would also seem to apply to many of the immigrants now classed as residential farmers. Most of these respondents were, however, full-time or part-time farmers when living on the Prairies and would therefore have been attracted to that area basically because of its agricultural po• tential, and the availability of land for farming.
The part-time farmers, in contrast, were generally younger (Table
XXX) than the full-time and residential operators, and only about half as many of them had immigrated to Canada (33.3 per cent) as was the case of the full-time (63.6 per cent) and residential operators($4.5 per cent). Some Of the part-time farmers had come directly to the Lower Mainland because the
Clearbrook area had developed as a Mennonite centre. However, the main rea- son would appear to be that the part-time respondents had emigrated to the
Lower Mainland because it was an area where they, could combine off-farm em• ployment with farm living and maintain some attachment to the soil which they had experienced in their homeland. Although most of the part-time respondents had been brought up on farms, they had not necessarily gone into farming be• fore emigrating to Canada.. For those who had been full-time farmers, the c change over to farming on a part-time basis had often been done with the idea - 91 -
that an off-farm occupation would put them into a higher income bracket
than they were formerly accustomed to. Further analysis of the migration patterns of the forty respondents tended to substantiate these findings.
Migration to the Lower Mainland. Four (10.0 per cent) of the farm
operators had been born in Matsqui Municipality and another two (5>.0 per
cent) had been born in other parts of British Columbia. However, most of
the respondents (8£.0 per cent) had come to the Lower Mainland from other parts of Canada or were immigrants to this country (Table XXV). MacGregor
(1961:78) suggested four factors that help to explain the influx of people
to the Lower Mainland. They were, the milder climate compared with other
parts of Canada, the 30b opportunities which were superior both in agricul•
ture and off-farm occupations, the intensive form of agriculture which ap•
pealed to them, and the scenery and the more attractive living conditions.
In addition to the factors suggested by MacGregor (ibid.) information col•
lected from interviews for the present study showed that a number of other
factors were also of considerable importance in explaining the in-migration,
particularly from the Prairies. Firstly, the availability of better school•
ing for their children was mentioned by a number of the respondents, and in
this respect the proximity of secondary schools was an important considera•
tion. Secondly, there was the existence of members of their respective eth•
nic or religious groups already settled in the area. Thirdly, a number of
full-time respondents had previously farmed part-time on the Prairies and
wanted to work on the land on a full-time basis, but could not afford to
obtain a large farm in their former locality. Two of the respondents indi•
cated that they had wanted to own their own farm rather than rent it, as had
been the case with their previous holdings, As would be expected, another
factor in the movement off the Prairies was the exodus during the Depression
of the 1930's. Two of the older operators mentioned that farming in the - 92 -
Lower Mainland offered them a rural way of life with the security and conven•
ience of proximity to social services associated with urban centres. Al•
though a number of respondents reported that ill health and excessive work
necessary to maintain the larger Prairie farms had prompted them to move to
the Lower Mainland and settle on a small farm, there was little indication
that the thought of retirement had been a principal motive for their mi•
gration.
Level of Mobility. The migration patterns of the forty respondents
showed that residential operators were the least mobile of the three types
of farm operators, whereas the full-time farmers reported the most moves.
Six (54.5 per cent) of the residential operators had made one move or less
since birth, four (36.4 per cent) had made two moves, and only one respon•
dent (9.1 per cent) had lived in three different places in addition to his place of origin. The migration patterns of the full-time operators were
such that two (18.2 per cent) had made one move or less, seven (63.6 per
cent) had made two moves, and two (18.2 per cent) of them had made three or more changes since leaving their place of birth. Nine (50.0 per cent) of the
part-time operators had moved once or less, seven (38.9 per cent) had made
two moves and two (11.1 per cent) of them had made three moves or more.
For the forty respondents as a whole there was a greater tendency
for part-time and residential farmers to have lived at some stage in their
lives in urban areas than there was for full-time farmers. With reference
to the last move made by the forty respondents, 27.8 per cent of the part-
time farmers, and 36.4 per cent of the residential farmers had moved from
an urban area to their present farms, whereas only 18.2 per cent of the full-
time farmers had lived previously in urban areas (Table XXVTl). Four (80.0 per cent) of the five part-time farmers who had lived in an urban area with- in the Lower Mainland before moving to their present holding were immigrants to Canada (Table XXVTl). A comparable situation was found to occur with the residential farmers, where two of the three (66.6 per cent) respondents re• porting they had lived in an urban area in the Lower Mainland were immigrants
(ibid.).
TABLE XXVII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM OPERATORS BY
IMMEDIATE PREVIOUS LIVING LOCATION
Type of Full-•Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Location3, No. No. a' No. a' No. i° % b Rural intra 5 45.4 0 44.4 5 4?.4 18 45.0 Urban intra 1 9.1 27.8 • 3 27.3 9 22.5 Rural ultra 4 36.4 5 27.8 2 18.2 11 27.5 Urban ultra 1 9.1 5 1 9.1 2 5.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
Previous living location referred to location whether in Canada or not if the respondent was a recent immigrant. Rural and Urban intra - indi• cates that the location was within the Lower Mainland. Rural and Urban ultra indicates that the location was outside the Lower Mainland.
b One respondent had lived in his present holding all his life.
Reasons for Farm Occupancy. The motivations behind the change from an urban to a rural environment are often prompted by sentimentality and the attempt to recapture a romantic ideal, escapism from the insecurities of city life, the possibility of a cheaper cost of living and a set of personal values which exalt the virtues of the rural way of life. In all probability the rela• tive significance of these motives is not consciously weighed by the exurban- ite before moving into the rural area. McKain (1963;26) has propounded that the reasons for electing this change in environment are not really formulated - 9h - until the families have been subjected to their new way of life and experienced their ability or inability to adjust to it.
Many of the respondents who had moved from an urban area onto farms in Matsqui Municipality had done so with some of the suppositions mentioned above in mind. However, the major reason for the generation of belief in the virtues of rural living appeared to have been the fact that most of the respondents had been brought up on farms and wanted to give their children and themselves the benefits of this type of life (Table XXVIII). It is in• teresting to note that whereas 81.8 per cent of the full-time farm operators had been brought up on farms, this figure was 83.3 per cent and 90.9 per cent of the part-time and residential operators respectively. The attitude of the forty respondents to rural living and their level of satisfaction will be discussed towards the end of the chapter subsequent to the consideration of other social aspects of the farm family.
TABLE XXVIII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS
BT FARM CHILDHOOD REPORTED BT HUSBAND AND/OR WIFE
Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms No. % No. % No. % No. %
Both 7 63.6 14 77.8 . 8 72.7 29 72.5 Husband only 2 18.2a 1 5.5 2 18.2a 5 12.5 Wife only 1 9.1 3 16.7 4 10.0 Neither 1 9.1 1 9.1 2 5.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
a One was a bachelor.
Duration of Farm Residency and Age of Operator. The duration of occu• pancy on a particular farm by a farmer may give some indication of his exper• ience in agriculture, but to a greater extent it reflects his satisfaction - 95 - with a place and that type of life. Part-time farmers surprisingly record• ed on the average a longer period of residence on.their present holding than did the full-time farmers (Table XXIX). This situation was different from the findings of many studies dealing with this aspect of farm occupancy.
Gasson (1966:28), however, illustrated in her study of farming in South East
England that patterns of residency of different types of farm operators can be found to vary considerably if a long enough time period is taken into con• sideration. The reason for the pattern identified in Matsqui Municipality
could be that part-time farming on holdings of twenty acres or less offers greater economic and social stability than if they are worked as full-time operations. A higher percentage of the residential respondents (45.5 per
cent) had lived on the holding for less than five years than was the case
of either the full-time (36.4 per cent) or the part-time (27.8 per cent)
farmers. This was mainly a reflection of new immigrants to the Lower Main• land, some of whom were commuters and had been attracted to the area follow•
ing the completion of the Trans Canada Highway as a freeway system linking
the Abbotsford area and Vancouver and others were operators who had already
farmed in other parts of the Lower Mainland.
TABLE XXIX
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM OPERATORS BY
NUMBER OF YEARS RESIDENT ON THE FARM
Number of Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Years No. % No. % No. % No. %
Under 5 4 36.4 5 27.8 ' 5 45-4 14 35.0 5 - 15 4 36.4 8 44.4 3 27.3 15 37.5 16 - 25 2 18.2 5 27.8 1 9.1 8 20.0 Over 25 1 9.0 2 18.2 3 7.5 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0 - 96 -
The age of the operator may affect not only the level of activity that he can put into the farm operation, but also the decision-making pro• cess towards occupational mobility either on the farming ladder or out of farming altogether. Eight (72.7 per cent) of the full-time operators were over fifty-five years of age (Table XXX). This pattern was not unexpected, hoxrever, since the rural farm population in British Columbia tends to be older than the rural non-farm residents except for age groups over seventy
(Whyte 1966:17). The part-time farmers recorded the largest percentage un• der forty-five years of age with 33.3 per cent in this category. Only 27.2 per cent of the residential operators occurred within this age limit and the figure was only 18.2 per cent for the full-time farmers. Of the five part- time operators who intended to become full-time operators, only two were over forty-five. It would therefore appear that age was not as important a factor for mobility within the farming system as it is for occupational mo• bility out of farming.
TABLE XXX
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS
BT AGS OF OPERATOR
Tears Full -Time Part-Time Residential All Farms cf cf No. No. % No. p No. % Under 35 1 9.1 1 5.5 2 18.2 4 10.0 35 - U5 1 9.1 5 27.8 1 9.0 7 17.5 I46 - 55 1 9.1 10 55.6 3 27.3 14 35.0 56 - 65 6 54.5 2 11.1 3 27.3 11 27.5 Over 65 2 18.2 2 18.2 4 10.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
The evidence also indicated that the Lower Mainland may not be as im• portant a farmer retirement area as is often assumed, particularly if it is - 97 - suggested that farmers migrate to the Lower Mainland specifically to retire on another farm. Although just over fifty per cent of the full-time farmers had been living on their present holdings for less than ten years (Table XXIX), in most cases they had been living in the Lower Mainland on another farm prior to moving to the present holding (Table XXVTI). This would suggest that they had not specifically come to the Lower Mainland because it was a suitable area in which to retire to a small holding. This line of reasoning could also be applied to the residential respondents, since all five who were over fifty-six had lived in Matsqui Municipality for over twenty years.
Demographic Characteristics of the Farm Family
The majority (87.5 per cent) of the farm operators were married, while two (5.0 per cent) were single, two (5.0 per cent) were widowers and one (2.5 per cent) respondent was separated (Table XXXI). There was therefore no sig• nificant difference between the three types of farm operators with regard to their marital status (Table XXXI).
TABLE- XXXI
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BY
MARITAL STATUS OF FARM OPERATOR
Status Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms cf No. p No. % No. /° No. %
Single 1 9.1 1 9.1 2 5.o Married 8 72.7 18 100.0 9 81.8 35 87.5 Separated 1 9.1 1 2.5 Widower 1 9.1 1 9.1 2 5.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 ho 100.0
The average rural family in Canada has always been larger than the rural non-farm family, which in turn has been larger than urban families
(Whyte 1966:49). In 1961 the average number of persons per farm family in British Columbia was 4.0, whereas the average size of rural non-farm family- was 3.9 and the urban family 3.4 (ibid:52). The sample showed a total of
158 children at an average of 3.95 children per family. The full-time farm
average was 4.18 children per family, the part-time average 4.11 children
and the residential farm average was 3.45 children per family. All of the
full-time operators' families had children, and five (45.5 per cent) of the
respondents had five children or more (Table XXXII). Only one of the part-
time respondents had no children. Six (33.3 per cent) of the part-time resn
pondents had five children or more, and one family had twelve children.
Three of the married residential respondents had no children but four (36.4
per cent) had five or more and one family had twelve,
j . TABLE XXXII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS
BT NUMBER OF CHILDREN REPORTED
Number of Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Children No. $ No. % No. : % No. %
None la 9.1 1 5.6 4b I 36.4 6 15.0 1 - 3 2 18.2 9 50.0 3 1 27.2 14 35.0 Over 3 8 72.7 8 44. U 4 1 36.4 20 50.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
a One of the full-time operators was a bachelor, b One of the residential operators x\ras a bachelor.
The evidence indicated that the relative size of families was similar
to that reported for the Province of British Columbia, since a number of the
residential farmers had been urban dwellers or non-farm rural residents in
the past. Although the full-time operators reported the largest families,
on the average there was a general wish among the younger respondents for - 99 - three or less children. This desire was related to such, factors as being able to adequately provide for their needs and education. There was a general trend among the three types of farm operators for the families with a higher income and farm capital value to prefer fewer children. This contrasted with the attitudes of some of the older respondents who stated that a large family had contributed or would contribute to the farm labour force and therefore more than compensated the extra money which was needed for their provision.
Education Levels of Members of the Farm Family
The demands of rural life in Canada fifty years ago required little in the way of formal education (Whyte 1966:62). In the latter half of the twentieth century, however, rural youth are faced with the problem of a more sophisticated form of agriculture and the necessity for the majority of them to seek off-farm employment (ibid.). Despite the presence of push and pull forces resulting in off-farm migration, a large percentage of Canada's rural youth are not educationally equipped to compete successfully in an urban la• bour market. Reference was made in Chapter I to the study by Abell (1956) which specified that lack of education was one of the reasons for the per• sistence of small farms on the Prairies. Zeman (1961b) likewise found that lack of education was an important detrimental factor affecting the efficiency of farm operations and the availability of off-farm occupations. Buckmire
(1966:62) in a study of occupational mobility of farm people in the Bonnyville
District of Alberta found that education was one of the most important variables influencing occupational mobility decisions. He found that "a low level of education not only limited the individual's earning capacity but als5 the extent of his social and economic participation" (ibid.). L. Siemens
(1965) found that educational aspirations of high school students were direct- - 100 - ly correlated with the socio-economic status of the family, prestige of the father's occupation, and the level of education attained by both father and mother. The forty small farm respondents in Matsqui Municipality were there• fore investigated as to the level of education completed by both parents and the aspirations of their respective children.
Education Levels of Farm Operators and Wives. Grade eight was the highest level of education completed by the majority of the farm operators
(Table XXXEIl) and their wives H^ble XXXIV). Although there was no signi• ficant difference in the distribution of years of school completed by the part-time and residential farmers, the full-time operators were the only operator class with respondents having completed grade twelve (Table XXXIII).
There was a general tendency, particularly in the part-time and residential categories, for the younger respondents to report a higher level of education.
This feature applied to both farm operators and their wives. The evidence also suggested that respondents had usually selected marital partners of similar educational achievements.
TABLE XXXEIl
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BY
COMPLETED LEVEL OF EDUCATION BY THE HUSBAND
Level Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms No. cf No. % No. % No. % Less than grade 5 5 - 8 7 63.6 15 83.3 9 81.8 31 77.5 9 - 11 1 9.1 3 16.7 2 18.2 6 15.0 Grade 12 2 18.2 2 5.0 University 1 9.1 1 2.5 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 1+0 100.0
None of the full-time or residential respondents had done adult edu• cation courses either by correspondence or attendance. The four part-time respondents who had done courses since leaving school reported that the - 101 - courses they had taken were primarily for their off-farm occupation rather than increasing their agricultural knowledge. Two of the respondents had done bookkeeping which they admitted helped them to maintain more accurate farm accounts, although the training had been done initially for their off- farm jobs. Only the one part-time respondent who had fixed a date for be• coming a full-time farmer had done an adult education course specifically to help with his farm operation. In this case, it was the wife who had done a course in farm accounting and bookkeeping techniques.
TABLE XXXIV
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT
COMPLETED LEVEL OF EDUCATION BT THE WIFE
Level Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms No. % No. % No. % No. % Less than grade 5 5 - 8 6 75.0 lh 77.8 7 77.8 27 77.1 9 - 11 2 25.0 3 16.7 2 22.2 7 20.0 Grade 12 1 5.5 1 2.9 University
Total 8 100.0 18 100.0 9 100.0 35 100.0
A number of the older respondents regarded their level of education as sufficient, but the majority of farm respondents expressed the desire
that their children would remain in school longer than they had. Another
comment which was made by farm operators with regard to education was that
they would have followed another career had they had a better education, but
that they would have still attempted to live in a rural area. Some stated
that their children were not academically inclined and thus farming would probably be the most appropriate occupation for them. The part-time and
residential respondents were the farmers who were most aware of the limi•
tations of an inadequate education. In many cases this lack of education was reflected in their off-farm occupation, with manual jobs such as truck - 102 - driving or construction work accounting for a large percentage of the total number of off-farm jobs reported (Table XXIII).
Education Levels and Future'Plans of Farm Children. From the general• ly low level of education attained by the farm operators and their wives it would be expected that the educational aspirations of their children would also be relatively limited. Although none of the children were available for interviewing, some idea of their future intentions as far as place of residence and their attitude to remaining on the farm with its associated job opportunities was obtained from their respective parents. The inquiry was only applied to children of school leaving age since it was postulated that this period marked the time when children were most likely to exercise their choice as to their future career and subsequent place of residence.
The most significant feature which is identified in Table XXXV is the large number of respondent's children who had already left home. Thir• ty-four (73'9 per cent) of the full-time operators' children had left home, fifteen (20.3 per cent) of the part-time operators' children had made simi• lar moves, and the figure for the residential respondents' children was twenty-three (6£.0 per cent). A major factor influencing the relative num• bers that had left was the age of the operator. The full-time farmers were generally older than either the residential or part-time farmers (Table XXX) and consequently more of their children would have reached school leaving age. The opposite was true for the part-time farmers where the farm opera• tors were younger than their full-time or residential counterparts and 70.3 per cent of their children were younger than school leaving age.
Only one person intended to remain on the farm. The respondents' children who intended to live on the farm but have a non-agricultural occu• pation would eventually leave the area in a large number of the cases, ac• cording to the statements made by their parents. In most cases this cate- - 103 - gory was composed of children who were seeking farther education before taking up a full-time career. Parents stated that generally the girls had less de• sire to remain in school than the boys, and those which had left home were usually in jobs which did not require a particularly high academic ability.
For most of these people their place of work was in Vancouver. Some of the sons who had left the farm were doing some form of training in the technical or mechanical field, and in a number of cases this training had agricultural connections. Professional training had been sought by very few of the res• pondents1 children who had already left school. Only one respondent, a full- time farmer, had sons who had gone into farming.
TABLE XXXV
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS' CHILDREN
OF SCHOOL LEAVING AGE BT FUTURE LIVING LOCATION
Location Full-Timea Part-Timec Residential All Farms No. % No. % No. % No. % Work on farm 1 2.2 1 0.6 Live on farm 3 6.5 5 6.8 8 5.1 Leave the farm 3. 6.5 2J 2.7 4. 10.5 5.7 b 9 Not applicable 39 84.8 67d 90.5 89.5 140 88.6 Total 46 100.0 74 100.0 38 100.0 158 100.0
a
One of the eleven respondents is a bachelor age. b Of this total, 34 had left the farm and 5 were under school leaving
0 The eighteen respondents were married but one had no children.
Of this total, 15 bad left the farm and 52 were under school leaving
6 dren. One of the eleven respondents was a bachelor, and three had no chil- f Of this total, 23 had left the farm, 1 lived on the farm but did off farm work and 10 were under school leaving age.
The general pattern was therefore one of off-farm migration by the - 104 - respondents' children with little likelihood of them becoming farm occupiers except as residential farmers. Although three of the full-time respondents had hoped their sons would have been interested in farming, the attitude of most of the respondents was that farming was a useful career if their children did not show much academic ability. The other factor which was mentioned by some of the part-time farmers was that the limited size of the farm was too much of a handicap for their sons to compete against the larger operations if they wanted to go into farming. Involvement in the Ccrorrunity
A high level of involvement in the community', often developing out of a need for mutual aid, characterised traditional rural society. The grea• ter mobility of people and the breakdown of rural isolation has meant that the farm population no longer constitutes a homogeneous entity. Despite this, Donohue (195*7:228) found that there was no significant difference be• tween part-time and full-time farmers with respect to attitudes toward basic institutional complexes, and that the thesis that part- time farmers are cul• tural hybrids and contribute to instability in the rural social structure was questionable. Because of the nature of their off-farm occupations, part- time and residential farmers are frequently presumed to represent groups in•
fluenced by both the traditional values of rural society and also those asso• ciated with the diversity of urban life. With this assumption in mind, the forty respondents were investigated as to their commitment to the local com• munity in terms of social participation and patronage of local services. It would be expected that part-time and residential farmers would be less likely to partake in the affairs of the local community than the full-time farmers because of their connection with other institutions associated with their off-farm work and the fact that they had in a large number of cases - 105 - moved from an urban area to their present farm.
Social Participation* Social participation is a measure of an indivi• dual's involvement in a ccjmmunity in both formal and semi-formal organisations
(Bertrand 1958:139)* Formal organisations include churches and farmer or• ganisations, whereas semi-formal participation includes buying supplies, borrowing money and marketing the farm produce (ibid.). The distribution of social participation was measured for both farm operators and their wives.
The four categories chosen for investigation were selected to cover the wide range of interests that would be found in an area such as Matsqui Municipali• ty where there were both rural and urban activities available.
Affiliation with a church was the most frequent form of membership for both farm operators and their wives (Tables XXXVI and XXXVII), and in most cases, the respondents who reported church affiliation indicated that they attended the services regularly. That the church is an important in• stitution in rural life was reflected in the breakdown of membership reported by the three types of farm operators (Tables XXXVI and XXXVII). Membership in organisations related to the farms' operation was the second most impor• tant means of participation. This included membership in local co-operatives and the marketing of farm produce. As would be expected, the full-time and part-time respondents recorded the largest number of participants (Table
XXXVI). Organisations associated with other aspects of farming or offrfarm occupations had a low level of participation recorded by the forty respon• dents. Participation in social activities, other than those associated di• rectly with the church, were attended by a larger percentage of the residen• tial farm operators and their wives than by either of the other two operator
classes. This pattern indicated a number of important features. Firstly, most of the full-time operators reported that any social activities were re- - 106 - la ted directly to the church, and secondly, the time factor prevented them having other regular social commitments. These factors also applied to the part-time respondents, and in other operator categories the operators were more active in social activities than their wives. The evidence also indi• cated that where part-time or residential operators belonged to an organi• sation they were more likely to be committee members than their full-time counterparts. This was often the result of their off-farm occupation having given them certain attributes which would be beneficial to certain societies.
TABLE XXXVI
DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT MEMBERSHIP
IN FORMAL AND SEMI-FORMAL ORGANISATIONS BT THE HUSBAND
Type Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms No. % No. % No. % No. % Church 9 81.8 12 66.7 5 45.5 26 65.0 Farma . 7 63.6 11 61.1 16 40.0 Societies 1 9.1 2 11.1 3 7.5 Social0 1 9.1 3 16.7 27.3 7 Organisations including co-operatives and marketing agencies.
b Organisations other than those in the "Farm" category, but included membership in those associated with either agriculture or off-farm occupations. c Social clubs other than those directly associated with a church.
The rural church was the predominant socialising institution reported by the forty respondents. There is little doubt that the low level of par• ticipation in other organisations is explainable by the large number of Men- nonites in the area and the establishment of a comprehensive variety of or• ganisations under the auspices of the Mennonite religious body. The evidence also clearly showed that the institution traditionally sponsored by rural so• ciety, the church, had greater patronage from the full-time farmers than the - 107 - other two operator groups. Another reason for the low level of non-church social participation could be that because of the gap between various ethnic and religious groups, membership was limited to small groups which were spon• sored by the churches. This last factor was one which was noted by Buckmire (1966:80) in his study of the Bonnyville District of Alberta.
TABLE XXXVII
DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT MEMBERSHIP
IN FORMAL AND SEMI-FORMAL ORGANISATIONS BT THE WIFE
Type Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms No. % No. % No. % No. % Church 8 100.0 12 66.7 5 55.6 25 71.lt a Farm b Societies 2 11.1 2 5.7 Social0 3 ?3.3 3 8.6 Organisations including co-operatives and marketing agencies. b Organisations other than those In the "Farm" category, but includes membership in those associated with either agriculture or off-farm occupations. 0 Social clubs other than those directly associated with a church.
Economic Participation. In addition to social participation in the local community, there is economic participation, which may be measured by the level of patronage of local retail services. Traditionally, the local service centre could supply all or most of the commodities necessary to main• tain a farming community because its populace only required the essentials for rural living. Two factors which are both related to the breakdown of rural isolation have, however, altered this relationship. Firstly, there has been the influx Into rural areas of people who have acquired an urban set of values and who demand the services capable of providing the standard of living associated with those values. Secondly, the increased mobility of - 108 - rural populations and their awareness through the mass media of the wider range of services available in the larger urban centres permits them to exer• cise a choice in their purchasing habits, not only as to what they buy but where they go to buy it.
The migration patterns of many of the forty respondents indicated that they had at some stage lived in an urban area and would have consequently been subject to an urban set of values, however limited this may have been.
With this in mind, the purchasing habits of the forty respondents were in• vestigated with reference to the major commodities necessary for maintaining the rural family. No attempt was made to isolate the patronage of local ser• vices at the local store level, but rather the relative importance of centres such as Abbotsford, Clearbrook, Matsqui or Mission City compared with Vancou• ver.
TABLE XXXVIII
DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT
LEVEL OF PATRONAGE OF LOCAL SERVICES3
Type of Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Services No. % No. % No. % No. % Food 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0 Clothing 10 90.9 15 83.3 9 81.8 34 85.0 Household 11 100.0 17 9k.k 10 90.9 38 95.0 Agricultural 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 1*0 100.0 Entertainment 11 100.0 17 94.4 9 81.8 37 92.5 Average 10.8 98.2 17 94.1* 10.0 90.9 37.8 94.5
a "Local" was recorded when respondents acquired the respective ser• vices in Matsqui Municipality, usually Clearbrook or Abbotsford, rather than purchasing them in Vancouver.
All of the forty respondents purchased locally the larger part of their food supply, and this was also the case for agricultural equipment and machln- - 109 - ery (Table XXXVH). Although almost all of the full-time operators (90.9 per cent) purchased their clothing in Abbotsford, this figure was lower for part-time (83.3 per cent) and residential farm operators (81.8 per cent).
This purchasing pattern could possibly be explained by the greater number of non-agricultural contacts made by the latter two operator categories which necessitated a greater variety of clothing. This factor would apply to both the operators and their wives. Household purchases were generally made in
Abbotsford, and the residential category once again reported the lowest level of patronage of the local services. Entertainment was also acquired locally by the majority of the respondents, but in most cases the operators indi• cated that outside the church and associated organisations entertainment was generally kept to a minimum. The lack of entertainment available lo• cally, particularly for the children, was criticised by many of the respon• dents. Some of the part-time and residential operators stated that they sometimes went to Chilliwack City for their entertainment since it had thea• tres and a greater variety of recreation facilities for both young and old people.
The "average" figures ln Table XXXVIII help to illustrate the general pattern of patronage of local services. The fact that the average figure for all the respondents for the five categories of commodities was 94.5* per cent suggests that the services available ln Abbotsford were adequate for nearly 2 all the respondents. As would be expected, the level of patronage when applied to the three types of farm operators showed that the full-time opera• tors relied to the greatest extent on the local stores and services. The
Although Abbotsford Village had a population of 792 in 1966, the to• tal urban area of Abbotsford and Clearbrook has a population of approximately 7,000. The size of the urban area may be further illustrated by the fact that Abbotsford has five banks and a newspaper with a circulation of 3,811 (Bureau of Economics and Statistics 1966:168). - 110 - average figure for the full-time operators was 98.2 per cent, 94.4 per cent for the part-time operators and 90.9 per cent for the residential operators.
The reasons given by the part-time and residential operators for shopping in Vancouver rather than in Matsqui Municipality were a combination of grea• ter available choice and the fact that some of them had formerly lived in
Vancouver and were therefore acquainted with specific stores in which they could obtain particular quality items. Interviews with storekeepers in the small centres in Matsqui Municipality such as Peardonville, Clayburn and
Mount Lehman indicated that their sales were generally made to the older regular patrons of the store or to the younger families when they had for• gotten commodities in Abbotsford or Clearbrook.
Degree of Isolation
The physical isolation of the forty respondents was investigated from two standpoints. Firstly, the degree of isolation within Matsqui Muni•
cipality, and secondly, the degree of isolation within the Lower Mainland.
This latter factor was measured by the frequency of visits to the Vancouver
Metropolitan area.
Within Matsqui Municipality. The degree of physical isolation with
regard to the major services for any resident within Matsqui Municipality was negligible since the municipality covers only one hundred square miles and eon-
tains numerous small service centres in addition to the major centres of
Clearbrook and Abbotsford. However, a number of patterns were identified sub•
sequent to comparing the average total distance travelled for services by the
three types of farm operators. The average total distance travelled for the
seven services"^ was obtained by calculating for each respondent the total
The seven services included: food, clothing, medical, church, ele• mentary school, secondary school and post office. - Ill - one way distance to the nearest places where each of the seven services could be obtained. This figure was then divided by seven to obtain the average dis• tance. Because the nearest location for many of the services was not neces• sarily Abbotsford or CLearbrook but at centres such as Peardcarville, Matsqui, Mt. Lehman or Clayburn, the figures do not Indicate an accurate distance fac• tor from the centre of Abbotsford. In addition, respondents who lived in the northern part of the municipality sometimes shopped in Mission City, whereas those in the western part of the municipality often shopped in Alder- grove for their daily requirements. However, the faot that all of the res• pondents obtained their medical, secondary school, and clothing needs in Abbotsford does permit the average figure to be used as an approximate indi• cation of the relative location of the forty respondents to the centre of Abbotsford.
Of the seven services taken Into consideration, the elementary school was nearest and the post office was the second closest for the majority of the respondents. Residential operators tended to be closer to the seven services than either the part-time or full-time operators (Table XXHX). Blue (81.8 per cent) of the residential operators travelled an average distance of less than 5 miles for the seven items, but only eleven (61.1 per cent) part- time operators and five (45.5 per cent) of the full-time operators were with• in that distance." Only four (10.0 per cent) operators had more than six miles to travel for the seven items, and all of these were part-time farmers. The reasons for this pattern became more evident when the travelling time from the centre of Abbotsford was taken into consideration. Using the choro- pleth pattern mapped by the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board (1965) for the five minute and ten minute driving times from the centre of Abbotsford, an overlay was made of the location of the forty sample farms. It was found - 112 - from the exercise that nine (81.8 per cent) of the residential farmers were within ten minutes driving time from the centre of Abbotsford. The figures for the part-time and full-time farmers were nine (50.0 per cent) and six (5U.5 per cent) respectively.
TABLE XXXIX
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT
AVERAGE TOTAL DISTANCE TRAVELLED FOR SERVICES3
Distance in Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Miles No % No. % No. % No. % 2 or less 2 18.2 5 27.8 k 36.U 11 27.5 3 - 4 3 27.3 7 38.9 5 U5.4 15 37.5 5 - 6 6 5U.5 2 ll.l 2 18.2 10 25.0 7-8 U 22.2 k 10.0 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 HO 100.0
a The services included: food, clothing, medical, church, elementary school, secondary school and post office. By using the data assembled in Table XXXIX and the driving time infor• mation it was possible to ascertain a number of features. Firstly, residen• tial fanners tended to settle in a location more convenient to the centre of Abbotsford than either of the other types of farm operators, and that this was the nearest place for most of them to obtain the seven items indicated in Table XXXIX. Secondly, for many of the part-time operators, small local stores were more convenient for everyday needs than Abbotsford centre. T»»i« pattern was similar for the full-time farmers but not so distinctly developed. Thirdly, the ease of access to either the freeway or Highway 11 (the main highway from Mission City to Abbotsford) was in some cases a more Important influence on the time travel factor than the actual distance involved.
Within the Lower Mainland. The development of a comprehensive Infra• structure in the Lower Mainland has encouraged the overflow of an urban - 113 - orientated population into a large part of this region. A major stimulant in this movement has been the construction of a modern freeway system. The existing figures relating to the mobility of people in the Lower Mainland are in terms of commuter distances and times, and the number of people in• volved (L.M.R.P.B. 195*6). The frequency of visits to Vancouver by the farm population would therefore seem to contribute an Important dimension ln an attempt to identify the level of isolation experienced by the farm family. Two questions in the interview schedule were orientated to this problem. One focused on the frequency of visits made by the respondents to Vancouver, and the other one attempted to ascertain the effect the freeway may have had on this travel pattern.
As would be expected, the full-time operators recorded a lower frequency of visits to Vancouver than either of the other types of farm operators. The highest level of frequency of visits by full-time respon• dents was monthly, which was reported by three (27.3 per cent) of them (Tab• le XL). The three respondents who travelled daily to Vancouver did so in TABLE XL
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT FREQUENCY OF VISITS TO VANCOUVER
Frequency Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms No. % No. % No. % No. % Daily 1 $jF 2 18.1D 3 7.5* Weekly 3 16.7 3 7.5* Monthly 3 27.3 2 11.1 3 27.3 8 20.0 a Six or less a 6 5*4.5" 10 5*5*.5* 3 27.3 19 U7.5* Less than onea 2 18.2 2 11.1 3 27.3 7 17.5" Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 40 100.0
a Number of visits per year.
b Daily visit with off-farm employment. -114 - connection with their off-farm occupation. Both residential respondents (18.1 per cent) in this category had previously lived in the city itself, but this was not the case for the one (5.6 per cent) part-time farmer. Resi• dential farmers also reported the largest percentage of respondents (27.3 per cent) who visited Vancouver less than once a year. Two (18.2 per cent) of these respondents reported that their age was the controlling factor in the lack of visits, whereas the other respondent indicated that he did not like urban areas.
The data indicated that for the majority of the respondents, the Van• couver urban area held no special attraction. This was because a large somber of respondents did not like to go into large urban areas unless it was abso• lutely essential and the fact that Abbotsford was a large enough urban centre to supply most of their needs. Three major factors could be determined which affected the frequency of visits to Vancouver. Firstly, a high visiting fre• quency was related to the off-farm occupations of the respective respondents. Secondly, the lowest frequency level of visits was resultant upon an age fac• tor. Thirdly, the number of farm respondents reporting visits on a monthly basis or six times a year or less was largely a function of whether these res• pondents had members of their immediate family living in Vancouver. In general, any other business that was transacted in Vancouver, such as shopping or sight• seeing, was combined with the personal visits.
The majority of the forty respondents reported that the construction of the freeway had made no difference to their frequency of visits to Vancou• ver (Table XLI). No really significant factor was found to explain the res• ponse pattern tabulated in Table XLI except for the age of the respondents. In all three operator classes the respondents who reported that the freeway
had made a positive change in the number of visits to Vancouver were in the - 115 - younger age groups shown In Table XXX.
TABLE XII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS
BT EFFECT OF FREEWAT ON FREQUENCY OF VISITS TO VANCOUVER
Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms No. % No. % No. % No. f Positive 3 27.3 It 22.2 3 27.3 10 25.0 Undecided 2 18.2 2 11.1 1 9.1 5 12.5 Negative 6 54.5 12 66.7 7 63.6 2? 62.£ Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 ii 100.0 UO 100.0
Social Reasons for the Persistence of Small Farms
The short summary at the end of Chapter III stated that the low fi• nancial returns reported by many of the small farm respondents implied that the reasons for farm living were not necessarily based on economic considera• tions. The last section of this chapter therefore attempts to identify some of the social reasons for the persistence of small farms within the context of the three types of small farm operators. In addition, the future Inten• tions of the forty respondents with regards to the function of their res• pective farms are identified.
Level of Satisfaction with Rural Living. The likelihood of farmers remaining on small farms although the economic returns from the farm operation are often limited is often Influenced by their level of satisfaction with rural living which cannot necessarily be expressed ln economic terms (Abell 19561 120). In order to Investigate the attitude and satisfaction of the forty respondents to living on farms in Matsqui Municipality, the farm operators and their wives were asked to indicate which of the five statements shown In Table XLII most accurately described their level of preference for either - 116 - living in a rural or urban environment. Although only ten per cent of the interviews were conducted with both the farm operator and his wife present, the respondents in the remainder of the Interviews were asked what the atti• tudes of their husband or wife were as was appropriate. TABLE XUI
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT LEVEL OF SATISFACTION WITH RURAL OR URBAN LIVING EXPRESSED BT THE HUSBAND
Levela Full-Time Part-Time Residential All Farms Reported No. % No. % No. % No. % 1. 7 63.6 16 88.9 10 90.9 33 82.5 2. 3 27.3 2 11.1 5 12.5 3. 1 9.1 1 9.1 2 5.0 4. 5. Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 UO 100.0
Levels of satisfaction were obtained by asking the respondents which of the statements best described the way they felt:
1. I am strongly favourable to living In the rural environment. 2. I am favourable to living in a rural environment. 3. I am neutral to living in the country or the city, li. I am favourable to living in the city. 5. I am strongly favourable to living in the city.
Thirty-three (82.5 per cent) of the farm operators were strongly fav• ourable to living in a rural environment. Within the three types of operator categories, residential operators had the largest percentage of respondents (90.9 per cent) expressing this level of satisfaction. Sixteen (88.9 per cent) of the part-time operators were strongly favourable to living in a rural environment but only seven (63.6 per cent) of the full-time farmers felt the same way. The relatively low percentage of full-time operators ex- - 117 - pressing a high level of satisfaction with rural living could not be explained by any one particular factor. Although the four operators (36.li per cent) which expressed a lower level of satisfaction were not restricted to a low income group, the Impression gained from a number of the interviews was that part-time farmers experienced more enjoyment from farming because they were not burdened with its financial worry to the same extent as their full-time counterparts. This line of reasoning was further substantiated by the fact that the residential respondents, the operator class relying least on the economic returns from farming to supply the family income, had the highest percentage of respondents which Indicated a high level of satisfaction with rural living. The one full-time operator who reported that his feelings were neutral to living in the country or the city was sixty-five and inten• ded to retire to dearbrook. The interviews indicated that social rather than economic considerations were the major factors in explaining the res• pondents' higher level of satisfaction with rural than urban living, whereas any dissatisfaction with living on farms was caused by the awareness of a lack of economic success. Consequently, full-time farmers reported a lower level of satisfaction with rural living because they were dependent on farm• ing for their family Income.
A higher percentage of the wives indicated that they were strongly favourable to living in a rural environment (Table XLIII). Whereas 82.5 per cent of the farm operators were classified in this category, the figure was
85.7 per cent for their wives. In all cases except one, the wives' feelings towards living in a rural or urban environment were identical to those of their respective husbands. - 118 -
TABLE XLIII PERCENTAQE DISTHIBITTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT
LEVEL OF SATISFACTION WITH RURAL OR URBAN LIVING EXPRESSED BT THE WIFE
Level Full-Time Part-Time Residential AU Farms Reporteda No. % No. % No. % No. % 1. 6 75.0 16 88.9 8 88.9 30 85.7 2. 1 12.5 2 11.1 3 8.5 3. 1 12.5 1 2.9 4. 1 11.1 1 2.9 5. Total 8 100.0 18 100.0 9 100.0 35 100.0
a Levels of satisfaction vera obtained! by asking the respondents which of the statements best described the way they felt: 1. I am strongly favourable to living in the rural environment. 2. I am favourable to living in a rural environment. 3. I am neutral to living in the country or the city, li. I am favourable to living In the city. 5. I am strongly favourable to living in the city.
Reasons for Preferring Rural Living. The reasons for preferring rural living were basically the same for the three types of small farm operators. On the whole, however, the part-time respondents were far more dogmatic in expressing their reasons for rural living than either the full-time or resi• dential operators. For nearly all the respondents, the factor of privacy with its associated benefits of freedom and more space was the prime reason for rural living. This was closely followed by the contention that a farm, however small, was a better place to bring up children since it made them more self-reliant, gave them a greater sense of responsibility and a superior sense of moral and psychological values than if they had been brought up ln the city. The third most important aspect of farm living according to the respondents was the physical environment. This included fresh air, the ab- - 119 -
sence of pollution associated with cities, and the absence of excessive noise. For some of the full-time operators and those part-time operators who hoped to farm on a full-time basis the fact that farming gave the opera•
tor a sense of independence and achievement was an important consideration.
Respondents from the three operator categories also suggested that living on
a farm in Matsqui Municipality still permitted them to partake of the con• veniences formerly avail able only in urban areas and therefore there was no advantage to becoming an urban dweller. Other reasons which were mentioned by the respondents to a lesser extent were, that farm life offered security,
it was cheaper than living in the city, the respondents were used to living in the country, and that there was a better community spirit in rural areas.
It was evident from the responses of some of the respondents that farming was still considered a way of life and that there still existed an evaluation of rural as opposed to city life based on ethical and moral grounds which were frequently founded on religious ideals.
Future Plans of Small Farm Operators
In order to obtain some idea of the future of small farms in Matsqui
Municipality from the outlook of the farm operators, the forty respondents were asked what function the farm would be used for in the future. Seven
(63.6 per cent) of the full-time operators indicated that they would remain farming on a full-time basis on their present holding (Table XLIV). Three
(27*3 per cent) of the full-time operators intended to remain on the farm and use it only as a place of residence. Two of these operators were over sixty- five and the other one was sixty-four. The one full-time operator who was vacating the farm was sixty-five and was moving into Clearbrook to live.
Thirteen (72.7 per cent) of the part-time operators intended to con- tinue farming on a part-time basis, although three of them hoped to enlarge their enterprises by increasing the acreage under small fruits or rearing a - 120 - larger number of cattle. Five (27.8 per cent) of the part-tine operators hoped to become full-time farmers. Only one of them, however, had set him• self an approximate date when he would make the change in his operation. For the other four respondents, the inhibiting factor was basically the same. This was the difficulty of building up a sufficiently large profitable farm business while still maintaining their off-farm occupation. Moore and Wayt (1957:1*) in their study of part-time farming as a route to full-time farming showed that the difficulty mentioned above was complicated by the fact that as operators built up their size of farm business, their average non-farm earnings decline, leaving no net gain in expendable income. They (ibid.) also suggested that most operators who became full-time farmers did so for reasons which were partly non-economic and which were instead based on the capacity for making decisions, the willingness to sacrifice same Income if necessary, and the co-operation and attitude of the farm family as a whole. Ten (90.9 per cent) of the residential respondents Intended to remain on their farm and use it solely as a place of residence.
TABLE XLI7 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARM RESPONDENTS BT PROPOSED FUNCTION OF THE FARM HOLDING IN THE FUTURE
Proposed Full-Time Part-Time Residential AU Farms Function No. % No. % No. % No. % Fun-Time Farming 7 63.6 5 27.8 12 30.0 Part-Time Farming 13 72.2 1 9.1 lit 35.0 Residence 3 27.3 10 90.9 13 32.5 vacate the farm 1 9.1 1 2.5 Total 11 100.0 18 100.0 11 100.0 1*0 100.0 - 121 -
SiTntmaTy
The evidence discussed in Chapter 17 clearly Indicated that although many of the non-economic characteristics of the farm families were not direct factors in accounting for the economic predicament of the farm family income they were nevertheless Important considerations ln understanding the present relationship between the operator and his holding and the family and the lo• cal community. The ethnic background of many of the respondents was important in ex• plaining the presence of many of the farm operators in farming. In a number of cases the inability to speak English and the reluctance of labour unions to recognize foreign qualifications left the immigrant little choice but to enter farming as a means of livelihood. Associated with these factors were low educational levels and the fact that the majority of the respondents had been brought up on farms. These factors behind entry Into farming were strengthened in the ease of the Mennonite religious group by the presence of others of the same faith who had adopted a type of farming which was associated with relatively small holdings and the intensive use of family labour. This association between a specific type of farming and an ethnic group was also found to exist in the case of the Japanese and the Butch.
There was no significant difference between the marital status repor• ted for the three operator categories but full-time farm families were larger than those of the part-time or residential farmers. The most significant pat• tern with regard to farm children was that of off-farm migration with their occupations being other than agricultural.
Despite the fact that many of the part-time and residential operators had lived in an urban area at some time during their lives, the part-time far• mers had occupied their present holding for a longer period than their full- - 122 - time counterparts. This would seem to indicate that part-time farming on small farms offers greater economic and social security than if farming is the only source of income. However, part-time farming as a step on the agri• cultural ladder to full-time farming was not a particularly successful or ef• ficient means of attaining this objective.
Social participation except for church membership was generally low for the majority of the respondents. Although full-time farmers reported the highest level of patronage of local stores and services, Abbotsford's facili• ties were sufficient to meet most of the demands of all the respondents. As a result shopping excursions to Vancouver were limited even with the availa• bility of a freeway system.
The evidence also indicated that although many of the respondents must have experienced considerable difficulty in retaining their capital assets the social advantages evolving out of farm residency more than compensated for their economic predicament. The result of the interviews further sug• gested that rural living rather than farming per se was the major attraction for living on farms since it manifested the availability of space without the hardships traditionally associated with agriculture. CHAPTER V
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Summary
The purpose of this study was to document and analyse some of the major characteristics of the present socio-economic situation of small farms in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia. The present chapter summarises the more important findings of the survey, and briefly discusses the Impli• cations of this evidence in terms of the possible future of small farms.
The initial chapters indicated that because the major function of small farms is often other than agricultural production, there is the neces• sity to recognise the contrasting functions which holdings may serve for the operators and their families. In this respect the synthesis of the hetero• geneous motives for farm occupancy into three levels of farm operation, full- time, part-time and residential provided a convenient and rewarding approach to the problem. For the purpose of this study farms of under twenty-one acres were classified as small farms. The criteria used for establishing the types of occupiers were related to the relative working time spent by the occupier at on-farm and off-farm work and the Income obtained from the associated ac• tivity. Using these terms of reference a full-time operator was one who spent less than 100 days on off-farm work, or where at least £l per cent of
the family living income was contributed by the farm; the part-time operator was one who spent more than 100 days on off-farm work, or where at least $1 per cent of the family living income was derived from sources other than from
the farm; and the residential farm operator was one who received less than
- 123 - - 121; -
$25>0 from agricultural sales over the proceeding twelve months irrespective of the time he spent on the farm.
Although these parameters were established for identifying small farms and the three types of operators involved, their limitations were ac• knowledged from the standpoint that all classifications are subjective be• cause their utility is related to the purpose for which they are designed
(Chisholm 196U:°2). Their appropriateness was nevertheless substantiated by the fact that the analysis of the field data using these terms of refer• ence permitted the identification of the different systems and perceptions of farm occupancy which occur among small farm occupiers.
It has been shown that the breakdown of rural isolation has meant that the rural population no longer constitutes an homogenous entity, and this is reflected in the variety of motives for living on farms. In addition, the interrelationship between urbanisation, small farms, and the part-time and residential farmer is a distinctive feature of the farm ownership pattern in Matsqui Municipality, and in all probability other parts of the Lower Main• land within commuting distance of downtown Vancouver. The fact that only eleven (27.5 per cent) of the farms in the sample were operated as full-time farms clearly indicates that commercial agriculture is not necessarily the primary function of farm holdings.
Factors Accounting for the Presence of Small Farms. Small farms have been an integral part of the rural landscape of the Lower Mainland since the inception of agriculture in the region in the latter part of the 1820's. Ini• tially, factors such as the high cost of land, the excessive cost of clearing the heavy timber cover, and the desire of the early settlers to establish their holdings close together led to the establishment of small farms. In addition, - 125 - there was little necessity for the farmers to enlarge their holdings since ten acre units at the turn of the century and up until the 1930' s could af• ford their occupiers a standard of living which was comparable to or even better than that enjoyed by most of society. The farmer also had status and independence and could establish a viable farm operation as a tangible capital asset.
During World War II the scarslty of food caused a high market price for raspberries to the extent that the returns from one season's crop could pay for an entire farm (Imus 1948:87). These circumstances encouraged the subdivision of land considered marginal for dairying into five or ten acre lots. As a result more small farms were established particularly In the up• land areas of Matsqui Municipality, but also other parts of the Lower Main• land.
After World War II the gradual breakdown of rural isolation and the greater integration of production, processing and marketing in agriculture has meant that farm operations must conform to the economy as a whole if they are to remain effective production units. In addition many of the small units which resulted from the subdivision process mentioned above were not large enough to support their occupiers when the small fruit market collapsed. How• ever, despite the fact that small farm units tend to restrict the type of farming enterprises that may be operated, subdivision continues because high taxes have made it necessary to dispose of part of the farm unit or urban ex• pansion has engulfed agricultural land along the urban fringe and In dispersed pockets.
Economic Circumstances of Families on Small Farms. The data relating to the forty sample farms Indicated that although the average size of full- time farms was less than that of the part-time and residential farms, the - 126 - former tended to be situated on soils which recorded a higher rating on the
soil capability classification. In addition the full-time farms in parti•
cular were located on soils which were favourable for the types of agricul•
ture the operators wished to pursue. However, soil characteristics were not as important as other factors, such as managerial attention or working capi•
tal in explaining the farms' economic position. With regard to the types of farm enterprises followed by the farm operators the evidence Indicated that
these were closely related to the available time and capital that the farmers
could devote to their farm operation, as well as the acreage of the holding.
For the full-time operators the most significant factor affecting
the type of farm enterprise was the acreage of the farm. Within the limi•
tations set by this factor the specific type of enterprise was often the re•
sult of previous farming experience and the availability of capital for in• vestment in machinery, livestock or plant varieties. The evidence obtained
from some of the interview schedules indicated, however, that the limited
size factor could be negated by the input of sufficient capital and the in•
troduction of intensive specialisation.
The most significant factor affecting the choice of enterprise re• ported by the part-time operators was the working time the operators could
commit to the farms' operation, since in the majority of cases the incomes
obtained from agricultural returns were only supplementary to those obtained
from their off -farm occupations. It would also appear that because of the
limited amount of working time part-time operators could spend on their farms
they tended to operate their holdings less intensively than their full-time
counterparts. Although part-time farmers concentrated on simplification
from the standpoint of labour input and managerial attention, they had a
greater variety of enterprises involved in their operations than was reported - 127 - by the fall-time farmers.
The reasons for this situation would seem to be largely explainable by two factors. Firstly, most of the part-time operators, except for those intending to become full-time farmers, admitted that because they were not totally dependent on their farm sales for a livelihood they could afford to experiment with various enterprises and thus subscribe to the hobby-farm ideal. Secondly, the full-time farmers on small farms were obliged to con• centrate on specific enterprises, for example broiler production or special• ty crops, if they were to attain the economies of scale which would maintain viable economic units. Although the full-time farmers did have secondary farm enterprises these took a very subsidiary position to the main farm en• terprise. In addition, whereas the majority of part-time farmers were con• cerned with technical efficiency, the full-time farmers aimed for a high level of economic efficiency.
In contrast, the importance of agriculture to the residential far• mers was so insignificant that any collation between this group and the other two would not have been valid in terms of agricultural production. With re• gard to the general appearance of the farms, part-time operators tended to maintain their entire holding in better condition than the residential opera• tors did. Although the latter frequently maintained the house in good con• dition this concern did not always extend to the other farm buildings and the land. On a number of residential holdings only a limited acerage was being actively used for crop production or livestock rearing while most of the land was left in low quality rough pasture. This being the case it may be feasible to suggest that some areas of low capability soils could be zoned for residen• tial farming and that the size of these lots should not exceed five acres. In the upland areas where these soils tend to occur the timber cover would permit - 123 - relatively close proximity of dwellings without given the impression of su• burbia which would be the case of such development on the open landscape of the flood plain*
The contention that small farms, particularly- if operated on a full- time basis, frequently symbolise inadequate farm incomes and the subsequent lower standard of living of the farm family would seem to hold true for a number of respondents in the present study. It is difficult to appraise the economic position of farm units and farm family income without comparison to a generally accepted yardstick'. Reference was made in Chapter HI to the definition of low income full-time farms used by ARDA, and the fact that the capital value of $25,000 and the gross farm sale value of $3,750 provided a convenient guage for the present study. Five (Ii5.5 per cent) of the full-
time farms in the sample would be classed as low Income units on the basis of farm sales, and another two (18,2 per cent) were slightly above the $3,750 figure. The same seven farms were also the ones with capital values of less than $25,000, This relationship substantiates the findings of other studies
that farms with low capital values are also the ones with the lowest farm
cash incomes.
Five (27.8 per cent) of the eighteen part-time farmers recorded
farm expenses in excess of farm receipts, and only four (22.2 per cent) re•
corded farm sales of over $3,750. In contrast all of the part-time farmers recorded a family income of over $3,000 (the poverty line used by ARDA for rural non-farm families) even when the deficits from the farms' operation were taken into consideration. None of the residential farmers had gross
farm sales of over $100, but only two (18.2 per cent) other than those which were retired, recorded incomes of less than $3,000. Although no exact figures were obtained during the interview as to the use of farm occupancy ln the - 129 -
"writing off11 of taxes levied against the other sources of farm family in•
come, this would no doubt be an important consideration for some of the occu• piers.
From the standpoint of the farms' operation a number of factors help
to explain the organisation behind the eventual financial situation. Firstly, although labour costs were a major expense in the farms' operation it was ap• parent that on a number of holdings there was an Inefficient use of the family labour supply. Secondly, little contact was made with the District Agricul•
turist, and except for a few part-time farmers who intended to farm full- time, he was approached in a remedial capacity rather than as a source of information associated with agricultural innovations. Thirdly, even though most operators who needed dependable and efficient marketing for their pro• ducts (e.g. poultry and small fruit) belonged to marketing organisations, some of them received less than the established grower price because of their inability to produce the product in large enough quantities. This was particu• larly true for those operators whose small fruit enterprises formed only
secondary activities in their farms' operation.
The evidence relating to the relative value of income obtained from farm and non-farm sources and occupational commitment indicated that for the majority of the part-time farmers agricultural production was only a subsi•
diary function of their working time. Fourteen (77.8 per cent) of the part- time farmers received a greater income from their non-farm occupation than from the farm, and eleven (61.1 per cent) worked full-time off the farm.
With regard to the off-farm occupations there was a tendency for the respon• dents, whether part-time or residential, to neglect the traditional rural oc• cupations for employment in the secondary and tertiary sectors which had little or no connection with farming. Nevertheless, the majority of the res- - 130 - pondents found off-farm employment in Matsqui Municipality, and only a small percentage commuted to the Vancouver Metropolitan area for employment. All of the full-time operators1 wives helped substantially on the farm as did over half (£8.3 per cent) of the part-time operators' wives who had no off- farm occupation. In contrast the majority of the residential operators' wives (81.8 per cent) had no occupation either on or off the farm.
The value of perquisite consumption in supplementing the farm fami• lies' food budgets varied considerably, but the average value given was be• tween $200 and $25>0. There was no evidence to suggest, however, that the lower income families attempted to ameliorate their situation by relying to a greater extent on home produced food.
None of the forty respondents were receiving welfare payments at the time the interviews were conducted. The absence of such welfare payments would seem to indicate that none of the respondents formed the hard core of rural poverty. Steacy (l°5°:U0) indicated that although farmers may be in the inadequate income group and are denying themselves and their families amenities and material possessions to which every home should be entitled, they are not necessarily poverty stricken. Nevertheless, the operators of many of the small farms are incapable of taking full advantage of innovations in agriculture and the higher standard of living being achieved by other sec• tors of the population.
Non-economic Aspects of the Life of the Farm Family. There are numer• ous factors which are not necessarily economic in origin which influence the financial situation of the farms' operation. The demographic characteristics of the farm family and their participation in the local community are impor• tant considerations in realising the full implications of the economic per• formance of small farms. - 131 -
A large percentage of the respondents were first and second genera• tion Canadians whose ancestors were frequently of East European origin*
Many of those whose families were originally from Eastern Europe were Men• nonites who had obtained small farms and who by concentrating on such enter• prises as fruit and poultry were able to utilise a large family labour supply.
The statements obtained from the interview schedules Indicated that low education levels and the inability to speak English were two important factors in accounting for the presence of many of the operators in farming.
The fact that the majority of the farmers and their wives had been brought up on farms was another Important factor in this respect.
Whereas the majority of the full-time and residential farmers were immigrants who had farmed initially on the Prairies, the part-time farmers who were immigrants had come directly to the Lower Mainland in order that they could combine farm living with a non-agricultural occupation. The rea• sons for this in-migration particularly from the Prairies varied considerably and resulted from the Lower Mainland having a favourable physical environment, the availability of better social and economic facilities and the presence of other people of the same religious or ethnic group. There was, however, little indication that farmers migrate to the Lower Mainland specifically to retire on small farms, or that they are financially well off when they came to this area. Despite the fact that full-time farmers were more mobile than the part-time or residential farmers in terms of the number of moves made, the two latter categories of operators could be regarded as being more adap• table to change In their place of residence since many of them had at some stage lived in an urban area. This was not the case for the full-time far• mers, the majority of whom had always lived in rural areas.
From the figures relating to the duration of occupancy on the present - 132 - farm, the part-time farmers had occupied them for a longer period than their full-time counterparts, although the full-time farmers were generally older than the part-time and residential respondents. This would seem to indicate that part-time farming on small farms offers greater economic and social stability than if farming is the only source of revenue.
The majority of the respondents were married with children, but the full-time farm families tended to be larger than those of the part-time or residential operators. The most significant pattern with regard to farm children was one of off-farm migration with their occupations being non- agricultural. This trend reflected the opinion expressed by most of the respondents that farming small farms as a full-time occupation was a po• tential career for their children only if they were not academically in• clined. In this respect it is significant that grade eight was the highest level of schooling completed by the majority of the parents, and only a very limited number of farmers had done any form of adult education.
Social participation, except for church membership, was generally low for all of the respondents. Part-time farmers recorded the highest level of social participation in the community, but on the whole the sup• position held by many potential rural residents that rural living permits a greater social involvement in the community had not materialised for the ma• jority of the respondents.
Economic patronage of local stores and services was high for nearly all of the forty respondents with full-time farmers reporting the highest level of patronage. Although many of the part-time and residential farmers had at some stage lived in urban areas and acquired to a certain extent an urban set of values, Abbotsford*s shopping facilities were sufficient to supply most of their needs. As a result shopping excursions to Vancouver or
New Westminster were limited and were usually combined with social visits. - 133 - The distribution of the forty farmers indicated that all of the respondents were fairly accessible to all of the major services, but that residential farmers had tended to settle ln closer proximity to the centre of Abbotsford than was the case for the other two types of small farm opera• tors. Because large urban areas held no special attraction for the majority of the respondents and their wives, their frequency of visits to Vancouver were generally low and only the younger farmers indicated that they travelled to Vancouver more frequently since the freeway had been constructed.
Social rather than economic considerations were the major factors in accounting for the respondents1 higher level of satisfaction with rural than city living, whereas any dissatisfaction with living on farms was related to the lack of economic success. The three most frequently stated reasons for preferring rural living were, availability of space, a better place to bring up children and a superior physical environment to that experienced in urban areas. It was evident from the responses of some of the older respondents that farming was still considered a way of life with its associated supposed• ly superior social, moral and psychological values compared to the city way of life.
The future plans of the forty respondents indicated that there was little likelihood of any of the full-time farmers taking off-farm jobs to supplement their farm income, and that most of them would remain on their farms at least until they retired. Although five (27.8 per cent) of the part- time farmers wanted to work full-time on their farms the difficulty of buil• ding up a sufficiently large farm business while still maintaining an off- farm occupation was a strong inhibiting factor to making the change over to full-time farming. It would therefore appear that part-time farming as a step on the agricultural ladder to full-time farming was not a particularly successful or efficient means of attaining this objective. The majority of - I3h - the residential farmers Intended to remain on their holdings and use them as places of residence and security with no attempt at commercial agriculture. The evidence indicated that there was an inverse relationship between dependency on farming for a livelihood and the level of satisfaction with rural living and that consequently rural living rather than farming per SB was the major attraction for living on small farms. Conclusion
The large volume of field data represented in Chapters HI and 17 has clearly illustrated the wide range of small farm types not only from the standpoint of the type of farm enterprise and the type of operator but also from the economic status and viability of the farms1 operation. Because most existing studies have couched the small farm situation in terms of in• adequate economic returns from the farm holding, an attempt will be made in the conclusion to identify those economic factors which help to perpetuate this characteristic of many of the small farms in the Lower Mainland. In addition the small farm will be evaluated in terms of the three types of farm operations as to whether they are beneficial to the occupier and the future of the Lower Mainland.
Factors Accounting for the Economic Success or Failure of Small Farms. The evidence obtained from the interviews indicated that some small farms are viable economic units and do provide an adequate level of living for the operator and his family. Since all the farms included In the sample were within a limited size range the physical size factor in terms of acreage would not appear to be a significant one in explaining the variation in farm income which occurred among the forty farms. It should be pointed out, however, that gr^n farmers in general are at a disadvantage when compared with the larger farmers because their farm businesses are too small to allow them to econo• mically utilise many of the innovations in agriculture unless they organise - 135 - joint ownership programs or co-operatives.
It was found that the majority of the farms, except possibly those classed as residential holdings, were located on soils which were capable of supporting the types of crops that the operators had under cultivation. As a result the resource base could not be regarded as a prime factor in differentiating economically successful and unsuccessful small farms. Although certain types of farm enterprises are more capable of pro• viding adequate returns from small acreages than others, variation in income did occur within specific enterprise categories. It was found, for example, that broiler production was the enterprise type which yielded its operators the greatest profit margin, and all the broiler producers operated viable economic holdings. In contrast, whereas some of the small fruit operators were operating economically successful holdings other operators on approxi• mately the same size of holding were making a very narrow profit margin per annum. The types of enterprise which reported the lowest profit margins generally were those concentrating on livestock production, other than poultry.
"4r By the process of elimination it was concluded that from an economic
standpoint farm size, soil type or type of enterprise were not primary fac• tors in accounting for the relative success or failure of small farms. In addition neither were education levels, ethnic origin or age of operator direct factors In this respect. The three factors which seemed to have the greatest influence were managerial efficiency, the availability of working capital and the desire of the farmer to operate his holding as a commercially orientated farm business.
The full-time and part-time operators of small farms who were not In the low income category were those who had been able to adapt to modem agri•
cultural techniques by expedient managerial decisions, the operationalising of these decisions by the input of sufficient capital, and relinquishing the - 136 -
concept of farming as a war of life where this attitude would have jeopar• dised efficient farming* In contrast, the small farms which were the pro• blem holdings were those where the operators were trapped because they were unwilling or unable to make the necessary adjustments.
For some of the farmers reorganisation of their capital investment within the farms' operation would probably help to irradicate some of the in• efficiencies of the system. However, the major problem for most of the small farmers was the lack of working capital to expand their business by either in• creasing their acreage or by intensifying their operation with the introduc• tion of high quality seed or livestock, and labour saving equipment in asso• ciation with high utility buildings. With the increasing investment and expenditures involved in modern farming operations credit is usually the only means whereby farmers can ob• tain the necessary capital to make any Improvements. The evidence relating to the sample farms indicated that some of the older farms were reluctant to use credit since they still maintained the belief that credit was something to be avoided and that it was preferable if they could manage without it. Even for those farmers who were willing to use credit the small farm operators were
limited by the fact that the amount of credit that could be forwarded to appli• cants was dependent upon the appraised value of their farms. For example, the two types of loans sponsored by the Farm Credit Corporation allow credit up to seventy-five per cent of the appraised value of the farm (Farm Credit Corporation 196U). Another factor was the age limit of forty-five for the "Package-deal loan" offered by the Farm Credit Corporation (ibid.). In the case of the full-time farmers in the present study, only 18.2 per cent would have been eligible to apply for the "Package-deal loan" mentioned above. Al• though not all credit corporations have identical regulations to those already indicated it would seem that small farmers were not always able to secure farm - 137 - credit of the kind or in the amounts required, because of their age or the value of their present farm operation. These circumstances therefore in• crease the divergence between many of the small farm operators and the m&in£ stream of commercial agriculture which is associated with increasingly larger production units.
The Relative Value of Full-Time, Part-Time and Residential Small Farm
Operations. Full-time farmers who have successfully adjusted their agricul• tural system to meet the demands of the market appear to be amongst the most satisfied farm occupiers and rural dwellers. They receive an income from the farm which permits them to anjoy a reasonably high standard of living without being constantly tied to farm duties and problems. In this way they are satis• fied both economically and socially with their present way of life.
In contrast, the full-time farmers who have not been able to obtain sufficient capital or to make use of it by efficient management or have little impetus to farm effectively are those who really symbolise the core of the small farm problem. These types of small farm operators form the substratum of both the farm and non-farm sector of the rural population and are looked into a way of life which is losing significance and status. Although they receive a certain level of subsistence and security from farm residency the economic returns from the farms' operation do not permit them to take an active part either economically or socially in the community. In addition there is little likelihood that they will improve their economic status because they are reluctant to take off-farm jobs on a part-time basis and their age and limited level of education are inhibiting factors for obtaining such occu• pations. Their low farm income leads them to express a relatively low level of satisfaction with rural living and yet they still regard farming as a way of life rather than a challenging business operation.
Except for those operators who can adjust to the evolving agricultur- - 138 - al pattern the full-tine small farm operators will be phased out of farm oc• cupancy. They will either sell out in speculation of making sufficient capi• tal to retire* be forced off the farm by increasing taxes associated with urban sprawl or they will remain on the farm until they die with very little likelihood of any of their children maintaining the holding on a full-time basis. Since the majority of the children of the existing operators have already left the farm or have expressed the desire to do so, the future of these farms would seem to lie in amalgamation by larger farms or, in their operation on a part-time or residential basis, with the latter function being the more likely. This is because the business and professional class who are likely to form the part-time and residential farm category to even a greater extent in the future are the sectors of society which have available capital to purchase such holdings.
For the part-time operators who intend to become full-time farmers the lack of available capital and the difficulty of building up a sufficiently large profitable farm business while still maintaining their off-farm occupa• tion was the major problem. In a number of cases farmers were not able to extend their holdings' acreage because of the proximity of other holdings. The evidence indicated, however, that the part-time operators who intend to expand their operation to a full-time concern are prepared to change from regarding farming as a way of life to realising it is a business enterprise.
The majority of the part-time farmers and particularly those who oper• ate low Income farms have little or no intention of operating their farms as commercial concerns. To these people farming offers a useful source of sup• plementary income and the benefits of space and independence associated with rural living. In addition they are prepared to cover any farming losses with their off-farm occupation in order to retain this way of life. The farmers who are successfully combining their farming and their off-farm occupations are - 139 - the households reporting the highest farm family incomes.
Because the majority of the part-time farmers are not farming as ef• ficiently and intensively as the larger full-time farmers, and are during for technical efficiency as opposed to economic goals they may be regarded as Inefficient users of the resource base. However, many of them contribute more to the social and economic stability of the community than the majority of the full-time farmers. In addition, although their presence on small farms has often developed out of an unrealistic and sentimental attraction to farm occupancy they are not trapped in this position to the same extent as their full-time counterparts. This is because they are not totally de• pendent on agriculture for their source of income. It would also appear that because the part-time farmers tend to be younger and have lived in urban areas at some stage in their lives they would be more adaptable to change Initiated by either internal or external circumstances.
The part-time farms would seem to be beneficial to the local munici• pality in two closely related ways. Firstly, because the part-time operators tend to be conscious of the appearance of their farms the Improvements they make are transferred into properly taxes for the local municipality. Secondly, the rural areas of the Lower Mainland must fulfill a dual purpose, agricultur• al production and the availability of an aesthetically attractive environ• ment for the local inhabitants and the recreational activities of the city dweller. In this respect the well kept and newly painted farm buildings of the part-time farmers afford greater visual attraction to the local recrea• tional 1st or the tourist than the dilapidated buildings of the low income full-time farmers.
Part-time farming will almost certainly Increase in the future with the phasing out of uneconomic full-time small farms, the greater availability and choice of non-farm occupations, and the increasing number of people who - mo -
are essentially non-farmers but who allot rural residency a high place on
their scale of values and who can afford to pay for this land space.
Whereas the motivations behind the current part-time farm operators may be regarded as extensions of those held by their predecessors, the chara•
cter of the present residential farmers identify them as distinct entities in
the agricultural milieu. Although the majority of the part-time farmers show
considerable resemblance to the residential farmers and subscribe to the
hobby-farm ideal they have nevertheless retained some association with com• mercial agriculture. The residential farmers in contrast are completely di•
vorced from farming as a business, and as a result standards of evaluation
adopted for full-time and part-time farmers are severely limited in their
application towards this operator category.
Low incomes occurring among the residential farmer category are not
an agricultural problem but one relating to the other sectors of the economy.
On the whole, however, the residential farmer is better off economically and
socially than the full-time small farmer because he is not locked into a dis•
appearing way of life. Farm occupancy Instead offers him security, possibly
a cheaper place to live than a city dwelling, and particularly the privacy
and space which most of them regard as prime motives for living in rural areas.
It would seem that residential farm occupancy will become an even
more common phenomenon in the future in the Lower Mainland. The reasons that
were stated for the increase in part-time farming will probably find stranger
expression in the residential farm occupier category. In addition, to the
increase in numbers involved there will tend to be a change in the types of
people who will identify themselves with this type of farm occupancy. Where•
as the present residential farmer category is composed to a considerable ex•
tent of people with a rural background or those who are not attraoted finan•
cially or culturally to the city, in the future this occupier category will - lhl - largely Involve business and professional people "whose place of residence is subjectively an important aspect in the style of life to which they aspire?"
(Pahl 1966 O05*).
There is every indication that the small farm will continue as a com• mon phenomenon In the cultural landscape of the Lower Mainland. The wri,n1nmm suggested size limits for farms indicated in the Official Regional Plan for the Lower Mainland Planning Area (L.M.R.P.B. 1966:6)1 allows for the presence of small farms of ten acres in the "Upland Rural Areas" (see Fig.l.) and farms of down to five acres in "Acreage Rural Areas" which are those areas of possible long term absorption Into urban development. The established positive relationship between urbanisation and the occurrence of small farms, and in particular those operated on a part-time or residential basis, will also be more clearly identifiable in the Lower Mainland as the Vancouver
Metropolitan area expands and the level of urbanisation throughout the region increases.
It would therefore appear that although small, farms will survive the relative Importance of their functions will change. The majority of the small full-time operated farms will gradually be replaced because they do not ade• quately fulfill economic or human needs. The units worked on a part-time or residential basis do appear to be admissible however, because although they do not adequately meet the economic requirements of a modern agricultural sys• tem they do provide their occupiers with sufficient independence to satisfy most of their social needs.
The Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board was disbanded March 31. 1969 by Provincial Order. Instead the Lower Mainland has been divided into four Regional District Boards for future planning decisions. It is intended that the guidelines established ln the Official Regional Plan will be largely followed by the four Regional District Boards. Information obtained from a personal common-I cation in February 1969 with Mr. D. South Director of the Re• gional Planning Division in the British Columbia Department of Municipal Af• fairs, Victoria. BLBLIOORAPHT
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WHITE, D.R. 1966. Rural Canada in Transition. Rural Canada in Transition, eds. M-A. Tremblay and W.J. Anderson Publication No. 6, pp. 1 - 113, Ottawa: Agricultural Economics Research Council of Canada.
WLBBERLET, G.P. 1959. Agriculture and urban growth. London: Michael Joseph.
WIENS, J.K. I960. A study of small farms in the Davidson area of central Saskatchewan. The Economic Annalist, 30(4): 84 - 89.
WILKENING, E.A. 1964. Some perspectives on change in rural societies. Rural Sociology, 29(1): 1-17.
WINTER, G.R. 1968. Agricultural development in the Lower Fraser Valley, Lower Fraser Valley: Evolution of a Cultural Landscape, ed. A.H. Siem• ens, pp. 101 - 115, Vancouver: Tantalus Research Limited.
WOOD, C.W. 1967. Personal interview with Mr. Wood, of the British Columbia Department of Agriculture, Poultry Division Branch, Abbotsford, June 6, 1967.
ZEMAN, J. 196la. A study of small farms in the Rosetown - Elrose area of west central Saskatchewan. The Economic Annalist, 31(3): 60 - 66.
______196lb. He who has a small farm. The Economic Annalist, 31(4): 83 - 91. APPENDIX I
SOME EXISTING GUIDELINES FOR THE IDENTIFICATION
OF FULL-TIME, PART-TIME AND RESIDENTIAL FARMS
The problem of farm classification is a complicated one. There are many variables involved, but those most frequently used are, the value of agricultural products sold, the relative time spent by the farm operator at either agricultural or non-agricultural work, and the relative Income ob• tained from farm and non-farm sources.
Benedict et al. (1944) distinguished the following types of farmst large scale farms, family commercial farms, part-time farms, residential farms, and small scale farms. The last three types which were most appro• priate to the present study were distinguished as follows. All three types were farms that sold less than $600 of agricultural products. The part-time farm was one on which the operator spent more than 100 days on non-farm work.
Small farms were those where the operator was under 65 years of age and spent less than 100 days on off-farm work. Residential farms were identified by the operator being over 65 years of age and the amount of time spent in off- farm work was less than 100 days per year.
Bachman et al. (191+8) identified small scale farms as those where the land and buildings were valued at under $8,000, the products sold were valued at between $500 and $1,200 and the operator worked less than 100 days off the farm in a year. They (ibid.) identified part-time units as those where the operator worked for 100 days or more off the farm, and the value of agricul• tural products sold ranged from $250 to $1,200.
- 150 - - 151 -
The Census of Canada in 1966 (Canada Census 1966) defined a census
farm as an agricultural holding of one acre or more with sales of agricultur• al products of $50 or more during the twelve month period prior to the census
date. This definition was the same as that used in 1961 but differed from that used in the 1956 and 1951 Census. Commercial farms for the 1966 Census were defined as census farms that reported $2,500 or more income from the sale of agricultural products. Eight classes were identified on the basis of the value of farm products sold. The Census also identified small scale farms, which were census farms (excluding "institutional farms, etc.") for which the reported value of agricultural product sales was less than $2,500. The small scale farms were reported in three economic classes. They were $1,200
- $2,499, $250 - $1,199 and $50 - $249. The introduction to the 1966 Census pointed out that many of the small scale farms were rural residences, hold• ings of semi-retired people and holdings of part-time operators who had full- time or part-time jobs outside of farming. Institutional farms were experi• mental farms, community pastures, Indian reserves and farms operated by in• stitutions regardless of the amount of sales of agricultural products.
In the 1961 Census (Canada Census 1961) commercial farms were census farms (except "Insitiutional farms, etc.") with a total value of agricultural products sold of $1,200 or more. The commercial farm group was divided into seven classes based on the value of agricultural products sold. The small scale farms were divided into two subgroups, namely, part-time farms and other small scale farms. Part-time farms included those census farms with sales of agricultural products of $250 - $1,199 and where the operator reported 100 days or more of off-farm work (excluding exchange work), or where the operator re• ported the income received by the operator and his family from all other sources
(excluding income from investments) was greater than the income received from I'
- 152 - the sale of agricultural products. "Other" small scale farms were farms which reported agricultural sales of $250 - $1,199 and where the operator worked off the farm less than 100 days and where the agricultural sales were greater than the income received from other sources. Residential and other small farms included those farms with agricultural sales of less than $250.
The definition used for distinguishing institutional farms was identical to that indicated for the 1966 Census.
In a study of marginal and sub-marginal rural land in Ontario, the
Ontario Economic Council distinguished three types of farm occupiers by the relative duration of time the occupant spent off the farm (Ontario Economic
Council 1966:2). Full-time farmers were operators who spent no more than thirty days in the year at off-farm work, and part-time farmers were those operators who spent more than thirty days in the year at off-farm work. A rural resident was defined as an occupant of a farm property of 25 acres or more who worked entirely off the farm. (Some or all of the farm may have been rented to a full-time or a part-time farmer.)
The relative sources of income rather than the relative time spent by the farm operator on the farm was used by Noble (1967) to distinguish full and part-time farms. A full-time farm was a farm either operated active• ly on a full-time basis by the farm operator or a farm that contributed at least 51 per cent of the family living income (ibid:8). Part-time farms were either those farms which were not operated actively by the farm operator, or where at least 51 per cent of the family living income was derived from sources other than the farm (ibj__,).
The part-time farm category included farms which were used as rural residences only but there was no qualification for defining the latter cat• egory (ibid,). - 153 - No attempt has been made In this appendix to compile a comprehensive annotated bibliography dealing with farm classification. The sources quoted are those studies which are basically orientated to the problem of small or uneconomic farms and the types of operator occupying them. In this respect they were used as guidelines for the establishment of criteria for distin• guishing the three types of farm operator In the present study. APPENDIX II
SOIL CAPABILITY CLASSIFICATION FOR AGRICULTURE
The soil capability classification for agriculture used in this study was the one adopted by the Canada Land Inventory under the administration of the Agricultural and Rural Development Act (Department of Forestry 1965).
Two sources of data pertaining to soil capability in the survey area were available to the author. These were the soil capability ratings indicated on the Real Property Appraisal records of the sample farms, and also the un• published soil capability maps covering Matsqui Municipality at the scale of
1:50,000. These maps were compiled by the Agricultural Soils Sector of the
Canada Land Inventory in British Columbia (1968). The capability classes used in both sources were identical, the only difference being that the soil capability maps were simplified versions of the assessment data.
The soil capability classification for agriculture arranged the mineral soils in seven classes to show their capability for growing the common field crops (ibid.). Organic soils were indicated on the maps but were not class• ified as to their capability capacity. The seven classes adopted were:
CLASS 1: Soils in this class have no significant limitations in use for crops.
CLASS 2: Soils in this class have moderate limitations that restrict the range
of crops or require moderate conservation practices.
CLASS 3» Soils in this class have moderately severe limitations that restrict
the range of crops or require special conservation practices.
- 15U - 155 -
CLASS li: Soils in this class have severe limitations that restrict the range
of crops or require special conservation practices or both.
CLASS St Soils In this class have very severe limitations that restrict their
capability to produce perennial forage crops, and improvement prac•
tices are feasible.
CLASS 6t Soils in this class are capable only of producing perennial forage
crops, and improvement practices are not feasible.
CLASS 7« Soils in this class have no capability for arable culture or per•
manent pasture.
Further information regarding capability subclasses and guidelines for placing soils In capability classes is given in the Canada Land Inventory
Report No. 2 (Canada Department of Forestry 1965). APPENDIX III
SELECTION OF SAMPLE FRAME AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE
The study is based on a random sample of farms under twenty-one acres in Matsqui Municipality in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia. An acreage size limit was used as the distinguishing criterion for identifying small farms in the survey area. The reasons for selecting the particular size limit were discussed in Chapter I.
The sample frame adopted was the Real Property Appraisal Records for all farms within Matsqui Municipality. This sample frame had the advantage that the records covered all pre-empted lots identified as farms or parts of farms by the Assessment Department of Matsqui Municipality. Each lot was represented by a Real Property Appraisal card which indicated the name of the title holder, his location and mailing address and the legal description of the lot's location and size. In addition,the card included information on land use, its type and extent, the soil types and distribution, the types and extent of the soils according to their capability for growing the common field crops, and the market value and assessed value of the specific lot. Infor• mation on the cards relating to the physical characteristics of the lot was calculated In 1965, but the assessment list was consulted ln January 1967 for the number of farms on the municipal records.
The Real Property Appraisal records Indicated that there were 2119 pre• empted farm lots, and of these 1159 were less than twenty-one acres in size.
Although the appraisal cards were in "roll number" order, that is by section - 156 - - 157 - and township, the cards representing the 115° lots under twenty-one acres were put in alphabetical order using the surnames of the title holders. It was found that 632 title holders had titles to more than one lot, and that their combined lot acreages exceeded the twenty-one acre limit. This process of elimination left 967 eligible title holders. In addition, 86 of the 967 title holders also had individual lots of over twenty-one acres and these were consequently eliminated from the count. A random sample was eventually drawn from a universe of 881 lots using a table of random numbers. The sam• ple consisted of seventy farms, the locations of which were plotted on a map of Matsqui Municipality. The appropriate farm operators were subsequently contacted, and forty respondents completed the interview schedule. APPENDIX 17
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR SMALL FARMS
Prior to the selection of an interview schedule as the method for ob• taining the necessary evidence on small farms, careful consideration was given to the documentation of interviews and their use in Madge (1965*154-28°).
The interview schedule was designed largely with reference to the Socio-Econo• mic Interview Schedule used by the Socio-Economic Sector of the Canada Land
Inventory in British Columbia (Verner 1967), and the questionnaire adopted by the Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations for its in• quiry into the "Small Farm Problem" as carried out by the European Commission for Agriculture (1958). Although the questions were asked in the predetermined sequence set out in the interview schedule, the interviewer extended the ques• tions where it was appropriate to obtain additional pertinent information.
These additional questions were, however, of a standardised nature for pur• poses of comparability.
- 158 - SOCIO-ECONOMIC INTERVIEW SCHEDULE
FOR SMALL FARMS
Roll Number
Respondent's Name
Location Address
Mailing Address
Person Interviewed
Date of Interview
- 159 - - 160 -
(1) What "type of tenure do you have to your property? (l) owner (2J manager (3) tenant (4) part owner, part tenant (2) How many acres does your property cover? (1) 0-4 acres (2) 5* - 9 acres (3) 10-14 acres (4) 15 - 20 acres (3) Have you increased the size of your holding since you have been living on it? (1) yes (2) no (4) If yes, by what means? (1) added new land no. of acres (2) cleared existing land no. of acres (3) improved existing land no. of acres (5) What would you estimate is the total capital market value of your land, buildings, machinery, equipment including automobile, poultry and live• stock? (1) under $ 4,950 (2) $ 4,950- 7,449 7,450- 9,949 9,950- 14,949 (5) 14,950- 24,949 (6) 24,950- 49,949 (7) 49,950 and over (6) What is your principal type of farm enterprise? (that is, the type that supplies fifty per cent or more of your gross farm sales) (l) dairy livestock (cattle, hogs and sheep) poultry grains field crops other than grains fruit and vegetables speciality crops (flowers etc.) mixed no farm enterprise
Comments: - 161 -
(7) What is the value of the farm products sold? (gross annual income from
the soil) (1) under $ 100 (2) $ 100- $99 (3) . 600- 1,199 Ik) 1,200-2,399 (5) 2,1+00 and over (8) Are your farm receipts greater than your farm expenses? (1) yes (2) no
(9) Do you hire any labour to help in the running of your farm? (1) full-time (2) part-time (3) no outside labour (h) number of hired workers
(10) How often do you consult your District Agriculturist? (1) never (2) rarely (3) sometimes Ik) often
(11) How often to you attend meetings or field days sponsored by your District
Agriculturist? (1) never (2) rarely (3) sometimes (h) often
(12) Do you belong to any type of organisation for marketing your agricul•
tural produce? yes no
(13) If so, what type of organisation?
(ll+) Which of the following products consumed by yourself last year were
largely home produced? (1) milk (2) butter (3) eggs (U) meat (5>) garden produce
Comments: - 162 -
(15) Do you have any form of off-farm occupation? (1) yes (2) no (16) If so, what type of work is it? (1) agriculture (working off one's holding) (2) logging (3) fishing (4) construction work (5) factory production work 6) clerical work 7) truck or bus driver (8) other
(17) Does your off-farm occupation have agricultural connections? (1) yes (2) no
(18) How many days do you spend working at your off-farm occupation during
the year? (1) 1-6 days (2) 7-12 (3) 13 - 2U (4) 25 - 48 (5) 49 - 72 (6) 73 - 96 7) 97 - 126 8) 127 - 156 9) 157 - 228 (10) 229 - 365 (19) What is the gross value of your off-farm income? (1) under $ 100 2) $ 100- 599 3) 600- 1,199 (4) 1,200- 2,399 (5) 2,400 and over (20) Do you obtain a larger gross income from your farm sales than from your
off-farm occupation? (1) yes (2) no (21) Does your wife work? (1) yes (2) no
Comments: - 163 -
(22) If so, what is her occupation? (1) teaching (2; clerical (3) other (li) no outside occupation
(23) Do you receive any other form of income? (1) yes (2) no (24) If so, what type is it?
(25) What is your age? (l) under 35 years 35 - 45 46 - 55 56 - 65 (5) over 65 (26) What is your marital status? (1) single (2) married (3) separated (4) widower (27) How many children do you have? (1) none (2) 1-3 (3) over 3 (28) Where were you and your wife born? Husband (1) Matsqui Municipality (2) Other, British Columbia (3) Other, Canada (4) united States (5) United Kingdom (6J Western Europe (7} Eastern Europe (8) Orient (9) Other (29) Were you and/or your wife brought up on a farm? (1) both (2) husband only (3) wife only (4) neither
Comments: - 164 -
(30) Where was your immediate previous living location to this farm? (1) rural within the Lower Mainland (2) urban within the Lower Mainland (3) rural outside the Lower Mainland (4) urban outside the Lower Mainland
(31) How long have you been living on this farm? l) less than 5 years 2; 5-15 years 3) 16 - 25 years 4) over 25 years
(32) What level of education did you and your wife complete? Husband Wife (l) less than grade 5 (2} grade 5-8 (3) grade 9 - 11 (4) grade 12 (5j university
(33) Have either you or your wife done any adult education courses? (1) yes
(2) no
(34) If ye3, what type were they, and did they help you in the farm's oper•
ation?
(35) What is the proposed career and place of residence of your children of school leaving age? l) work on the farm 2J live on the farm but do off-farm work (3) leave the farm
(36) Do you and/or your wife belong to organisations? Husband Wife (1) yes (2) no
(37) If yes, what type of organisations are they? Husband Wife 1) church 2) farm 3) societies 4) social
Comments; - 165 -
(38) Do you and/or your wife serve on any committees associated with the
above organisations? Husband Wife (1) yes
(2) no
(39) How far must you travel in miles to receive the following services?
(one way only and the nearest place) 1) food 2) clothing (3) medical (li) church (5) elementary school 16) secondary school (7) post officTotae l Distance
(1+0) Do you make the greatest expenditure on the following, at a service
centre in Matsqui Municipality or in Vancouver? Local Vancouver (1) food 2) clothing 3J household (1+) agricultural (f>; entertainment
(1+1) How often do you go into Vancouver? (1) daily (2) weekly (3) monthly (1+) six times or less a year (5; less than once a year
(li2) Do you go into Vancouver more often since the freeway has been built? (1) yes (2) no
(3) undecided
(1+3) Which of these five statements do you find best describes the way you
feel about your place of residence? (1) I am strongly favourable to living in the rural environment (2) I am favourable to living in a rural environment (3) I am neutral to living in the country or the city (1+) I am favourable to living in the city (5) I am strongly favourable to living in the city
Comments: - 166 -
(1+1+) Which of these five statements would best describe the way your wife
feels?
(1+5) If you prefer living In a rural environment, what are the reasons for
this preference?
(46) If you would prefer to live in an urban environment what are the reasons
for this preference?
(1+7) What function do you intend to use your farm for in the future? (l) Full-time farming (2J part-time farming (3; a place of residence (1+) vacate the farm
Comments: