DOCSLIB.ORG

John Menadue – Pearls and Irritations Pearls and Irritation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
John Menadue – Pearls and Irritations Pearls and Irritation John Menadue – Pearls and Irritations Pearls and Irritation JOHN MENADUE. A way out of the politicking on refugees- A repost from 20 August 2018 Posted on 12 December 2018 We can be proud of what we have done for refugees in the past but like many others I am ashamed that we have now had a succession of ‘leaders’ who have appealed to our most selfish instincts. When I feel discouraged about our national failure, I am reminded of Graham Greene’s challenge that ‘the only unforgivable sin is despair’. A humanitarian policy on refugees has been made difficult by the fear-mongering of the Coalition since John Howard and the determination of the ALP not to be wedged on the issue. Some ALP members of parliament, such as Ged Kearney have spoken up on the need for a more humanitarian approach. There is now a particular opportunity for the ALP at its National Conference in December to chart a new and acceptable outcome that makes for good policy but is politically tenable. In addition to our necessary humanitarian responsibility for people in need we also have a particular obligation for the refugee flows that have come out of the Middle East. The humanitarian disaster and the displacement of people in the Middle East has been triggered by the US invasion of Iraq and our illegal complicity in it and the consequences that have flowed in Afghanistan and Syria. Our invasion of other countries is a contributor to refugee flows. And terrorism. We have blood on our hands. To hide our inhumanity, we are told and some believe that this tough approach on refugees is to ‘stop drowning’s at sea’. It is nothing of the sort. The tough approach is not to save lives. It is for political reasons and the belief that Australians will vote against any government that is soft on people arriving by boat. It is to exploit fear, the the political stock in trade for a succession of Liberal Prime Ministers. If the government was genuinely concerned about deaths at sea, it would be sending out the Navy to rescue those in distress on the sea. If it was really to save lives, Tony Abbott and Scott Morrison would be queuing up for a Nobel Peace prize. But they know that talking about saving drownings at sea is a device to hide their inhuman policies. Please spare us the hypocrisy that we are being tough on refugees to save lives. Hopefully after the next election ‘the better angels of our nature’ will prevail and we could have a prime minister and a leader of the opposition who could find common ground on politically realistic and decent policies. An assumption that we all first need to make is that boat arrivals cannot be allowed to restart. Australians have shown that they will support a generous humanitarian program that is orderly, regular and controlled by the Australian government. But they will not tolerate unauthorised boat arrivals. An orderly process requires that parallel arrivals by boat, with the help of people-smugglers must not resume. One reason for the success of the Indochina program under Malcolm Fraser was that there were very few boat arrivals. The maximum number of people arriving in Australia by boat in any one year during the Fraser government period was 1,700. By mid-2013 people arriving by boat was approaching 50,000 per year before the Rudd government acted. The role of people smugglers and the number of boat arrivals was on a scale we had not seen before. And it was not Tony Abbott and Scott Morrison who stopped the boats. On the basis of an orderly program and no ‘irregular arrivals’, I believe that a generous humanitarian program based on the following would be acceptable to most Australians. An increase in the annual humanitarian program from 12,500 to 25,000 p.a. Negotiate orderly departure arrangements with key countries that have minorities facing persecution and/or discrimination, e.g. Tamils in Sri Lanka, Hazaras in Afghanistan and Rohingya in Myanmar. I would expect that the governments in those countries would welcome the departure of those they regard as troublesome minorities. In 1983, Australia negotiated an Orderly Departure Program with Vietnam. Under that program 100,000 Vietnamese came to Australia in an orderly and government-arranged program which meant that many Vietnamese chose not to take the route of dangerous sea voyages. And they arrived with documentation. Develop new migration pathways for people whose status is unclear – whether they are economic migrants or refugees. Presently we have over a million temporary residents in Australia. They include 457 visa holders, students and working holidaymakers. It is possible to establish a new visa category to meet the needs of people who fall in the grey zone of refugees/economic migrants. Abolish mandatory detention immediately. Mandatory detention was introduced by the Keating government in 1993. It was designed to deter boat arrivals. It has not achieved this and is very expensive. Few countries have such harsh, expensive and failed deterrent policies. A longer-term and essential path for our refugee policies must be to build on the Bali process and establish a framework of cooperation in our region to manage flows of people into, out of and within our region. Together with others, I have been involved with the Centre for Policy Development to build a viable frame work of regional cooperation. We are developing what we call a Track II Dialogue between interested people, officials in their private capacity and others to break the impasse on regional cooperation and build the Bali process into a workable program of burden-sharing in the region. The successful Indochina program would not have been possible without the close cooperation of regional countries and settlement countries like Australia and the US. Every situation is different, but that earlier experience showed clearly that regional cooperation and burden sharing is essential. A new Australian government should actively support the development of a regional framework to manage the flow of displaced people. We need to revamp the present refugee Community Support Programme. It is an horrendous expense for NGOs, community groups and churches when the cost is $20,000 per refugee visa. For a family of five it is $100,000. Community supported refugees are bringing vitality to many country towns. Country people are finding as we all find, that when we come face to face with refugees, our outlook and response is much more generous and welcoming. We also know that Canada has been very successful in involving local communities in Canada’s very generous and successful refugee programs. Australia had great success in earlier years in our Community Refugee Settlement Scheme that operated for over twenty years. We have a good track record in community refugee support programs. They must be renewed. A first step must be to dramatically cut the $20,000 per refugee government charge and increase the quota to 5,000 and later 10,000 per annum. We must also address the thousands asylum seekers on bridging visas in Australia who are awaiting refugee determination. They are being treated shamefully by the Australian government. Asylum seeker organisations are responding generously but hardships are very real. A new government should immediately address ways, particularly through employment and educational support so that these asylum seekers waiting refugee determination can live in dignity and with the prospect of effective integration into Australia. We need to undo the administrative model which links immigration, customs and Border Force. The new arrangements under Peter Dutton are unacceptable. A separate Department of Immigration should be re-established under the name perhaps of Immigration, Settlement and Citizenship. In particular it should have responsibility for the post-arrival settlement programs that were transferred to other departments by the Abbott government in 2013, including the Australian Migrant Education Program. One of the great strengths of the Australian immigration system until recently has been an integrated national administration that brings together entry policy, post-arrival settlement services and citizenship policy. But the immediate problem is the souls still on Manus and Nauru.After the election the prime minister should put to the leader of the opposition two key proposals. The first is that the remaining people who are being so mistreated in offshore detention on Manus and Nauru should be brought immediately to Australia for processing. There is no alternative and we should stop pretending there is. They should live in our community on bridging visas while their status is determined. Those who are found not to be refugees should be repatriated where possible. The second is that at the same time Operation Sovereign Borders be stepped up to ensure no more boat arrivals. As part of this policy, we should inform and negotiate with Indonesia and Malaysia that for every, say, 10 boat people that we turn back, we will accept 100 refugees from those countries that have been processed in an orderly way. That will be a tough policy for refugee advocates to accept, but I believe it is necessary to help the wounded souls still on Manus and Nauru. John Menadue was Secretary of the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs 1980-3 Source: http://www.johnmenadue.com/john-menadue-a-way-out-of-the-politicking-on-refugees-a-repost-from-20- august-2018/ .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Asylum Seekers Centre Annual Report 2012-2013
    Asylum Seekers Centre Annual Report 2012-2013 ABN: 47 164 509 475 “ I want to thank the Asylum Seekers Centre for helping me build a new life. All that I am now is because of them. They were the first people who helped me in Australia. They helped me get my Protection Visa, they found me somewhere to sleep, they helped me with my health needs and they helped me improve my English. I owe them so much.” Former Client Our Vision Asylum seekers are welcomed to Australia and afforded a dignified, meaningful and safe existence pending the fair, transparent and expeditious resolution of their claims. Contents About Us 04 Our Patrons 05 Our Board 06 Chair’s Report 08 CEO’s Report 09 What We Do 12 Volunteers 15 Fundraising 16 Financials 18 Our Supporters 21 Acknowledgements 22 Contact 24 Annual Report 2012–13 03 About Us The Asylum Seekers Primary needs of asylum seekers on arrival Centre is a place of hospitality and welcome. It is an 4.5% oasis for many people, a safe place 3.6% 11.4% for those who have fled situations of great danger. 10.7% 44.8% The Asylum Seekers Centre provides practical and personal 8.4% support for asylum seekers living in the community. Our services 16.6% include casework, accommodation, financial relief, health care and counselling, employment assistance, education, advocacy, food, material and social support. We are a not-for-profit organisation and rely on grants, Homelessness and Financial donations and volunteers to undertake our work. Our clients Employment come from over 52 countries in Education and Nutrition search of safety, protection and Legal freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • Ministers for Foreign Affairs 1972-83
    Ministers for Foreign Affairs 1972-83 Edited by Melissa Conley Tyler and John Robbins © The Australian Institute of International Affairs 2018 ISBN: 978-0-909992-04-0 This publication may be distributed on the condition that it is attributed to the Australian Institute of International Affairs. Any views or opinions expressed in this publication are not necessarily shared by the Australian Institute of International Affairs or any of its members or affiliates. Cover Image: © Tony Feder/Fairfax Syndication Australian Institute of International Affairs 32 Thesiger Court, Deakin ACT 2600, Australia Phone: 02 6282 2133 Facsimile: 02 6285 2334 Website:www.internationalaffairs.org.au Email:[email protected] Table of Contents Foreword Allan Gyngell AO FAIIA ......................................................... 1 Editors’ Note Melissa Conley Tyler and John Robbins CSC ........................ 3 Opening Remarks Zara Kimpton OAM ................................................................ 5 Australian Foreign Policy 1972-83: An Overview The Whitlam Government 1972-75: Gough Whitlam and Don Willesee ................................................................................ 11 Professor Peter Edwards AM FAIIA The Fraser Government 1975-1983: Andrew Peacock and Tony Street ............................................................................ 25 Dr David Lee Discussion ............................................................................. 49 Moderated by Emeritus Professor Peter Boyce AO Australia’s Relations
    [Show full text]
  • Australia-China Relations Institute 澳中关系研究院
    Australia-China Relations Institute 澳中关系研究院 Australia-China: a series of reflections Jocelyn Chey (editor) February 2020 Australia-China Relations Institute 澳中关系研究院 The Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) is an independent, non-partisan research institute based at the University of Technology Sydney (UTS). UTS:ACRI's mission is to inform Australia's engagement with China through substantive dialogue, and research and analysis grounded in scholarly rigour. Australia-China: a series of reflections was originally published in December 2019 as the Pearls and Irritations China Series. Pearls and Irritations is a public policy blog founded and managed by John Menadue AO, who has had a distinguished career in the private sector and in the Australian Public Service. He is a former head of the Australian Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet (1974-1976), head of the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs (1980-1983) and head of the Department of Trade (1983-1986). He was Australian Ambassador to Japan and CEO of Qantas. The series was originally commissioned by John Menadue AO and edited by Jocelyn Chey AM, Adjunct Professor at UTS:ACRI and a former senior diplomat with postings in China and Hong Kong. In republishing this work, UTS:ACRI has made light edits to the material to reflect in-house style and for consistency and clarity. The analysis and conclusions in this publication are formulated independently by its author(s). UTS:ACRI does not take an institutional position on any issue; the views expressed in this publication are the author(s) alone. Published by Australia-China Relations Institute University of Technology Sydney PO Box 123 Broadway NSW 2007 Australia [email protected] ✉ M: @acri_uts www.australiachinarelations.org Front cover image: Shutterstock ISBN 978-0-6483151-9-3 © Australia-China Relations Institute, University of Technology Sydney (UTS:ACRI) 2020 The publication is copyright.
    [Show full text]
  • Digital Infrastructure As a Determinant of Health Equity: an Australian Case Study of the Implementation of the National Broadband Network
    Australian Journal of Public Administration, vol. 77, no. 4, pp. 829–842 doi:10.1111/1467-8500.12323 Research and Evaluation Digital Infrastructure as a Determinant of Health Equity: An Australian Case Study of the Implementation of the National Broadband Network Ashley Schram and Sharon Friel The Australian National University Toby Freeman, Matthew Fisher, and Fran Baum Flinders University Patrick Harris University of Sydney Inequities in access to fast and reliable internet connections, essential for digital access to services and information that are important for health, can exacerbate social inequalities in health. We evaluated the social equity of the rollout of the National Broadband Network (NBN) in Australia based on the type of digital infrastructure delivered to areas of varying socioeconomic status. We found that areas of greater socioeconomic disadvantage were significantly less likely to receive the highest quality infrastructure, controlling for level of remoteness. These social inequities in provision of quality infrastructure will shape and possibly exacerbate inequities in health. In our discussion we consider how political decisions have obstructed equitable implementation of the policy. Lessons from the Australian case study may be valuable for other countries investing in public digital infrastructure who want to ensure equity of provision and can also inform Australian policy in the NBN’s remaining rollout. Key words: health inequalities, social inequity, social determinants of health, digital infrastructure, policy implementation Introduction Cave and Martin 2010; Willson et al. 2009). The US Broadband Opportunity Council de- Affordable quality broadband technology has clared in 2015 that broadband is ‘taking its been noted as a key component of effective place alongside water, sewer and electricity national telecommunication infrastructure.
    [Show full text]
  • Address by Sir David Smith Kcvo. Ao Sunday 7/11/2004
    ADDRESS BY SIR DAVID SMITH KCVO. AO SUNDAY 7/11/2004 SENATE CHAMBER 12.30 PM-1.30PM 1HR 3:6 OPH OHI 83 Kate Cowie: The presentation by Sir David Smith. It’s wonderful to have him here today. He’s been an official secretary to Five Governor-Generals. An amazing career as a public servant and were very pleased to have him here today to talk about one of the most amazing events that happened in this building, the dismissal. So I will leave you in David’s capable hands. Thank you. Probably no event in Australia’s political history has received as much coverage in the media and the history books as the dismissal of the Whitlam government by the Governor-General on the 11th November 1975, and certainly so event in Australia’s political history has had received so much inaccurate and misleading coverage. As for Mr Whitlam himself there has grown up around him almost an entire industry devoted to polishing his image and a legend in his own lifetime. As we approach yet another anniversary of that day it’s time we had a look at the basis of that legendary image. Whitlam and others have described the events of 11th November 1975 as a coup, but it was nothing of the kind. A coup is defined as a violent or illegal change of government but the events of that day were neither violent nor illegal. A change of government was in accordance with the letter, the conventions and the spirit of the Australian Constitution and no one knows that better than Whitlam himself.
    [Show full text]
  • Reflections on the Role of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia 1979-1999
    Steady Hands Needed Reflections on the role of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia 1979-1999 Steady Hands Needed Reflections on the role of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia 1979-1999 edited by Trevor Wilson and Graham Cooke Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/steady_hands_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Steady hands needed : reflections on the role of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia 1979-1999 / editors Trevor Wilson, Graham Cooke. ISBN: 9781921536120 (pbk.) 9781921536137 (pdf.) Series: ANZSOG series Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Australia. Dept. of Foreign Affairs. Australia. Dept. of Foreign Affairs and Trade Australia--Foreign relations--1976- Australia--Foreign relations administration. Other Authors/Contributors: Wilson, Trevor Cooke, Graham. Dewey Number: 327.94 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by John Butcher. Printed by University Printing Services, ANU Funding for this monograph series has been provided by the Australia and New Zealand School of Government Research Program. This edition © 2008 ANU E Press John Wanna, Series Editor Professor John Wanna is the Sir John Bunting Chair of Public Administration at the Research School of Social Sciences at The Australian National University. He is the director of research for the Australian and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG).
    [Show full text]
  • NRHC 9 Conference
    The importance of universal health care and primary health care for rural and remote Australians John Menadue AO, Chair, Centre for Policy Development (formerly Policy Portal of New Matilda.com) People living in rural and remote Australia, and particularly Indigenous Australians, have much poorer health and inferior health services than other Australians. The House of Representatives Standing Committee on Health and Ageing in their report ‘The Blame Game’ (November 2006) put it succinctly as follows: Standardised mortality data show death rates in Australia increasing with rurality; Australians living in regional, rural and remote areas are 10% more likely to die of all causes than those in major cities and 50% more likely to do so if they live in very remote areas. In respect of Indigenous health, the report was even more blunt: Life expectancy (of Indigenous people) is around 17 years lower than for other Australians. The population, particularly farming communities in rural and remote Australia, is ageing. Health demands are rising quickly. Residential care is a particular problem, with people often having to move a long way from where they live. Women who may require frequent pre-natal attention may have to move temporarily to a large city to get care. Some attribute the incidence of depression to the drought, but I suspect it’s more entrenched, because of isolation. To country people, the notion of free health care is laughable. The clinic may provide free services, but a long drive is costly—not only in terms of vehicle operating costs, but also in terms of foregone income.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Speaks for and Protects the Public Interest in Australia?
    Who speaks and protects for the public interest in Australia? Who speaks for and protects the public interest in Australia? Essays by notable Australians Editors Bob Douglas and Jo Wodak Who speaks for and protects Essays by notable by Essays Australians the public interest in Australia? Essays by notable Australians Editors Bob Douglas and Jo Wodak Editors Bob Douglas and Jo Wodak Image: 5 of the 43 randomly chosen citizen jurors who deliberated for 6 days on 2014 Melbourne City Council $5 billion Budget plans Who speaks for and protects the public interest in Australia? Essays by notable Australians Editors: Bob Douglas and Jo Wodak Published: February 2015 Australia21 Limited ABN 25 096 242 010 ACN 096 242 010 E: [email protected] W: www.australia21.org.au ISBN 978-09873991-9-9 The views expressed by the essayists are their own and do not necessarily represent those of Australia21. Design: by Paper Monkey Cover image: Angela Wylie/Fairfax Syndication Who speaks for and protects the public interest in Australia? Contents Foreword: Defining and defending Section 4: Indigenous futures Section 9: Fresh insights and the public interest in Australia in the public interest 35 mechanisms for protecting Bob Douglas and Jo Wodak 2 Reframing the terms of engagement the public interest 64 Section 1: Setting the scene 4 in Aboriginal affairs Patrick Dodson 36 A contribution from neuroscience and evolutionary biology How vested interests are subverting Achieving wellbeing for all through Lynne Reeder 65 the public interest John Menadue 5
    [Show full text]
  • 15. Darkness Descends on Whitlam
    15. Darkness Descends on Whitlam An important factor in the downfall of the Whitlam Government was the affair involving the Deputy Prime Minister, Dr Jim Cairns, and Junie Morosi. The media could not get enough of the yarn—splashed as a ‘bombshell sex story’. Cairns’ colleagues in the Caucus and journalists in the gallery were, to say the least, surprised. Until then, it had been assumed that Cairns and his devoted wife of many years were inseparable. Morosi turned up, out of the blue, becoming a regular visitor to the office of the Leader of the Government in the Senate, Minister for Customs and Attorney-General, Lionel Murphy. She was a stunning beauty, slender, with beautiful black hair—in short, a knockout. Morosi was not on Murphy’s staff but the general view around Parliament was that Murphy was ‘knocking her off’. Murphy came to the Parliament as a NSW Senator in 1962. His promotion was rapid: Leader of the Opposition in the Senate in 1967 and Leader of the Government in the Senate when Whitlam came to power in 1972. With his promotion came a more commodious office, allowing him, when the Senate rose for the night, to host some of the best parties in Parliament House. Frequently, the parties would, in the early hours of the morning, move to Murphy’s fine house in Arthur Circle, Forrest—an exclusive address. Lionel’s gorgeous wife, Ingrid, a former model, was the hostess. No matter how late the party, Murphy would be in Parliament House next morning bright and early.
    [Show full text]
  • OBSTACLES to HEALTH REFORM John Menadue AO Australian Health Care Reform Alliance Summit Canberra 31 July 2007
    OBSTACLES TO HEALTH REFORM John Menadue AO Australian Health Care Reform Alliance Summit Canberra 31 July 2007 This paper can be downloaded from the Centre for Policy Development website at http://cpd.org.au/article/obstacles-to-health-reform The problem with health reform is that even when major redesign is necessary, many ‘reformers’ continue to think incrementally. Some believe that major redesign is impossible, that political timidity and acquiescence have become a way of life for many health ministers. They see the individual parts of the system working reasonably well, and fail to see that the system as a whole is inefficient and unfair. They ignore the obvious fact that the uncoordinated programs are provider-driven. Journalists are under-resourced to really understand a very complex system, yet patients encounter its failings every day. Australia’s so-called ‘health system’ lacks clear underpinning values and direction. It lacks leadership – not money. Our health leaders lack the will for health reform because they are strongly influenced by the vested interests that abound in health – doctors (particularly specialists), state health bureaucracies, parochial political interests, private health insurance funds, pharmacies and the pharmaceutical companies. The health ‘debate’ is about placating these vested interests rather than listening to the community and patients. Ministers spend their energy in the financing of health programs, when production and delivery of health care is sclerotic. They are concerned with funding individual announcement-driven health programs – pharmaceuticals, aged-care etc, rather than integrating all health care. Our health care structures have outlived their useful life. They were never designed as a ‘system’.
    [Show full text]
  • Hidaka Rokuro, 1917-2018 – the Life and Times of an Embattled Japanese Intellectual
    Volume 16 | Issue 21 | Number 4 | Article ID 5215 | Nov 01, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Hidaka Rokuro, 1917-2018 – The Life and Times of an Embattled Japanese Intellectual Gavan McCormack Preface Chinese port city of Qingdao, returning to Japan in 1943 and dying in 1951. Little is Hidaka Rokuro was born in Qingdao, China, 11 known of Rokuro’s mother, Yukiko (ca. January 1917 and died in Kyoto, Japan, 7 June 1888-1965). Kenkichiro and Yukiko had five 2018. His life therefore spanned much of the boys:2 Ko, sometimes referred to as “chokei” or th st 20 century and the early years of the 21 . He elder brother, (1906 or 7 to ?), Sen (ca. 1910 to was a witness to the Japanese empire at its ca. 1922) who died of dysentery in his 6th year height and to its catastrophic collapse and the of primary school, Saburo (1914-1944), Rokuro subsequent rise of a different sort of Japan, as (1917-2018), and Hachiro (1920-1997) on economic superpower and close ally to its whom more below. Ko and Sen were apparently former enemy the United States. From the time names chosen from the pages of the Chinese he entered Tokyo Imperial University (as it classic, the Shi-ji, and the following three were then was) in 1938, for 31 years he observed years of the Taisho emperor’s reign momentous events from the perspective of (commencing 1912). Thus Saburo and Rokuro student, assistant, then professor, at the (literally “3rd” and “6th” boy) were born in the nation’s key institute of higher learning.
    [Show full text]
  • Steady Hands Needed Reflections on the Role of the Secretary of Foreign
    Steady Hands Needed Reflections on the role of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia 1979-1999 Steady Hands Needed Reflections on the role of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia 1979-1999 edited by Trevor Wilson and Graham Cooke Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/steady_hands_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Steady hands needed : reflections on the role of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia 1979-1999 / editors Trevor Wilson, Graham Cooke. ISBN: 9781921536120 (pbk.) 9781921536137 (pdf.) Series: ANZSOG series Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Australia. Dept. of Foreign Affairs. Australia. Dept. of Foreign Affairs and Trade Australia--Foreign relations--1976- Australia--Foreign relations administration. Other Authors/Contributors: Wilson, Trevor Cooke, Graham. Dewey Number: 327.94 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by John Butcher. Printed by University Printing Services, ANU Funding for this monograph series has been provided by the Australia and New Zealand School of Government Research Program. This edition © 2008 ANU E Press John Wanna, Series Editor Professor John Wanna is the Sir John Bunting Chair of Public Administration at the Research School of Social Sciences at The Australian National University. He is the director of research for the Australian and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG).
    [Show full text]