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Home , Anjalankoski, Bromarv, Degerby, Diocese of Skara, Districts of Vantaa, East Helsinki

COLONISTS ON THE SHORES OF THE OF MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN THE COASTAL OF AND FINLAND Editor: Marjo Poutanen CONTENTS Photo editor: Anu Mönkkönen

Museum team: Inka Keränen, Andreas Koivisto, Jutta Kuitunen, Anu Introduction...... 4 Mönkkönen, and Marjo Poutanen Georg Haggrén Translation: articles translated by Jüri Kokkonen, except for Villu Kadakas’ The Colonization of Western in the ...... 7 article, edited by Inka Keränen. Other texts: Johanna Suokas Villu Kadakas First results of new excavations in Monastery. Cover image: General map no 1 of Uusimaa , Samuel Broterus, Further study issues...... 27 1690s / Finnish National Archives Design and layout: Ten Twelve OÜ Tapio Salminen Printed: N-Paino Oy, 2011 Fishing with Monks – Padis Abbey and the River Vantaanjoki from 1351 to 1429...... 37 ISBN: 978-952-443-354-9 ISSN: 0783-9162 Andreas Koivisto Settlement at the Gubbacka Site...... 67 Museum publications no 22 Janne Heinonen Fill and Medieval Law at Gubbacka in Vantaa...... 79 The material reflects the authors’ views and the Managing Authority cannot be held liable for the information published by the project partners. Notes...... 90

2 3 Introduction

The Settlers on the - Colonizing the Coasts of Estonia and Archaeological studies aim to create a picture of life in the Middle Ages Finland in the Middle Ages seminar took place at Lumo Hall in , Vantaa, in both the Vantaa and Padise monastery. Another objective is to on November 12-13, 2010. analyze the contacts between the two regions. Archaeologist Villu Kadakas, M.A., presents the results of the first excavations in the Padise monastery. The seminar was part of the PAVAMAB - Padise-Vantaa the Middle Ages Meanwhile, archaeologist Andreas Koivisto, M.A., describes how the Bridge - project that focuses on medieval history. The project constitutes medieval of Gubbacka in Vantaa was colonized. Janne Heinonen, part of the Central Baltic Interreg IV A program, which will end in 2012. The B.A., tells about land use in Gubbacka from the perspective of archaeological project partners consist of Padise in Estonia and the City of material and medieval legislation. Vantaa in Finland. Cooperation between the two parties is natural, since the regions have had contacts already in the Middle Ages. Vantaa’s predecessor, Helsinge Parish, is first mentioned in writing in a document related to Padise Leena Hiltula monastery. The document reports that King Magnus Eriksson in 1351 granted Museum Director the monks of the monastery the right to fish in the crown-owned waters of the River Vantaanjoki. Jutta Kuitunen Project Coordinator The PAVAMAB project is an interesting example of how historical roots can lead to present-day profitable cooperation. The project enables wide-range Marjo Poutanen research on archives and archaeology, and also translates into a thought- Project Assistant provoking discussion for researchers. Besides this publication, the concrete results of the project will consist of a joint book presenting the partners’ research results, a touring exhibition of the project themes, as well as a public seminar in Estonia.

The seminar held in Vantaa presented medieval Gulf of Finland from various perspectives. The articles included in this publication are built on the seminar lectures. Adjunct Professor of Historical Archaeology at University of , Georg Haggrén, Ph.D., describes exhaustively the colonization of Länsi Uusimaa in the Middle Ages. The article by Tapio Salminen M.A. of the University of focuses on contacts between Padise and Helsinge Parish from 1351 through 1429. Salminen is currently writing a work on the Middle Ages in Vantaa as a part of the city’s history book series.

4 5 The Colonization of Western Uusimaa in the Middle Ages Georg Haggrén PhD Adjunct Professor in Historical Archaeology

The traditional view

The region of Uusimaa (Sw. Nyland) has traditionally been regarded as an area that was not settled until the Early Middle Ages, literally a new land, which would have been almost without settlement at the end of the Iron Age. According to this view, the coastal regions of the province were colonized from , while the inland parts received their settlers especially from Häme. This viewpoint is crystallized in Suomen kulttuurihistoria (A Cultural ), which appeared in the early 2000s: “The barren unsettled shores of Uusimaa were for a long while a zone of long-distance exploitation of the Häme of the inland… It was not until the arrival of Swedish colonists in the 12th and 13th centuries that the northern shores of the Gulf of Finland were populated.”1

Uusimaa is not the only region in Finland which has raised the issue of the lack of settlement at the end of the Iron Age. A similar description of settlement has also been given for and even the Åland Islands are suspected to have been without settlement at the turn of the Viking Age and the Middle Ages before being colonized from Sweden.2 The idea of the origin of the Swedish-speaking population of the coastal regions already crystallized at the end of the Middle Ages, as can be seen from the preface to ’s Finnish translation of the New Testament, among other sources: “… the coastal population of Uusimaa, in the of Borgo [Borgå, ] and Raasburi [, Raasepori] and the islanders of Kaland [] and the Ostrobothnians who even now speak Swedish, had first come from Sweden or Golland [].”3 It was only with regard to

7 the settled area of Finland Proper (), Häme and farms is available, but in order to chart the abandonment of settlements, that scholars agreed that settlement had continued from the Iron Age to the the study was extended chronologically to the 1690s. There were some Middle Ages. 900 medieval village and sites or single farms in Western Uusimaa, comprising approximately 2,600 farmsteads in the 1550s. As the research The archaeological notion of the lack of settlement in Uusimaa during the Viking progressed, it could be demonstrated that there were village and hamlet Age was based on the scarcity of Iron Age finds: hardly any cemeteries were sites in the region that had already been abandoned before the 1540s.8 known from the region and only individual stray finds had been recovered. The only exceptions in Uusimaa have been the areas of Lepinjärvi in Karjaa Based on the inventories, several archaeological excavations were carried out and Bonäs–Fastarby in the inland part of Tenhola, from where Late Iron Age in Western Uusimaa in the 2000s, at both Iron Age and medieval sites. While level-ground cremation cemeteries are known. Even Iron Age settlement at some of the fieldwork was for purely research purposes, there were also Karjaa, which has been regarded as rich, is regarded to have disappeared salvage excavations of antiquities threatened by building projects. This work during the Viking Age.4 led to changes in the overall picture of the Iron Age in Uusimaa.

The conception of no settlement in Uusimaa during the Late Iron Age has One of the most extensively investigated sites in Western Uusimaa during been so established that for a long while antiquities of the Iron Age were the first decade of the 2000s was the Hanko village (Hangö) area in the not even sought. It was not until the end of the 20th century that new pollen northern part of Hankoniemi Cape. As early as 1998, amateur archaeologists analyses began to undermine this notion, but even now Iron Age activity in had already found Iron Age ceramics and few Viking Age artefacts at the site. the region has been interpreted as mainly wilderness utilization and long- The location was Gunnarsängen, the site of the medieval village of Hangö. distance slash-and-burn cultivation.5 Excavations in 2003 revealed more ceramics but no signs of fixed structures. During the following three summers, excavations were continued in other Our Maritime Heritage and other projects

Since the turn of the millennium, the early history of Western Uusimaa has been studied in several projects, as a result of which our traditional views of the origin of settlement in the region have been questioned or at least clarified. The overall picture of the colonization of Uusimaa is no longer as straightforward or black and white as it was less than a decade ago.

The incomplete and outdated archaeological inventory of antiquities in Western Uusimaa improved considerably at the beginning of the 2000s. In 2002, the three-year EU LEADER+ project ”Vårt maritima arv – Merellinen perintömme” (Our Maritime Heritage) was launched. It included a systematic survey of antiquities in the archipelago and coastal zone of the region from in the west to Helsinki in the east. This work was completed in 2005, and as a result we now have an up-to-date inventory of known prehistoric antiquities and a large number of sites from historically documented times.6 A project funded by the Kone Foundation on the Western Uusimaa archipelago and coastal region in the Iron Age and Middle Ages began in 2003, within which the history of settlement, livelihoods and the environment in the whole region has been addressed through a few case studies.7

These projects also charted Late Medieval settlement by gathering information Fig. 1. A late medieval oven foundation excavated in Lapsen puisto park in the village on all the and hamlets of Western Uusimaa and the numbers of farms of Hanko. The oven overlay earlier Viking Age and/or Crusade Period structures. in them. The starting point was the 1540s, from which the first data on specific Photo G. Haggrén 2007.

8 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 9 locations at the site, with finds of numerous medieval antiquities, especially In 2006, a cairn excavated at Oxhagaberget in Inkoo proved to be a burial of from the 14th century, but also three glass beads of mainly Crusade Period Iron Age, presumably Viking Age, date.12 Henrik has recently noted date (ca. 1050–1250).9 that there are a large number of Iron Age burial cairns in the Western Uusimaa archipelago and coastal region. Excavations have been carried out at only a In 2007 and 2009, fieldwork was continued in Lapsen puisto park, on the couple of sites, which means that the finds and precise datings are still very other site of the village of Hanko, where finds from under a medieval layer limited. Owing to their elevations, many of the cairns were previously dated included poorly preserved Iron Age remains, some Iron Age ceramics and a to the , which was also the case at Oxhagaberget. Some of the ring of Gotland type dated to the 12th–13th centuries.10 The excavations in cairns, however, are at such low elevations that they cannot be older than the Hanko show that the areas became permanently settled at the end of the Iron Iron Age.13 Age. The analysis of the results is still in progress. There are also a few Iron Age stray finds from the Hankoniemi Cape area, some of which have been Early Iron Age settlement has been known to have existed in the Lake recovered decades ago. The most recent find is a cache of two Viking Age Lohjanjärvi region in the inland of Western Uusimaa, as indicated by several brooches found in Täktom in the spring of 2010. (Fig. 1) cairn cemeteries. On the other hand, there have been hardly any finds from the Late Iron Age. Among the local place-names, however, are Hiisi and Already in the 1990s, a small penannular brooch from the Late Iron Age and Moisio, two hamlets that are of particular interest. Hiisi refers to an Iron Age few fragments of artefacts, among other items, were found at Söderby in worship site and Moisio to an early estate. Moisio in was a medieval Snappertuna. In the autumn of 2007 a Crusade Period sword in poor condition manor, which appears to have had roots in a Late Iron Age estate. It can be with the remains of an inscription on the blade was found at Orslandet in shown that at Lohja, the lands of the parsonage and were separated Inkoo. the brooch from Söderby, the sword was found at a medieval in the Early Middle Ages from a hamlet named Moisio, as was done in several village or hamlet plot . The finds have not yet been published and it is unclear parishes in Southwest Finland.14 (Fig. 3) whether they are associated with settlement or were originally gathered from a cemetery to be smelted.11 (Fig. 2) According to the above, it is obvious that there was Late Iron Age settlement in the environs of the Church of Lohja. This conclusion was confirmed in 2008 when a salvage excavation was conducted at in Hiisi, Lohja by the National Board of Antiquities. The excavation revealed a dwelling site from the Viking Age, which proves that there was permanent settlement in the Lake Lohjanjärvi region at the end of the Iron Age.15

Along with the new finds, the history of settlement and cultivation in Western Uusimaa was given a completely new perspective through Teija Alenius’s systematic series of samples of lake and bog sediments from 2003–2005 charting the history of land use throughout the area from Tenhola in the west to in the east. The analyses of the samples gave consistent results with mainly chronological differences. While settlement and cultivation had become established earlier in some areas than in others, the overall picture was similar throughout the region. At Orslandet in Inkoo and Älgö in Tammisaari (present-day Raasepori), both in the outer archipelago, the beginning of intensive land use, arable farming and the opening of the landscape fall in the period 630–715 AD. In the coastal zone proper, this took place ca. 880–1040 AD. Only the sample from Molnträsket in points to a later date, i.e. 1040–1240 AD. In most areas, there are also signs of extensive land use, possibly including slash-and-burn cultivation, from 16 Fig. 2. A forested slope at Orslandet in Inkoo, where the medieval hamlet plot of before established arable farming. Petars has just been found. Photo G. Haggrén 2007.

10 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 11 With reference to his analysis of place-names in Uusimaa, Kepsu observes that of the Swedish-speaking coastal parishes of Western Uusimaa, Tenhola, Karjaa, , Kirkkonummi and Espoo, in particular, had farms and villages of Finnish-speakers among the Swedish population. On the other hand, in and in the east part of Inkoo, the place-names are almost completely Swedish.18

The origin of the Swedish settlement of the southern coast of Finland has been discussed a great deal since the 19th century. According to most recent interpretations, the Swedish colonization of the archipelago of Finland Proper (Southwest Finland) and Western Uusimaa dates from the second half of the 12th century and the early 13th century. In the second half of the 13th century, this colonization was followed after the so-called Second Crusade by a second influx of settlers further to the east in Uusimaa and a third all the way to Karelia. An important milestone of this colonization was the founding of Viipuri in 1293 as a base for the and in support of colonization.19

The Swedish colonization was already mentioned in the early 14th century in the so-called Chronicle of Erik, where it is noted in connection with the founding of Hämeenlinna Castle: “The satto thz land mz crisna men, som iak vänter at thz star oc än, Thz samma land thz vart alt cristith, jag tror at rytza Fig. 3. The surroundings of Lohja Church in a parish map from the early 18th century konungen mistit” – They settled the land with Christians, who are still there, (Krigsarkivet, ). Shown in the map are the church, vicarage, and the the land is now completely Christian, and the Russian king has lost it.”20 While hamlets of Moisio and Hiisi. Photo G. Haggrén. the chronicle is tendentious, this brief account may nonetheless describe colonization along the northern shore of the Gulf of Finland, from Hanko to the gates of Viipuri. The Christian colonists, many of whom were Swedish- speakers settled new areas while the indigenous population was converted The origin of Swedish-speaking settlement to the new faith.

The results of pollen analyses, which suggest that there was settlement It has traditionally been maintained that the Swedish colonists came mostly in Uusimaa before the Swedish colonization of the Early Middle Ages, find from the region of Hälsingland. The main evidence for this has been found support in place-name studies. Saulo Kepsu, who has analysed place names in the so-called Helsinge Law applied in church taxes in Uusimaa, and place- related to settlement and farming in Uusimaa, has observed that in many names referring to Hälsingland. The name of Helsinge Parish and Helsingfors places an older material of Finnish names can be noted from under the layer (Helsinge rapids) have particularly been underlined. In other respects, place- of Swedish settlement and place-names. For example, the place-name Köklax names referring to Hälsingland are rare in Uusimaa. There is a Helsingby in Espoo derived from the Finnish Kaukalahti, meaning a long bay or inlet. A village in Pernaja in addition to villages named Gästerby in Kirkkonummi, Pohja grass-roots level analysis of agricultural place-names shows that there had and . The latter name points to the province bordering on Hälsingland.21 been Finns in many completely Swedish-speaking villages, who apparently integrated with the new majority population. Finnish place-names survived in An overview of the expansion of the kingdom of Sweden does not support the villages as relics of the ancestral language. In some villages and hamlets, the suggestion of colonization from Hälsingland to the southern coastal there are many names of this kind, as for example in Storhoplax in Espoo, region of Finland. The large area of Hälsingland, to the west of the Bothnian where one of its outlying fields is mentioned in a map from 1691 as Läppo 17 Gulf , did not come under the authority of the Swedish king until the second silda Päldo, a Swedish transliteration of the Finnish Leppäsillanpelto. quarter of the 14th century. By that time, Uusimaa had already become one

12 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 13 of the provinces ruled by the king of Sweden. Like Uusimaa, Hälsingland was by three medieval manors, while in Siuntio the landscape of the church still an area of medieval colonization. It had room for colonists, who did not have reflects the connection between it and the manor of Suitia. Here, the lands to set out on a long sailing voyage to the northern shore of the Gulf of Finland. of the church and the vicarage were originally separated from the hamlet of Instead, the nearby coast of Ostrobothnia was a natural direction for colonists Tjusterby, where the original estate of the Silfverpatron family also appears leaving Hälsingland for new regions.22 to have been a medieval enfeoffment. The connection between Moisio and the church of Lohja was already mentioned above. The only distinct exception The situation was completely different in Middle Sweden, where the is Espoo, where the church and vicarage were founded in the 15th century, population had grown in the Early Middle Ages. The resulting population i.e. well after the colonization stage, on land obtained from local peasants.27 pressure had led to migration in almost all directions, by no means least to the east, across the to Finland and the Estonian coast. Migration from All the significant manors of Western Uusimaa had a close connection with Middle Sweden ended at the turn of the 1340s and , when the plague, the parish churches. During the Middle Ages, the manors of many coastal also known as the Black Death, spread into the . In many places, parishes settled by Swedes were surrounded by tenant farms belonging to most of the population died of the plague, and thousands of farms were them. This suggests the likelihood that colonization had involved prominent abandoned in Sweden, and . Population pressure had come individuals or members of the enfeoffed class, who established residential to a natural end, and there was no longer any need or desire to emigrate.23 manors and took the initiative in founding congregations and the parish churches. It is known from Norrland in Sweden that the colonization of some Saulo Kepsu has demonstrated that most of Swedish place-names in Uusimaa of the northern river valleys was still entrusted in the early 14th century to can be traced back to Middle Sweden, to the provinces in the valley of Lake nobles who are known by name. Yrjö Kaukiainen has also found evidence of Mälaren. Some of the colonists came from the Åland Islands or the coasts colonization by members of the enfeoffed class in the parishes around Viipuri and archipelago of Finland Proper. The colonists from Uppland, Södermanland Castle.28 and Östergötland that settled in Finland named villages Helsingby, Gästrikby, Dalakrby or Tjusterby according to individual colonists who had come from It can be concluded from recent results of research show that there was other provinces.24 According to an uncertain item of information recorded sparse “original local” settlement in Western Uusimaa during the Early Middle in the early 18th century, a group of colonists had been brought to Uusimaa Ages. From the turn of the Iron Age and the Middle Ages colonists began to from Gästrikland and Hälsingland during the reign of “King Erik the Holy”. It is come from at least three different directions. Finns of Finland Proper came possible that a group had come to the valley of the River Vantaanjoki, originally from the west, while Häme Finns arrived from the north, remaining in their known as the River Helsinge (Helsingå), and the name of their region of origin former wilderness utilization areas in the inland and in Eastern Uusimaa. In had lived on.25 This exception does not alter the overall picture of the areas of addition, Swedish colonists came in such numbers from beyond the sea and origin of the Swedish colonists. from the archipelago of Finland Proper that Swedish became the predominant language of the coastal inhabitants. The Swedish colonists included nobles The Swedish colonization of Uusimaa has been regarded as a peasant and other leading figures, who founded manors surrounded by small tracts migration.26 Enfeoffment in lieu for service, however, appears to have played of tenant farms. The majority of the Swedes settled in their new locations as a significant role in the creation of most of the parishes. This is shown, for land-owning farmers. In addition, it is likely that some colonists also came example, by crofts and parcels of land which the manors of Prästkulla, from Estonia, but their contribution is difficult to distinguish with the means Gennarby, Karsby and possibly also Lindö had near the parish church of of place-name research. . It was noted in 1723 that the croft of Prästkulla dated from the time when the owners of the manor had built the church on “sterile” land, i.e. The birth of the province of Uusimaa not yet owned by anyone. Prästkulla Manor is already mentioned in sources from 1351. There is evidence of similar land ownership from Pohja Church, The oldest surviving mention of Uusimaa (Sw. Nyland) dates from the early where the church belonged to the same division of property as the manors 14th century. The king of Sweden at the time was Birger Magnusson, but from of Gumnäs and Näsby. There were other medieval estates in the near vicinity 1302 a large part of the kingdom came under the control of his two brothers. such as Brötorp and Gennäs, among others. At Karjaa, the church is in In 1310, the of the younger of these, Duke Valdemar, included the between lands owned by medieval manors and the lands of the vicarage castle provinces of and Häme, a number of areas in Sweden, the Åland were a donation from the enfeoffed class. The church of Inkoo is surrounded Islands, and Uusimaa, which is now mentioned for the first time.29

14 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 15 After this Uusimaa is not mentioned in sources until the 1320s, by which it parish, the less documentary information there is on their origin. In the had become a largely organized administrative entity, a so-called “province of Finnish countryside, the formation of congregations, or church parishes, the seal” under the authority of the king of Sweden. The earliest information was integrally related to the establishment of taxation by the church. With on the seal of is from a document dated 29 May 1326 in reference to conclusions by Kauko Pirinen and Eljas Orrman, Markus Hiekkanen Turku, ratifying a peace agreement between the inhabitants of the castle has recently suggested that a system of had been organized by the province of Turku and the of , with the seals of the provinces of church by the middle of the 13th century from Tenhola to Espoo in Western Finland Proper, Åland, Uusimaa and Häme.30 Uusimaa. In this connection, Hiekkanen concludes that of the parishes, or congregations, of Uusimaa, Inkoo, Karjaa, Kirkkonummi, Lohja and Tenhola The official seal was not the only sign of administrative organization in were established between 1220 and 1260, and Porvoo in Eastern Uusimaa Uusimaa. In 1326, Vicar Laurentius of Karjaa and Lindvidus, the tax collector during the third quarter of the 13th century.34 for Uusimaa of the Bishop of Turku negotiated with the town council of Tallinn over the cargo of a vessel apparently from Uusimaa that had been Although the oldest mention of Uusimaa is from the beginning of the 14th shipwrecked off Tallinn.31 The related document shows that the Bishop of century, the so-called Black Book of Turku contains a considerably Turku had a designated official for collecting taxes in Uusimaa. Dating from older document that may be associated with the formation of parishes the same year is the oldest evidence of judicial administration in Uusimaa, in the region. In a letter dated 24 November 1232 in Anagni, , Pope referring to Ingold Djäkni, lagman (legifer) of Uusimaa, “Ingonis Dyækn Gregory IX urged the Teutonic Knights of and the Bishop of Finland legiferi Nylandie”.32 From the following year there is a mention of the bailiff to defend Finns who had converted to Christianity against the threat of the of Uusimaa, “Gerardo, aduocato Nylandie”, who was probably the influential . The heading of this letter notes that it refers to Finland (Proper), i.e. nobleman Gerhard Skytte, who appears in later sources.33 Southwest Finland, but the list of contents of the Black Book refers to the threatened area as “terre Nylandiae” (Uusimaa). Since the list of contents It is impossible to say whether the province of Uusimaa was organized is from the Late Middle Ages, this mention cannot be definitely associated administratively in the 1320s or whether only an exceptionally large number with Uusimaa. It is, however, highly probable, and could well suit the political of documents survive from this decade. Was Uusimaa already regarded situation of the early 1230s, in which colonists from Sweden and Finland as a separate province in the 13th century or did Duke Valdemar organize Proper had spread east from Finland Proper into the area that began to be the colonized areas of the northern shore of the Gulf of Finland into an called Nyland (Uusimaa – the New Land).35 administrative entity in the early 14th century? Be that as it may, by the 1320s Uusimaa had become one of the provinces of Sweden. In taxation carried out by the church, Uusimaa was a distinct area in the Middle Ages, where tax collection practices differed slightly from those of The earliest mentions of the parishes of Uusimaa also date from the 1320s. Finland Proper, Häme and Karelia. The ecclesiastical Uusimaa of the Middle The oldest surviving information on the vicar of Karjaa is from 1326. The vicar Ages, i.e. the region of so-called Helsinge Law, can be defined from tithing of Porvoo is mentioned in the following year and the vicar of Tenhola in 1329. and so-called butter tax records of the 1540s and 1550s. The records of The congregations of Inkoo and Kirkkonummi are mentioned in sources in the taxes collected by the church show that the parishes of Uusimaa formed an 1330s. Pohja became a separate parish most likely in the mid-14th century, area with slightly different boundaries than the castle provinces that were and Lohja in the inland is mentioned in 1382. By the end of the Middle Ages, established in the late 14th century. In the west, half of , which was there were nine church parishes in Western Uusimaa: Espoo, Inkoo, Karjaa, a chapelric of the Parish of Pohja, was included in the castle province of Kirkkonummi, Lohja, Pohja, Siuntio, Tenhola and , and the chapelrics of Turku according to secular administration. Most of Vihti and the taxation area and Kisko. There were five parishes in Eastern Uusimaa: Helsinki, of Karisjärvi in Lohja were under the rule of Häme Castle, which also had Pernaja, Porvoo, Pyhtää and Sipoo. The boundaries of the parishes that authority over a number of villages in the northern parts of the parishes of emerged in Uusimaa during the Middle Ages still correspond, over distances Eastern Uusimaa. In the east, Uusimaa, as an ecclesiastical entity, extended of hundreds of kilometres, with the municipal boundaries that existed at the far to the east of Pyhtää and the River Kymijoki. The parishes of beginning of the 21st century. and , the southern villages of the chapelric of Säkkijärvi and a few farms in the Parish of Viipuri originally belonged to Uusimaa in ecclesiastical While the oldest references to the parishes of Uusimaa are from the 1320s, administration, but were later joined to the castle province of Viipuri.36 this does not mean that they were founded only at that time. The older the

16 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 17 The first contemporary item of information on church taxation in the area appointed the Swedish nobleman Tord Röriksson (Bonde) as the of so-called Helsinge Law in Uusimaa is from 1331. This was by no means first commandant of Raasepori by the autumn of 1378 at the latest, when the first time when a ruling was given in this matter. In 1345, an additional Tord Bonde dated a letter at the castle in which he donated properties in food tax previously ordered by Bishop Ragvald II of Turku was ratified. Bishop Sweden to his spouse.40 Bo Jonsson died in 1386 and the castle was soon Ragvald was in office from 1309 to 1321, which means that taxation by the taken over by the crown. Tord Bonde, however, remained in Raasepori and church had been ruled by ca. 1320 at the latest. As discussed above, taxation was its commandant for over 20 years. For practical purposes, the founding was presumably agreed upon for the first time in the 13th century. In the of the castle and the organization of the castle province can be said to have 1320s, the area of Helsinge Law and apparently the province of Uusimaa been done by him. (Fig. 4) extended from Tenhola in the west to Virolahti in the east.37

Colonization in Uusimaa relied on the support of a castle or fort built in Porvoo, according to which the river flowing past it was named. The parish that formed around the fortress was similarly named Borgå (Fort or Castle River), Porvoo in Finnish. In the same fashion the Swedes established a few decades later, in 1293, Viipuri Castle, at the end of the so-called Third Crusade to Finland. The province of Karelia was gradually organized under the rule of the castle, and the eastern part of the colonization of Uusimaa was added to it.

The castle provinces of Porvoo and Raasepori

Western Uusimaa was originally part of the province of Finland Proper. In the early 14th century, when Duke Valdemar still ruled over Finland Proper, Häme and Uusimaa, among other regions, Viipuri and Karelia were under the authority of King Birger. Later, in the 14th century, the whole of Uusimaa was ruled by the commandant of Viipuri Castle. In the early 1370s, the province of Uusimaa was divided into an eastern and western part, the castle provinces of Porvoo and Raasepori respectively.38 Their boundary passed between present-day Espoo and Helsinki, i.e. the region to the west of which there were areas colonized from Finland Proper, and to the east of which wilderness zones utilized by the Häme Finns.

Albrecht of Mecklenburg, who ruled Sweden in the 1370s was deeply in debt and had to grant castle provinces to nobles, especially the Chief Justice (Sw. drots) of Sweden Bo Jonsson Grip, as security for his loans. This also concerned Western Uusimaa by the autumn of 1374 at the latest. It now became the castle province of Raasepori (Sw. Raseborg), where a castle of this name was built as its centre. Eastern Uusimaa, or the province of Porvoo, was first ruled by Turku and from approximately 1399 by the commandant of Viipuri Castle. In Porvoo, however, an and defensive structure similar to Raasepori was not built and administration was concentrated in the crown manor of Porvoo, which had been founded under the authority of Viipuri Castle.39 Fig. 4. Raasepori Castle. Photo G. Haggrén 2009.

18 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 19 The building – and upkeep – of a masonry castle like Raasepori required the inland and to the east. At the end of the Middle Ages, settlement grew a great deal of resources. In practice, they were obtained through a new in the latter areas. There was no new levying of taxes, however, even though levying of taxes in Western Uusimaa. It can be shown that the division of the the number of farms within the tax areas increased.45 region into taxed areas and taxes levied on land were based on the founding of Raasepori castle and the related province in the 1370s. Settlement was Settlement in Western Uusimaa peaked around 1560, after which it did not organized into administrative units or tax areas (Sw. bol) and administrative rise until the 18th century. Wars, the mandatory quartering of troops, severe parishes. There are examples from elsewhere in medieval Sweden of similar taxation and poor crop yields led to the abandonment of farming properties. new levyings of taxes for the building of a new castle.41 The late 16th and early 17th century were especially difficult periods, and by 1635 over 30% of the farms of Raasepori province had been abandoned. The levying of taxes in the province of Raasepori and the defining of the There was a decline of settlement at the same time in many other parts of related land tax units, or tax marks, took place at the beginning of Bo Jonsson’s South Finland, e.g. in Finland Proper and the province of Porvoo.46 possession of the pledged property and Tord Bonde’s period as commandant, in the late 1370s or at the latest by the end of the 1380s, the beginning of the The abandonment of settlements in the Middle Ages crown castle period. A similar tax mark unit was not used in the province of Porvoo, which partly reflects the different historical development of Eastern of the Early Modern Period show how settlement had consolidated and Western Uusimaa in the Late Middle Ages.42 in the northern and eastern parts of Raasepori province towards the end of the Middle Ages. This was part of the late medieval expansion of settlement, The division of parishes and tax areas followed by crown administration differed which has often been underlined in studies. According to the traditional view, in many of their details from the earlier ecclesiastic system of parishes and there was hardly any abandonment of settlements during the Middle Ages in allotted accommodation fees for tax collection purposes. A fragment of the Finland. This conclusion is based on archive sources, which do not give much so-called of Erik the Pomeranian from 1413 tells that the province information on the abandonment of settlement, although scholars have noted of Raasepori consisted of eight administrative parishes, divided into a total from an early stage 39 abandoned bol units mentioned in the oldest cadastres of 102 tax areas. There is precise data on the tax areas from a list surviving concerning Finland Proper. They have been regarded as small medieval from 1451. Comparing these earliest tax records with the oldest cadastres abandoned units of settlement – an exception to the rule. It was not until surviving from the 1540s, listing each farm and its owner, we can note that 17th-century maps and the results of archaeological fieldwork were included only minor changes took place in the taxation and of in studies in the 2000s that researchers noticed that the abandonment of the castle province. There were now 101 tax areas, and no new levyings had settlements was much more widespread than previously thought. The oldest been carried out since the end of the 14th century.43 cadastres of Raasepori province list only a few abandoned bol units or other abandoned hamlets and villages, but when place-name studies and historical By combining information from cadastres and other sources, we can maps are considered, the number of abandoned villages is multiplied several note that around 1560 there were approximately 2,600 farms in the eight times over.47 administrative parishes of Raasepori province. The largest parish was Pohja, with approximately 460 farms, and the smallest was Kirkkonummi with only A clue is provided by böle place-names, which have been proven to often some 200 farms. At the same time, there were roughly 2,500 farms in the indicated abandoned settlement. It was typical for such an abandoned hamlet five parishes of Porvoo province. Most of the farms in Uusimaa were on to be often divided among neighbours. For example, Storböle in Barölandet farmer-owned taxed land. In Western Uusimaa less than 10%, i.e. 250 farms, in Inkoo was divided among two other hamlets, Barö and Espings, with the were in the possession of the crown, the church or the nobility. In Eastern boundary passing through the plot of the abandoned hamlet. In the spring of Uusimaa, the nobility owned a slightly larger proportion of the farms than in 2006, an abandoned hamlet site was discovered at Storböle, with a few finds the castle province of Raasepori. While in Porvoo and Pernaja, in particular, dating mainly from the 14th century.48 there were many farms belonging to the nobility, only some 11% of all farms in the province were on other than farmer-owned taxed land.44 Place-names of abandoned hamlets have not always survived. For example, Kullåkersbacken in the west part of the hamlet of Berg in Karjaa (Snappertuna) The province of Raasepori consisted of the whole of Western Uusimaa from has been dated archaeologically to the High Middle Ages. The hamlet was Tenhola to Espoo. When Raasepori Castle was established, settlement was presumably abandoned already around the middle of the 14th century. The densest in the old settled areas of the church parishes, and was sparser in site of this unnamed hamlet can still be seen in a map from 1703, in which

20 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 21 Kullåkersbacken is surrounded by two fields of the same size. They show that two-year crop rotation farming typical of older agriculture was practised at the site, with half of the fields being cultivated while the other half lay fallow.49

Until the early 2000s, studies of medieval settlement in Western Uusimaa depended completely on historical research relying on written sources. In recent years, there have been numerous excavations of village sites with results offering completely new opportunities for the study of the history of settlement and livelihoods in the region. The village of Hanko has revealed several building remains, a cemetery and an ancient field. In Inkoo, there have been excavations at Storböle at Barölandet and adjacent Orslandet at the sites of the abandoned hamlets of Norrby, Gammelby and Petars. In 2003, several house foundations were excavated in , Espoo, the oldest of which dated from turn of the 13th and 14th centuries. Surprisingly, this site also revealed a cemetery, and in 2006 a hitherto unknown medieval cemetery was also discovered at Finno in Espoo.50

The most extensive and systematic excavations of medieval settlement sites in Western Uusimaa have been conducted at Mankby in Espoo. This village was abandoned in 1556, when its lands were incorporated into the crown manor of Esbogård. The site remained unused and was spared any future development. The well-preserved village site was discovered in 2004. Still visible in the terrain are some 20 building foundations, the boundary of the cleared plot area and five ancient roads. The Espoo City Museum decided to organize excavations for the public at Mankby in 2008, the 550th anniversary year of the city. The results were so promising that excavations have continued each summer season since then. The aim is to continue excavations one house or entity at a time and to gradually prepare a synthesis on the development and structure of the village. The earliest dates obtained so far for the village are from the end of the 13th century, but the village most likely contains earlier layers.51 With its eight farms, the village of Mankby is known from historical sources of the mid-16th century, but only archaeological excavations can provide a deeper view of its history and structure and the everyday lives of its inhabitants in the Middle Ages. (Fig. 5)

Excavations in recent years have demonstrated how archaeological source material can be used for exploring medieval history of settlement and livelihoods. The analysis of the recovered materials is still in progress, but already at this stage we know a great deal about the dwellings and dietary habits of the people of Uusimaa in the Late Middle Ages. Various artefact finds shed light on everyday life and special occasions, and tell of contacts overseas with Estonia, Sweden and as far as . The excavation show that rural village and hamlet sites are of great research potential – medieval Fig. 5. The medieval village site of Mankby in Espoo. Drawing by Maija Holappa. archaeology is no longer solely the study of , churches, and other monuments.

22 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 23 Summary to ensure resources, new taxes were levied on the area under the rule of the castle. This area was divided into eight administrative parishes slightly During the 2000s the overall picture of the Middle Ages in Western Uusimaa differing from the old church parishes of Western Uusimaa. This levying of has changed a great deal. Archaeology, in the form of both surveys and taxes makes it possible to chart the overall picture of settlement in the castle excavations, has provided new information. The same is also true of analyses province in the late 14th century. From then on, settlement consolidated in of historical maps. Although available maps are from as late as the mid-1650s the east and in the inland, but – contrary to previous assumptions – there was even in the best cases, they contain information on much older phenomena. considerable abandonment of settlements in many places in Uusimaa during In addition, written sources that have long been used in historical research the Late Middle Ages. The farming community found itself from time to time still reveal new information. This concerns both individual medieval letters in a serious crisis. and bailiffs’ accounts of the 16th century, which can provide a comprehensive overview of the whole province.

In summary, it can be said that, contrary to previous assumptions, Uusimaa was not an uninhabited area for long-distance slash-and-burn cultivation or wilderness utilization. There was arable farming and sparse Finnish settlements in the area of the future province. The Finnish inhabitants were joined in the Early Middle Ages by Swedish colonists, including nobles, who played an important role when churches and parishes were established in the region.

Settlement in Uusimaa presumably originated from sparsely located individual farms or clusters of a few farm households. The number of farms gradually grew, with new ones established, for example, for new generations or when new settlers arrived alongside the earlier population, in addition to completely new farm households in new locations. As settlement grew and consolidated, it became necessary to agree on rights to resources. On the basis of joint interests, adjacent farms grew into villages with shared fields, meadows and forests. In the coastal parishes, neighbours agreed on the boundaries of individual villages or the joint areas of several villages before the end of the Middle Ages. By the beginning of Early Modern times, a typical hamlet or small village in Western Uusimaa consisted of 2–7 farms, while to the east in the province of Porvoo the villages were slightly larger on the average. The farmsteads were clustered in the village plot next to which were two large fields used in rotation, and beyond them nearby meadows and small outlying fields, with the forests of the village further away. The basic features of the Western Uusimaa landscape remained unchanged in this form until the end of the 18th century and land redivision, and in many places until the 19th century.

Uusimaa became a separate region in the 13th century and by the 1320s at the latest it had evolved into an organized province within the Kingdom of Sweden. In the 1370s, it was divided into two so-called castle provinces. Raasepori Castle was built as the centre of the western province. In order

24 THE COLONIZATION OF WESTERN UUSIMAA IN THE MIDDLE AGES 25 First results of new excavations in Padise Monastery. Further study issues.

Villu Kadakas MA AGU EMS

The ruins of the medieval Padise Monastery (Fig. 1) stand on the bank of River Kloostri (Fig. 2) ca 50 km south-west from Tallinn. This building complex of the fortified Cistercian monastery is a rather well-preserved monument and has a remarkable position in the study of medieval architecture of Estonia.1 The joint project between the Municipality of Padise and City of Vantaa has enabled to continue in the summer of 2010 the long ago ceased archaeological study of the ruin. In July and August the joint team of Finnish and Estonian archaeologists had an opportunity to dig several test pits in different areas of the site, trying to solve single problems and gather preliminary information for the fieldwork of 2011.

History of the monastic site

In the 13th century Padise area belonged to the Daugavgrīva (German Dünamünde) Monastery situated near in present .2 A chapel of unknown form and building material has been mentioned in Padise in a document from 1281 referring to an argument between the Monastery of Daugavgrīva and the bishop of Tallinn.3 The erection of the main buildings of the monastery probably did not start before 1305, when the buildings of Daugavgrīva Monastery were sold to the Livonian Order4, and the monks subsequently had to move their headquarter to Padise. In 1317 the Danish king Erik Menved gave a permission to build the monastery buildings of stone, which has been considered the real beginning of major construction works.5 A grave setback took place during the uprising of St George’s night, when 28 monks were killed and the buildings set to fire.6 A consecration of the monastic church by the bishop of Tallinn has been recorded in 1448.7 The monastic complex was taken over by the Livonian Order in 1558, right after

27 the beginning of the (1558–1583) and then officially secularized debris were removed and restorative works carried out during the 1950s and in 1559.8 During the war the buildings were used as a by different 1960s, together with archaeological excavations and field-study of the building armies and it suffered damages especially in the of 1580 when the remains carried out by Villem Raam. Even before the peak of the fieldwork Swedish army conquered it from the Russian army.9 The partially destroyed he managed to publish a small trilingual introductory book about the site in building complex probably functioned as a royal manor for a while, but lost its 195811, which was very soon outdated by fresh information. The excavation military significance by the 17th century. and restoration works stopped abruptly in 1969 and Raam managed to publish his most important post-excavation results only in a short general article in 1988.12 Finnish readers are uniquely in a lucky situation – this article has been translated and published twenty years ago in Finnish13 – Estonian readers do not have an advantage.

Fig. 1. The ruins of Padise in 2010. Photo Villu Kadakas.

Fig. 2. Situation plan of the ruins of Padise. In 1622 the von Ramm family received the area and the manor from the a. inner courtyard, b. northern courtyard/, c. eastern bailey, Swedish king and soon the building complex was rebuilt into their manorial d. 18th c. manor house, e. River Kloostri, f. former , g. pond, h. road. Plan compiled by Villu Kadakas. residence, dividing the church into smaller rooms and two storeys. Some of the other building parts still standing were used for various economic According to Villem Raam, the original layout was a compact quadrangular purposes and the already ruined south-western parts as a quarry. The manorial body (the so called conventional quadrangle) with four wings around the residence was moved to a new house (Fig. 2d) built east of the ruin at the end central courtyard (Fig. 3) with the 13th century chapel as the oldest part of of the 18th century and the monastic complex was mostly left as a romantic the complex, jutting out southwards from the south-western corner of the 10 ruin whilst still using some cellars for storing goods. quadrangular body.14 The church constituted the northern wing (Fig. 2).15 The final layout included a basement storey under all four wings including the Previous fieldwork results church. There was an exceptional chapel for side altars under the eastern part of the church (Fig. 3d). Communication between the wings of the Because of scarcity of written documents especially from the monastic basement storey and the main storey was performed through a two-storey period, knowledge about the site is mostly to be obtained from fieldwork: cloister around the inner courtyard (Fig. 2a). The eastern, southern and the excavations and study of the building remains. Large amounts of crumble western wings all had a second storey the rooms of which were accessed

28 FIRST RESULTS OF NEW EXCAVATIONS IN PADISE MONASTERY. FURTHER STUDY ISSUES. 29 via separate staircases from the rooms of the main storey. Later, the western According to Raam16 the first building period (1317–1343) ended with the courtyard with a tower in the south-western corner and a gate tower with a uprising of St. George’s Night when the 28 monks were killed and the complicated system of drawbridges was added to the western side (Fig. 3c). buildings set to fire. The outer wall and the walls of the basement storey of The monastic site was untypically heavily fortified – in addition to the gate the four wings were probably completed by that time. During the second tower (Fig. 3e), the inner gate of the quadrangle had a portcullis and the period (ca 1375–1425) the erection of the four wings was mostly completed whole building complex had small in corners (Fig. 1) and a wall-walk with the outer wall equipped with a crenellated battlement and the vaulted with a crenellated battlement on top of the outer walls. church. The third period (1425–1448) saw the completion of the refectory and the kitchen complex in the southern wing and the western annex with a new gate tower and a new courtyard. During the latter part of the Livonian War the building complex was held by Russian troops (1576–1580) who probably added some defences.17

Fig. 3. Basement floor plan of the ruins of Padise. Fig. 4. Medieval portal base in the east wing. Photo Villu Kadakas. a. inner courtyard b. northern courtyard/bailey c. western courtyard/bailey One major modification to Raam’s view has been introduced during the d. chapel last 20 years, upon which all specialists agree: the protruding part of the e. cellars under gate tower f. discovered portal in east wing building in the southwest corner of the main quadrangular body does not g. discovered portal in south wing include remains of the 13th century chapel, but rather rooms of some profane h. walls of a supposed earlier building function and of much later origin.18 While digging some test pits, proof for i. pillar foundations of supposed cloister 19 j. discovered fragments of earlier walls this claim was found in 2003. Later Kersti Markus has even supposed in north wing that the original chapel might not have been situated on the site of the later 20 Plan compiled by Villu Kadakas. monastery at all, but ca 8 km westwards in the village of Paeküla, which has

30 FIRST RESULTS OF NEW EXCAVATIONS IN PADISE MONASTERY. FURTHER STUDY ISSUES. 31 also given the name to the monastery.21 Recently Jaan Tamm has published the eastern wing was a base of a demolished limestone portal (Fig. 3f, 4) a richly illustrated general overview of the building and study history of the between the southernmost basement room of the east wing and the big monastery, presenting some minor dates and other details differing from cellar in the south wing. Raam’s view.22 In addition, the carved reliefs in the church have been of special interest to scholars.23

Research issues of the present project

Kaur Alttoa, the leader of the present study project, has suggested a possibility that the monks of Daugavgrīva had erected a filiation with an economic function – a grange – somewhere on the site of the later monastery before moving their headquarters there.24 Later Alttoa has concluded that almost all of the building parts that were standing at the end of the monastic period and we see today do not predate the 15th century – only some walls in the western wing of the main quadrangle seem to come from an earlier construction phase (Fig. 3a).25 Therefore the focus of the new study project – fieldwork of years 2010 and 2011 – is obviously on the two issues: to find and specify 1.) the remains of the supposed 13th century grange, including the chapel mentioned in written records and 2.) the buildings of the 14th century monastery. At the same time information is to be gathered for the conservation project of the ruin, e.g. data about original floor levels in the basement rooms.

Fieldwork results of 2010

In July and August 2010 regular test pits were dug into all the basement rooms of the western, northern and eastern wings (Fig. 3). As in the western wing the walls have been heavily rebuilt during restoration works, the test pits only revealed construction debris from the 20th century. In the basement rooms of the northern wing, i.e. under the church some pits were targeted near irregularities of the outer walls – supposed traces of demolished inner Fig. 5. Finds from 2010 excavations a. Ointment jar 17th-18th century, possibly from Raeren (present day Belgium) walls (Fig. 3j) and traces of earlier vault corbels. In the two westernmost b. shard of local pot with wave ornamentation, ca 1300 rooms remains of two earlier inner walls were represented by more or c. shard of painted redware bowl ca 17th century less rectangular patches of lime mortar under the filling layers, which were d. splinter of painted window glass, supposedly from medieval church e. shard of cup ca 18th century exposed. Judging by the most common finds in these two rooms – pieces of f. piece of glass bottle from Lelle manufactory (North-Estonia) 19th century 18th–19th century glass bottles (Fig. 5f) – the von Ramm family has probably g. shard of Falcke group stoneware (Eastern Germany) 15th century h. shard of Siegburg stoneware pitcher (Germany) ca 1400 used the rooms for storing their bier. Nevertheless the only medieval find from Photos Villu Kadakas (a, c-h), Kristi Tasuja (b). these rooms – a small richly ornamented stoneware fragment identified to belong to the so-called Falcke group26 from the 15th century (Fig. 5g)27 – was probably the highlight among this season’s finds. In the eastern basement The test pits of the south wing were targeted on specific questions about the room of the northern wing – the chapel under the church – a foundation was possible earlier building parts in the western cloister area and in the south- discovered (Fig. 3d) under the southern wall, running in a quite different western corner area of the main rectangular body of the monastic complex. direction compared to the wall on top of it – hypothetically a remnant from The test pits provided several new but complicated details about the earlier an earlier building. The most remarkable detail discovered in the test pits of form of those heavily rebuilt rooms. Most remarkable was the exposure of

32 FIRST RESULTS OF NEW EXCAVATIONS IN PADISE MONASTERY. FURTHER STUDY ISSUES. 33 parts of a limestone masonry portal (Fig. 3g), obviously belonging to a building handicraft, is to be expected. The outer wall, supposed north-western cannon predating the late medieval rooms of the southern wing. An underground tower and a supposed gate in the eastern wall will be the main problems of channel covered with large limestone slabs was discovered running through the northern courtyard/bailey. A specific question – if the drawbridges of the under the portal, which probably once conducted rainwater from the inner gate tower had a long continuous moat in front of them or just single pits courtyard to the river. A complicated and top quality water conduit system is – is to be answered as well. Foundations of a supposed chapel in the north- to be expected, because were among the first water engineers east beside the road outside the monastic complex, discovered during road in medieval .28 A hypocaust oven was partly uncovered in the room building in 2009, will be investigated as well. protruding southwards from the south-western corner of the rectangular building body. The results of the pits in the south wing gave a good starting point for the next year’s excavations. Probably the oldest find of the excavations – a sherd of a round tripod pot (Fig. 5d) with wave ornament, which can be vaguely dated to ca 1300 – was found in a test pit in the southern end of the eastern cloister. The date is intriguing but not fixed enough to consider it to be representative of the earliest period of the proper monastery or the hypothetical grange period of the 13th century.

Study issues and plans for fieldwork in 2011

The test pits in the inner courtyard had the task of giving preliminary data for bigger excavations in the 2011 season. One pit was dug in the middle of the courtyard and five close to the northern and eastern wings in the area of the former cloister (Fig. 3), supposedly demolished already in the 17th century. A most peculiar result was found, revealing great differences in the thickness of cultural layer in different areas of the inner courtyard: in the middle the natural soil layer is only 40 cm deep from the ground level, whereas in the cloister area there are ca 1.5 m thick filling layers. This could be explained in several ways: e.g. the floor of the cloisters has been much deeper than expected; there are earlier demolished and filled building remains in the cloister area. In any case, the result is intriguing because this might indicate that remains of the stone cloisters, thought to be fully demolished, or remains of earlier buildings might be preserved underground. Unlike in his other publications, according to Raam’s unpublished reports he was not convinced that the monks ever managed to build the stone cloisters around the courtyard but perhaps had to use temporary timber cloisters instead. Thus the evidence about the stone cloisters would be most welcome during excavations in 2011. The test pits of the inner courtyard revealed several simple Siegburg stoneware jug sherds (Fig. 5h) from 14th and 15th centuries – probably the first finds of the monks’ drinking vessels.29

The excavations of the year 2011 will concentrate mostly on the inner courtyard – on questions about earlier buildings and stone cloisters – and northern courtyard/bailey area. As there is some medieval waste in the filling layers under the inner courtyard, as indicated by the test pits, an amount of various finds representing the monks’ consumption habits, perhaps even

34 FIRST RESULTS OF NEW EXCAVATIONS IN PADISE MONASTERY. FURTHER STUDY ISSUES. 35 Fishing with Monks – Padise Abbey and the River Vantaanjoki from 1351 to 1429

Tapio Salminen MA School of Social Sciences and Humanities Department of History and Philosophy University of Tampere

How did the Cistercian Abbey of Padise (Ger. Padis) in Estonia first come into possession of fishing rights for salmon in the River Vantaanjoki in Finland, and what was the significance of these rights for the economy and everyday life of the monastery during the period of the abbey’s donation in 1351–1429? What impact did the monks and lay brethren have on the use of the river and the structure of settlement in its area, now in the dense suburban network of Vantaa and Helsinki?

The Cistercian order and the pursuit of monasticism in high medieval Europe

The medieval Diocese of Turku, roughly the same area as present-day Finland, essentially differs from other parts of the Baltic region once belonging to the medieval sphere of influence of the . Here, none of the monasteries of the old, pre 13th-century orders, such as the , Carthusians, Cistercians or Premonstratensians had ever been established and, with the exception of the Cistercian Abbey of Padise in Estonia, they are not known to have had property or rights in Finland. Although ecclesiastical culture and spiritual life in the medieval Diocese of Turku was by no means different to the rest of Europe, one of their most characteristic features, monasticism, was represented in its fully secluded form only by the Bridgettine convent of , founded in 1438. This double monastery of nuns and canons met all the requirements of monasticism: property in land obtained through donations, monastic vows, the copying and production of religious texts, and a continuous life of prayer in seclusion. The convents of

37 the Dominicans, who were active in Finland since the 13th century and the issued in 1147, decreeing that the spiritual merits of participating in a crusade , who came to Finland by the early 15th century at the latest, did not depend on whether the crusade was to the Holy Land or against were popularly known as monasteries, but much of the activity of the friars enemies and apostates of the faith elsewhere. The papal bull laid the basis occurred outside of their houses among the local population. Observant to for later theological arguments for crusades to the east of the River Elbe, to their rules, Dominicans of Turku and Viipuri and Franciscans of Viipuri, Rauma the Baltic lands and .2 and Kökar Island never accumulated significant endowments of landed property to sustain their houses. From the beginning of the 12th century, the community of Cistercian monasteries consisted of not only monks who maintained the unbroken The most important monastic order that spread into the Baltic region in the chain of canonical hours of prayer and performed their assigned work in the 12th century was the Cistercians, a reformed branch of the Benedictines, monastery, but also of lay brothers (Latin conversi), who had made a vow of which originated in 1098, when a number of monks established a monastery chastity and obedience to the abbot. The lay brothers had their own quarters at Citeaux, near Dijon in France. The name of the order derives from the and did not take part in the offices of the Hours, having instead their own original name of Citeaux which was either based on the Old French word programme of prayer and religious activity. In church, they were separated Cistel, meaning “reed”, or on the Latin Cistercium, explained as referring to the from the monks by a screen. Their activities and life were regulated with site of the monastery close to a three-mile stone on an old Roman road. The a separate rule called the Usus conversorum, of which no version applying Cistercian order was a reaction against the wealth of the Cluniac movement to the whole order was ever issued. As opposed to the tonsured monks, of the previous major reform of monasticism and contained both Benedictine who had shaved their beards and the crown of their heads, the lay brothers and Cluniac features. In the former, each monastery was an independent unit, were allowed to let their beard and hair grow and were called fratres barbati and in the latter they were under the authority of the monastery of Cluny in (bearded brothers). Both groups were also distinguished by their habits. The France. The purpose of the new monastery was to re-establish the monastic monks wore a hooded tunic of white or pure wool covered by a white (later rule written by Benedict of Nursia in the early 6th century in its original form black) hoodless scapular (Lat. scapulare), an apron-like vestment hanging and to exclude all activities beyond the rule from the life of the monks. The from the shoulders over the front and back of the wearer. The tunic of the lay activities of the Cistercians were regulated in the rule Carta caritatis approved brothers was of coarse dark-brown wool with a removable cowl covering the by the pope in 1119, the manual Liber usum on life within the monasteries head and shoulders. Because the lay brothers had not taken monastic vows, and the decisions of the General Chapter that convened annually at Citeaux. they could move about freely and spend long periods outside the monastery, The abbot of each monastery, or a representative acting as his deputy, was attending to its lands, organizing the transport of goods and supervising the required to attend the meeting of the chapter, but exceptions were made if tenant farms of the monastery. The inhabitants of the surrounding countryside the monastery was far away. In addition to Citeaux, special privileges were called them monks, but in reality they were administrators, craftsmen and enjoyed by its four first daughter houses, La Ferté (1113), Pontigny (1114), specialists with their own internal hierarchy, without whom the monastery Clairvaux (1115) and Morimund (1115), all of which were in the region of could not have managed. Among the Cistercians, the ratio of monks to lay Burgundy. The affiliation of mother and daughter houses was extremely brothers was generally one to two, but in places it could be one to three.3 important because it specified the right of visitation, i.e. inspection among the Cistercian Abbeys and the spiritual supervision of parish churches under The Cistercians’ main period of expansion was from the 12th century to the their patronage.1 end of the 13th, during which some 500 monasteries were founded. The original aim of all of them was to to the monastic rule, the core of The Cistercian order emerged as an influential spiritual, political and economic which consisted of prayer and work. Since the monks were meant to earn actor as a result of the work of Bernard of Clairvaux (c. 1090–1153), a young their living by clearing and cultivating fields and keeping livestock, the new Burgundian nobleman who entered Citeaux in 1113 and founded the daughter monasteries were often established in the outskirts of settlements in areas monastery of Clairvaux two years later. He was an important organizer and which were suitable for clearing fields and where subsistence was based theologian, who defended the rights of the church and emphasized the role on farming and animal husbandry. Since most of the monks came from the of the Virgin Mary as an intercessor between man and God. Bernard was elites of society, the monasteries often gained possession of considerable instrumental in the preaching of the Second Crusade to the Holy Land and property in land, which consisted of not only the domestic fields and plots had a strong influence on the role of the Cistercians as one of the most around the monastery but also of separate clusters of tenant farms further important missionary organizations accompanying the Crusader armies in the away. The centre of each cluster of tenant farms was a central manor or 12th century. In Germany, one of the main results of his work was a papal bull grange (Latin grangia), where rent was collected and which was administered

38 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 39 by a lay brother, occasionally by even one of the monks. Characteristic of monasteries for monks except for two were founded between 1143 and 1207. the landed property of Cistercian Abbeys was that the possessions were As elsewhere in Europe, Cistercian Abbeys in were established almost invariably a result of conscious planning and they were collected and upon the initiative of rulers and bishops sympathetic to the order and with the managed through a systematic programme of donations and endowments.4 support of the landed elites of the society. Of the six monasteries for monks, the first ones, Alvastra and Nydala, both founded in 1143 and located within the From the 12th century onwards, the Cistercian monasteries formed an Diocese of Linköping in Götaland and Småland, were daughters of Clairvaux. important network supporting the spread of agriculture and inventions In 1143 monks from Clairvaux also established a monastery at Lurö, later in building technology, with the special feature of using water power for transferred to Varnhem in Västgötaland, but after the expulsion of the monks mills and smithies. Some monasteries specialized in metallurgy and their in the 1150s, Cistercian activity in Varnhem was restored only in the 1160s. property included deposits of ores. Although the monasteries may have The spread of the order into met apparent resistance as late as at been important in promoting new methods of work, the Cistercians should the end of the 12th century, when the monks of Viby, founded near Sigtuna not always be considered as the sole leaders in developing or passing on in ca. 1160, were relocated in 1185 to Julita, south of Lake Mälaren. The last . Nonetheless, Cistercian Abbeys may have had wide-ranging Cistercian monastery founded in Sweden was Gudsberga in Dalecarlia, which influence especially in regions with no previous monastic culture, and they began its work in 1480. Close to important iron-ore deposits, it owned shares may have had impact on local practices at many different levels of technology in local mines and produced iron.7 and society.5 With regard to the areas around the Gulf of Finland, the most important From the very beginning, one of the most characteristic features of Cistercian Cistercian Abbey in Sweden was Gutnalia, a daughter house of Nydala, Abbeys was their interest in fishing. Since fish was an important nutritional founded on the island of Gotland in 1164. Later called Roma, the abbey had and symbolical part of the diet during Lent and other periods of fasting of the been in the 1220s donated landed property in Danish Estonia, where its church year, most ecclesiastical organizations sought to secure their share tenant farms were located close to its central manor at in the Parish of in fish in different ways. Fish was especially important to the Cistercians, on the from Tallinn to and opposite to the archipelago whose rule required abstinence from meat, which was allowed, under certain between Helsinki and Sipoo in Finland. Kolga Manor and the nearby tenant conditions, only as late as 1481 after a constitution by the General Chapter. The villages remained in the possession of Roma Abbey until 1519, when King important role of fish in Cistercian monastic life is shown by the fact that most Christian II of Denmark forced the monastery to relinquish them to the Danish of the monasteries had fish ponds built to ensure availability. The deliberate crown.8 The authority of Rome on the Gulf of Finland in the 1220s is shown by attempts of Cistercian abbeys to increase the productivity of salmon fishing the fact that in 1229 Pope Gregory IX ordered, upon the request of the Bishop are known for example from Ireland, where, as early as the 13th century, a of Finland, the Bishop of Linköping, the Cistercian abbot of Gotland and the monastery with a share in the fishing of the River Boyne redirected the flow of Gotland to ratify the relocation of the cathedral of the diocese to of the river for a better catch in their weirs. In 1320, Tintern Abbey in Wales one of the sites proposed as suitable by the bishop and the clergy of the had a special ‘guardian of the fisheries’ who was a monk or lay brother. The diocese and to ensure that no injustice be done to the bishop, clergy and interest of the Cistercians in fish and rights for fishing was equally great people of Finland whom the Pope had taken directly under his protection. also in Scandinavia, where the monks of Nydala Abbey in Sweden had joint In Finland, this has been regarded as marking the relocation of the centre fishing rights with the nuns of the nearby Cistercian nunnery of Byarum as of the diocese from to near Turku. The above parties early as in the end of the 12th century. Excavations of the floor of the kitchen together with the Cistercian abbot of Dünamunde and the Benedictine abbot of the Cistercian Abbey of Øm in Denmark have revealed a large selection of of Lübeck were also ordered to prevent merchants of the region from trading remains of different species of fish that had been prepared for consumption with the Russians as long as these kept harassing the Finns. At the time, the in the monastery.6 term ‘Finn’ applied to the inhabitants of the Diocese of Finland, comprising present-day Finland Proper (Sw. Finland), Lower and possibly parts The Cistercians in Scandinavia and Livonia of the regions of Western Uusimaa (Sw. Nyland) and Upper Satakunta.9

The Cistercian order spread into the northern Baltic Region along two routes. Different to the three Scandinavian realms, the arrival of monasticism and In the three Scandinavian kingdoms of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, the first monasteries in medieval Livonia (roughly the area of present-day Estonia main period of founding the monasteries occurred from the early 1140s to and Latvia) was not related to local rulers or inborn landed elites but was the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries, with the result that all 24 known instead a deliberate product of mission and conquest. Cistercian monks had

40 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 41 participated in the conversion and colonization of areas east of the River Elbe nobility whose social and economic networks penetrated ecclesiastical and already in the latter half of the 12th century, and in 1167 the monk Fulco lay institutions. In both regions, monastic communities are also likely to have of the Cistercian Abbey of Celle in France was appointed, possibly upon attracted offspring of the urban aristocracy, the majority of whom were of the initiative of the Archbishop of Lund in Denmark, to serve as missionary Hanseatic, i.e. German or assimilated origin. bishop in Estonia. In the early 1170s, Fulco and an Estonian-speaking monk from Norway were engaged in missionary work in Estonia, possibly also in Finland. Despite the early Scandinavian initiatives, however, the majority of the Cistercians later active in Livonia came from the German regions. The second ever ordained bishop of Livonia, Bishop Berthold (in office 1196 –1198) who was the abbot of Loccum Abbey near Hanover, and the German Cistercian monk Theoderic, the first ordained Bishop of Estonia in 1211 who died assisting the Danish troops in the siege of Tallinn in June 1219 had both been engaged in mission in Livonia already in the late 1180s. The presence of the Cistercians in the region was also supported by Pope Innocent III, who in April 1200 sent a letter addressed to all the abbots of the order requesting them to permit monks to set out for mission in Livonia.10

The construction of the first Cistercian monastery in Livonia began in 1205 at Dünamunde (Daugavgrīva) at the mouth of the River Daugava (Western Dvina) in present-day Latvia. The activity of the Abbey at the location came to its end in 1305, after which the convent was relocated permanently in Padise some time before the year 1317. The original mother house of Dünamunde Abbey was Marienfeld in Westphalia in the Diocese of Münster, but in 1305 the Abbey of Stolpe on the River Peene in Pomerania was decided as the new mother by the General Chapter in Citeaux. In the same Chapter the former Benedictine Abbey of Stolpe which had recently been reorganized as a Cistercian foundation, was further ordained to serve as a daughter of the Abbey of Pforte in the Diocese of Naumburg. Gottfridus, fifth abbot of Dünamunde (in office 1226–1228) was Prior of Pforte and was in 1228 appointed first bishop of the Diocese of , in which position he served less than one year. The connections of Pforte with the ecclesiastical organization under construction in the 1220s in Saaremaa and Läänemaa are evinced by the fact that the first Cistercian monastery in the area of the modern Estonian State A. Dünamunde Abbey was Falkenau (Kärkna) founded by the Bishop of Tartu in 1228. Its original B. Padise Abbey mother house was Pforte, which was replaced in 1305 by Stolpe. Padise, C. Falkenau (Kärkna) Abbey D. Gutnalia (Roma) Abbey Dünamunde, Falkenau, Stolpe, Pforte and Marienfeld, the original mother of E. Stolpe Abbey Dünamunde, all belonged to the Morimund brand of the Cistercian order, F. Pforte Abbey while the Cistercian monasteries of Sweden were daughters of Clairvaux.11 G. Marienfeld Abbey The very presence of the abbeys of Roma and Padise in the areas bordering on the Gulf of Finland can thus be regarded as an encounter of the two branches Map 1: The locations of the three Cistercian Abbeys of Dünamunde, Padise and Falkenau (Kärkna), Gutnalia (Roma) Abbey in Gotland, Marienfeld Abbey of the Cistercian order, but at the same time it is important to keep in mind (original mother of Dünamunde in 1205—1305), Stolpe (mother of Padise and that the majority of the monks and nuns in both Sweden and Livonia were Falkenau since 1305) and Pforta (mother of Stolpe since 1305). recruited from within the landed elite, which in Livonia consisted of vassal Source: Map Tapio Salminen 2011 & Lotta Ojaver, Ten Twelve OÜ 2011, based on an families of mainly German or assimilated origin, and in Sweden of locally born original map by Karttakeskus Oy.

42 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 43 Padise Abbey and its landed property in Estonia in the 14th the convent soon after the North Estonian campaign of King Valdemar II of and early 15th Centuries Denmark in the summer of 1219, when the Cistercians of Dünamunde had been given land possibly as a reward of mission and the baptism of native The interest of the Livonian Cistercians in the northern shore of the Gulf of inhabitants carried out during and after the campaign. A few years later, Finland appears to have emerged soon after the relocation of the monastery Valdemar’s bastard son, Duke Canute of Estonia (in office 1223–1227) donated of Dünamunde to Padise, which took place between 1305 and 1317, possibly land to Gutnalia (Roma) Abbey in Gotland. The lands of the Cistercians were already before 1311.12 Cistercian activity at Dünamunde ended as the result along the highways leading to Tallinn from the west, southeast and east, and of the war of the town and archbishop of Riga with the Livonian branch of the one of the aims of the donations may have been to create permanent stations fought in several different stages in 1297–1330. In an early to control communications in the area. Underlying the Roma donation may phase of the conflict, the Livonian Master took possession of the Cistercian have been the creation of a counterweight to the presence of the German Abbey controlling the strategic site at the mouth of the River Daugava and Cistercians in North Estonia.16 decided to build a castle there. The transaction of the former site of the Abbey to the Teutonic Order was officially sealed in May 1305 after which In the 13th century, the activity of Dünamunde Abbey in Estonia focused both the landed possessions of Dünamunde Abbey and the affiliation of the in the village of Padise some 40 kilometres west of Tallinn at a bridge site two Cistercian houses in Livonia, Dünamunde and Falkenau (Kärkna), were on the highway to Haapsalu where a grange of the Abbey had apparently reorganized in the administration of the Cistercian order.13 been established in an early stage. During the period of office of Bishop Thurgot of Tallinn (in office 1263–1279), the village hosted the Abbey’s chapel, During the 13th century, Dünamunde Abbey had gathered a substantial the patronage of which then become a point of dispute between the bishop amount of landed property, consisting of domestic possessions of nearby and the Abbey. The chapel had most likely been designed for serving the farms at the mouth of the River Daugava and in Curonia and three larger lay brothers in charge of the grange and a possible congregation of tenants clusters of tenant villages and farms spread over a distance spanning more attached to it.17 The domains of the Dünamunde Abbey had extended to the than one thousand kilometres between Tallinn in Estonia and Holstein Estonian coast opposite Suur-Pakri (Rogø) island as early as 1257, and the area in Germany. A considerable part of the domains were located south of between Padise and the sea emerged as the core of domestic possessions in Mecklenburg and Brandenburg in northern Germany, where they of the Abbey in Estonia after the relocation of the convent from Dünamunde were transferred to the possession of the Abbey of Stolpe as a part of the to Padise. An apparent reorganization of the property occurred after the St. reorganization of the property of Dünamunde in 1313. The second cluster of George’s Night Uprising in Estonia in 1343–1346 when the Abbey was granted landed property was on the middle reaches of the River Daugava at Līksna land at the end of present-day Bay with the right of patronage of the in present-day Latvia, where Dünamunde Abbey had owned farms and an Church of Lodenrode (present-day Harju-Madise). Around the same time, the island in the river since 1230.14 The property on the Daugava included the Abbey sold the island of Rogø to five men with Scandinavian names, but general right to fish in the river, which the Livonian Master confirmed to retained the right to fish and graze livestock for itself and its tenants. In the the possession of the convent of Dünamunde after a request of the abbot transaction, the island is said to lie “under Swedish law”, i.e. under a special of Stolpe in 1314. Padise Abbey hold possession of an island and landed system of tithing designed for new colonization based on animal husbandry property at Līksna on River Daugava and in Semgallia as late as in 1429, and land clearing in areas of late 13th and early 14th century Swedish when the abbot and convent traded them to the Livonian Master in exchange colonization in Finland and on the Estonian coast. The Scandinavian names of to certain meadows near Padise and the right to buy 20 ploughs (haken) of the five purchasers may point to the fact that they originated from among the land in the Harjumaa region. Apparently the Abbey’s property on the River Swedish colonization along the coast of Uusimaa in Finland, not necessarily Daugava had been reduced to a mere nominal possession without much real from Sweden proper.18 value and the convent decided in 1429 to liquidate it all in order to improve the Abbey’s economy in its immanent .15 The domestic possessions of Padise Abbey to the west of Suur-Pakri expanded in 1402, when the monastery obtained the lands of the Cistercian The third main cluster of landed property of Dünamunde Abbey in the 13th nunnery of Lihula at Newe (present-day Nõva) near the northwest end of century was in North Estonia where it was further divided into two areas, the Estonian mainland. By the end of the Middle Ages, Padise Abbey held one at Padise west of Tallinn and the other southeast of Tallinn in the parishes possession of the area extending from the abbey to the sea and comprising of Jüri and Rasiku. The core parts of both of them had been acquired by the entire Estonian coast from present-day Paldiski to the waters off Nõva.

44 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 45 Together with the landed possessions, the property included rights of in Kirkkonnummi. The latter is today known as Ängvik, an area near the patronage over the parish churches of Harju-Risti and Harju-Madise and the inlet between Upinniemi and capes south of Kirkkonummi Chapel of Saint Olaf in Nõva. The monastery also owned a large collection of Church.22 farms at Jõelähtme, Puiatu and Rasiku southeast of Tallinn, with a grange at Rasiku as its centre.19 It also possessed a house in Tallinn, where abbots and All the known tenant farms of Padise Abbey in Western Uusimaa were located lay brothers could accommodate themselves while on monastery business at the far ends of deep bays and inlets in an area between the bay of Pohja in the city or travelling through it and which served as its warehouse and Parish and Porkkalaniemi Cape, but the actual geographical range and number storage area in the town. The house is known to have been the property of of the possessions changed to some degree during the 14th century. In places, Dünamunde Abbey already in 1280 and it made part of an area controlled by as in Kirkkonummi and Inkoo, new farms were established, while some of the the Cistercian monasteries of Padise, Falkenau (Kärkna) and Roma located in properties, such as Skavistad appear to have been brought back to the control the Tallinn lower town on Monks’ Street (present-day Vene Street) next to the of the crown as early as in the 1360s. The person behind the confiscation or Dominican convent, where the warehouses of the monasteries must have transaction was most likely Nils Turesson (Bielke), lagman (high judge) of all been built by the end of the 1270s at the latest.20 Finland and headman of Viipuri Castle and Uusimaa from ca. 1362 to his death in 1364, whose heirs then endowed Skavistad to Växjö Cathedral in Småland The landed property of Padise Abbey in Western Uusimaa in Sweden proper. When Padise Abbey expanded its landed possessions in in 1335–1408 Nõva in 1402, a decision appears to soon have been made of liquidating the remaining tenant farms in Western Uusimaa. In 1407–1408, the monastery After its relocation to Padise, the Cistercian convent of Dünamunde soon sold all the farms that it owned in the parishes of Kirkkonummi and Inkoo to appears to have become interested in the Uusimaa (Sw. Nyland) region on Tord Bonde, headman of Viipuri Castle and former bailiff of Raasepori Castle the north shore of the Gulf of Finland, an area of active Swedish colonization in Western Uusimaa, who together with his wife Ramborg in 1415 endowed in the late 13th and early 14th century, mainly from the regions of Uppland the same property to the altar of Saint Catherine in the Town Church of Viipuri. and Södermanland.21 Padise Abbey is documented to have had contacts with The altar later also owned other properties formerly belonging to Padise in Finland already in 1322, when Bishop Henrik of Tallinn (in office 1298–1322) Kirkkonummi and Pohja.23 issued a letter of recommendation to the abbot of the monastery in a matter that has remained unknown but of which he was to discuss with Bishop By the middle of the 14th century, the total amount of arable land in the Bengt of Turku (in office 1321–38). Of further interest is the fact that the core possession of Padise Abbey in Western Uusimaa is estimated to have of the Abbey’s possessions in Uusimaa was established already a decade reached 395 sewn areas known as panni (one panni = c. 90 litres, ½ barrel of before the sale of Rogø island and the expansion of its ownership to areas seed), corresponding to 65–66 tenant farms of six panni each and comprising east of Padise Bay in Estonia. On 6 December 1335, the Abbey bought all of ca. 6% of all the farms in the region. Even if not all the farms owned by the landed property of the former headman (Latin capitaneus) of the areas the abbey are known and the structure of its possessions changed during under Turku Castle Karl Näskonungsson and his subordinate Gereke Skytte, the 15th century also in Estonia, the amount of grain sewn at farms once in bailiff of Uusimaa, in the parishes of Kirkkonummi, Pohja and Inkoo. The the control of the abbey in Western Uusimaa was in the mid-16th century no transaction was ratified in Tallinn, where Skytte three days later endowed the less than 93 barrels of seed, roughly one-seventh of the estimated sowing Abbey with another two landed domains, Finneby and Skawistad. Of these, of 700 barrels on the Abbey’s domains in Estonia in the 1340s. According Skavistad in Pohja parish is known to have consisted later in the 16th century to an estimate based on the transaction prices of the abbey’s farms in 1335 of sixteen tenant farms with shares in adjacent rapids at a strategic location and 1407, the sewn amount of grain at the monastery’s properties in Finland controlling the medieval highway leading from Turku to Viipuri via Uusimaa. could, however, have been 197.5 barrels, almost 23% of all sowing (ca. 897.5 It is first documented as a central manor (Latin curia) with possible tenant barrels) on all the abbey’s tenant farms in Estonia and Finland.24 It is obvious farms in 1326 when it was made part of the landed possessions of Matias that between 1335 and 1407 Padise Abbey owned significant landed property Kettilmundsson, a former drots of Sweden and that time headman of Finland, in Western Uusimaa, with the core possessions easily accessed from the sea. i.e. the area then comprising Finland Proper, Satakunta, Western Nyland and The focus of the domains shifted during the 14th century from the regions Häme (Sw. Tavastland). Eight years later, on 20 August 1347, Skytte pledged of Pohja and Karjaa eastward towards Inkoo and Kirkkonummi, but it remains to the Abbot of Padise the properties of Lakukulla at Karjaa and Engewigh unknown whether the monastery had an actual grange in the Uusimaa region.

46 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 47 The Patronage of Porvoo and the Fishing Rights of the River Vantaanjoki in 1351–1429

Instead of a sole initiative of the Padise Abbey, evidence exists that its landed property in the region of Western Uusimaa was in some way associated with the plans of King Magnus Eriksson of Sweden (elected 1319, of age 1331, co-ruler with his sons Erik in 1357–59 and Haakon 1362–64, expelled 1364) regarding the constitutional status of Danish Estonia. The transactions and endowments of Karl Näskonungsson and Gereke Skytte in 1335 preceded negotiations between the vassals of Danish Estonia, the town council of Tallinn and the king in the spring of 1336. In the scholarship, the negotiations have generally been thought to have concerned the of Estonia coming under the rule of the Swedish crown in a situation where the former authority of Denmark over Estonia was in turmoil. After the conquest of 1219 and the reinstitution of the Danish power in 1238, the area under Danish Crown had been organized into one diocese where the bishop was a suffragan of the Archbishop of Lund. After the disintegration and total collapse of royal power in Denmark in 1326–32, developments in the constitutional status of the realm caused the Archbishop of Lund and other representatives of the Danish Province of Scania (Sw. Skåne) to search protection from King Magnus Eriksson of Sweden who guaranteed their rights in 1332. Soon after this, Johan III of Holstein, who had held Scania as a pledge, sold it to King Magnus. Because the Abbey of Padise was the largest ecclesiastic landowner in Danish Estonia, perhaps second only to the Bishop of Tallinn, the intriguing possibility exists that the expansion of the Abbey’s possessions into Uusimaa Patronage of Porvoo 1351–1429 in 1335 would in fact have been related to the abbot’s and convent’s role as some kind of lobbyists for the Swedish King in a constitutional situation Nyland = Uusimaa similar to that of Scania three years earlier. The role of the Abbey as lobbyists Finnsicher Meerbusen = Gulf of Finland and partisans for the King in areas south of Gulf of Finland may also be found Deutsch-Ordensgebiet = Dominion of the Teutonic Order in Livonia Pojo = Pohja behind the pledgings of Gereke Skytte to the Abbey in 1347, the mortgaging Billnäs = Skavistad of which was corroborated in the archipelago of Hiittinen, where King Magnus Raseborg = Castle of Raseborg founded in the 1370s was staying with a large entourage as part of his preparations for a military = Karjaa Kyrkslätt = Kirkkonummi campaign to the River in the following summer. Visitors to the king at Helsinge Å = The River Vantaanjoki the time included not only a delegation of peasants of the Finnish coast under Sibbo = Sipoo Borgå = Porvoo the Castle of Viipuri but also representatives of Padise Abbey. Because King Perno = Pernaja Magnus had around this time appointed Skytte as the headman of all the Reval = Tallinn Kolk = Kolga (Guthnalia/Roma) castles and in Finland (now also with areas under Viipuri Castle in the Wesenberg = east), the pledgings of 1347 may have been part of the financing of the coming military campaign, in the lobbying of which some role was also thought to be Map 2: The Known Landed Property of Padise Abbey in Estonia and Western Uusimaa performed by the Cistercians of Padise in Estonia. The position of the Duchy in Finland in the 14th Century and the Patronage of Porvoo with the annexed of Estonia had decisively changed in August 1346 when King Valdemar IV of chapels of Pernaja and Sipoo in 1351—1429. Denmark sold it to the Teutonic Order.25 King Magnus Eriksson’s campaign in Source: Map Tapio Salminen 2011 & Lotta Ojaver, Ten Twelve OÜ 2011. The original map the summer of 1348 led to the conquest of Schlüsselburg (Fi. Pähkinälinna, Johansen (1951), 214.

48 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 49 Sw. Nöteborg) Castle at the strategic location where discharges the king and the Bishop of Turku in 1352 itemizing the ten parishes to which into the River Neva, but when Magnus and most of his troops returned to the king had rights of patronage. Another consequence were the subsequent Sweden in the autumn, Novgorod regained the castle. In the autumn of 1350, actions of the bishop and chapter of Turku which caused the Abbey to lose the the king attacked Kaprio Castle near the southeast end of the Gulf of Finland, actual control of the patronage already in the early 1360s after which it was which controlled routes of communication by land between Novgorod and only able to recover it at the turn of the 1370s and 1380s. An extensive debate Narva. This operation, however, failed and he remained in Livonia, where he is on the rights of patronage again followed in the years 1422–1424, when the documented to have sojourned in December 1350 in Tallinn, in February 1351 Abbey had to admit that it had received the for the office of rector only in Riga and in early April 1351 in Haapsalu, before sailing in May to Sweden by special favour of the Bishop of Turku. From then on, the patronage was via Turku and Åland islands.26 only a formality and the monastery sold the rights to the Diocese of Turku for the sum of one hundred English nobles in September 1428. The transaction A major expansion of the rights of the Abbey of Padise in areas north of the was corroborated in Padise and in Tallinn at the turn of July and August in Gulf of Finland occurred in the closing weeks of King Magnus’ sojourn in 1429, when the monastery further informed that it had with the same sum Livonia on 2 April 1351, the eve of Passion Sunday, when the king in Haapsalu purchased two tenant villages of Knight Bertholdus de Lechtes located in the donated to the abbey the right of patronage to the Parish of Porvoo in the 27 Diocese of Tallinn. The agreement of the bishop and the monastery contained Diocese of Turku in Finland. The patronage apparently consisted of both the the Abbey’s full assignation of all the original documents of King Magnus right of presentation, i.e. right to nominate a candidate for the office of the Eriksson and his successors as well as later corroborations on the matter to rector in the parish and the cure of souls attached to it as well as the benefice, the bishop, but it does not state the manner in which the king’s share of the i.e. the control of the rector’s share of tithes in the parish. In practice, the salmon fisheries in the River Vantaanjoki was restored to the crown. It was no monastery appointed a vicar, as a substitute for the rector, to perform divine longer in the possession of Padise Abbey after 1428.29 Around the same time services and offices, while the income from the benefices of the post went as the monastery withdrew for good from Finland, it also liquidated all of its to the monastery. Since the reason for the donation is in the king’s sealed landed property and rights on the River Daugava. After 1429, the monastery’s charter explained as not only the services which the abbot and convent of economic activities focused on the area of present-day Estonia, where its Padise had rendered to him but also those to be rendered by them in the domains were located almost completely within the Diocese of Tallinn. future, the donation may have been a reward for the abbots’ efforts for the benefit of the king in 1336, but also a recognition of the possible participation The ecology of salmon and the salmon trade in the late of the monks as preachers in the campaigns of 1348–1350. Future service medieval Northern region may also allude to the fact that in the political aspirations of King Magnus the incorporation of the Duchy of Estonia by the Teutonic Order was by no means Let us now return to the question of the actual role of the fishing rights for a closed issue. salmon for the economy of Padise Abbey and what kind of impact did the activities of the monastery have on the River Vantaanjoki during the period of The donation of the patronage was renewed a few weeks later in Turku where the donation in 1351–1429? the act was corroborated by bishop Hemming (in office 1338–66) and the of the diocese. In the new charter the benefice of the Since the Cistercian rule required total abstinence from meat, the royal patronage of the church of Porvoo was expanded to include two chapels donation of 1351 must have played a significant role in the annual provision annexed to it, apparently two former parishes attached to the donation as a of food in the monastery, where the connotations of eating fish were not only further benefice to the monastery. Later 14th-century documents show that of nutritional or economic nature. However, at the same time it is important the two parishes annexed to the donation as chapels were Pernaja and Sipoo. to bear in mind that salmon fishing in the River Vantaanjoki from 1351 to In a separate charter, the donation was also specified to include the fisheries the summer of 1428 was not the monastery’s sole source of fish in the (piscarias) of the vicarage of Porvoo, also corroborated by the bishop and the period. The tenants of Dünamunde had already in the late 13th century fished chapter of Turku. In addition, and again with a separate sealed charter, the king off Suur-Pakri Island in Padise Bay and when the Abbey of Padise in 1345 donated to the monastery his share of the “upper and lower salmon fishing relinquished the island to colonists, it kept its fishing rights and received at Helsinga”, i.e. shares in the fisheries on the upper and lower reaches of a share of local catches of Baltic and other fish in the waters. The the River Vantaanjoki.28 Since the parish of Porvoo was part of the Diocese of abbey is also known to have had fish ponds close to the convent castle, but Turku, one of the major results of the donation was an agreement between their time of construction is not known.30 The nutritional and status value of

50 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 51 greasy salmon was high and the monastery’s share of the salmon from the share of tithes then already confiscated to the crown consisted of 41 salt-dried River Vantaanjoki ensured the yearly availability of a valued fish that would salmon (spikilaxar) and a number of small trout (små öörlaxar), of which the otherwise have remained beyond its means. Although the monastery still latter were obtained from the Helsinginkoski (today Vanhankaupunginkoski) had rights to the former fishing of Dünamunde Abbey in the River Daugava rapids. The behaviour of migratory trout (Salmo trutta trutta) differs from that after 1314, there is no evidence of them being used and salmon fishing from of salmon, as it does not begin to migrate upstream until the waters cool the River Vantaanjoki was no doubt a desired addition to the economy of the in the autumn and it spawns in late October. The fact that salmon belongs monastery. to the old fish stock of the River Vantaanjoki is proved by the fact that with the improvement of the ecology of the river in the early 2000s, salmon has Salmon (Salmo salar) is a migratory fish species that climbs in the summer returned to the river alongside trout. In the summer of 2007 thousands of sea from the sea into rivers and their gravel-bottomed rapids to in the trout and salmon migrated to the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids, most of the autumn before returning to the sea. The roe is hatched in the spring after fish continuing all the way to Nurmijärvi north of Helsinki and Vantaa. Some which the fry, or young salmon, remain in the spawning waters for a couple salmon no doubt also migrated originally into the River Keravanjoki.33 of years before swimming to the sea where they gain maturity. Most salmon spawn only once in their lives, at the age of 5–6 years.31 The best information During the Middle Ages, salmon was a valued fish of high nutritional value on the behaviour of salmon in the rivers of Southern Finland before the due to its high fat content. The heyday of salmon fishing in the Baltic Sea industrial era are from the River Kokemäenjoki on the west coast, where region began around the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries, when merchants in the 1850s salmon would rise around Midsummer, with the best fishing in Lübeck began to supply salt from Lüneburg for preserving herring fished season lasting 30–40 days until the end of July. The time of year was always off the coast of Skåne (Scania) and the salmon and whitefish of the north. The the same, but before the adoption of the Gregorian calendar in 1753, the availability of salt improved in the mid-14th century when sea salt from Baie migration of salmon began eleven calendar days earlier, in the Middle Ages in the began to be imported into the Baltic Sea region. Towards roughly a week before midsummer. In 1711, the best catches from the rapids the end of the Middle Ages it was matched by salt from Spain and Portugal. at and Kokemäki in the river were obtained from 12 June until 8 Most of the herring, salmon and whitefish caught in the Baltic region began to September, but the fish swimming up the river in late July were migratory be traded in the 13th century by networks of German merchants who bought European whitefish (Coregonus lavaretus), the best fishing season of which the fish directly from the fisheries or their supervisors. Since the availability lasted from late July – early August until the beginning of September. There is of salt was essential to the profitability of fishing, it was an important tool also reliable information on the migratory behaviour of salmon in the Middle in conflicts involving trade. When the kingdom of Sweden was embargoed Ages from the large rivers discharging into the northern part of the Gulf of by the Hanseatic League, the headmen and bailiffs of the Finnish castles Bothnia where the bishop’s salmon tithes were collected between the Feast sought to ensure the availability of salt through bilateral agreements with of Saint Eskil (12 June) and the Feast of Saint Margaret (13 July), which Tallinn. The amount of salt shipped to the markets of the Gulf of Finland and covered the whole salmon season. In the present calendar, this corresponds Novgorod is suggested by the Poundage of Tallinn, a Hanseatic tax levied to the period between 23 June and 24 July.32 on all cargoes entering or leaving the port, according to which most of the salt arrived shortly before the beginning of the fishing season in fleets of As in the other rivers of Finland, the migration of salmon into the River merchant vessels sailing directly from the Bay of Biscay and Portugal. In the Vantaanjoki in the Middle Ages began around 12 June according to the Julian summer of 1434, the imported salt was distributed in four trading fleets, the calendar and ended some four weeks later. The fish that migrated into the largest of which consisted of sixteen ships arriving straight from Baie with river consisted of both salmon proper, which is known to have migrated as the inspected cargo on 19 May amounting to the total equivalent of ca. 8.5 far as in the River Kymijoki in the late 1850s, but also trout, tons (8.5 million kilograms) of sea salt.34 which appears to have been more common in the river than salmon in late historical times, which may have been due to the depletion of the natural From the Middle Ages to the beginning of the 1900s the most common salmon of the River Vantaanjoki as a result of clearing and building dams at method of preserving salmon was to salt it on site; i.e. the fish were gutted, the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids in the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. split and piled with their scales facing upward in salt water in wooden barrels According to sources, the salmon fished from the River Vantaanjoki in the in which they were transported from the fisheries. In the Late Middle Ages, beginning of the Early Modern Era was definitely salmon. A clear distinction the salmon barrel was an established measure, corresponding to the Rostock between salmon and trout was made for example in 1548 when the bishops herring barrel agreed upon by the Hanseatic in 1375 as the measure of

52 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 53 volume for herring. In the Middle Ages and the 16th century, it was 48 kanna The fisheries of the River Vantaanjoki and the structure or approximately 118 litres. A full barrel of herring weighed approximately of settlement in the Vantaanjoki area in the period of the 160 kilograms, the net weight of the fish being some 140 kg. Fatty salmon Padise donation could not be dried like cod or pike, but an alternative method of preservation was salt-drying in which the fish was first kept for a while in brine, after One reason why the Bishop of Turku and the crown became interested in which it was cold-smoked and dried. Salt-dried salmon on spits (spikelax) salmon in the mid-14th century may have been the improved availability of 35 were valuable individual items of trade. salt because of excessive trade from Baie. At the same time, however, other new innovations in fishing were introduced in Finland. In June 1347 Bishop In the Middle Ages, salted salmon preserved in barrels was one of the Hemming of Turku ordered the construction of a new, efficient type of weir in most important export articles from the area of the Diocese of Turku, i.e. the Lammaistenkoski rapids of the River Kokemäenjoki. The design came from present-day Finland. The church, in particular, was interested in the fishing, Scandinavia where similar leads had been in use previously. Since traditional distribution and consumption of salmon. Towards the end of the Middle Ages, customary law in Finland regarded all fishing in rivers, rapids, streams and the Bishop of Turku owned not only fisheries and shares of fishing in the River lakes to be the common prescription of all the houses and villages which Kokemäenjoki but also the whole of Ahvenkoski rapids in the River Kymijoki had shares in the waters concerned, the landowning peasants of Kokemäki ca. 90 kilometres east of the River Vantaanjoki, having received the crown’s parish destroyed the new device without hesitation. However, according share of the fishing as a donation in 1357. Information on the medieval fish to some Swedish provincial laws and the new law code of King Magnus trade of the bishops and cathedral chapter of Turku has survived in the Eriksson then under preparation, any section of water, river or sound was correspondence of Dean Paulus Scheel (in office 1509–16), which shows that the property of the house or village that owned the shore. Since the bishop the high officials of the diocese had contacts with the burghers of Lübeck, owned the shore of the rapids where his officials had let the new device be Stralsund, Danzig, Riga, Tallinn and Stockholm. Trade goods sent by Scheel built, he applied to the king. In October 1347, the high judge (lagman), who to Hans Chonnert of Danzig for sale included 43 barrels of butter, 12 barrels investigated the matter at the site, deemed the north bank of the rapids to of salmon and seven containers of seal blubber. The salmon amounted to the bishop. Four months later, in February 1348, Gereke Skytte, the new approximately 16% of the value of the delivered goods and their net weight headman of all Finland then inspecting various cases with Bishop Hemming 36 counted in Rostock herring barrels was at least 1,600 kilograms. in Kokemäki, ordered the peasants to rebuild the salmon device anew at their own cost in the following summer. A couple of days later, Skytte confirmed In the early 14th century, salmon also caught the eye of the crown, which that in the areas of colonization north of the River Kokemäenjoki (i.e. on the regarded the king to have natural share of rights to it in all the rivers. The Bothnian coast north of present-day ), the owner of the shore also owned result was a tax levied either as so-called fish-in-share, every Nth fish of a the waters and marshy land emerging from the sea; a decision controlling catch, or as fishing turns, drawn as lots by the parties sharing the right to the the ownership of new land revealed because of post-glacial land uplift in the particular fishery or section of river at the beginning of every season. Both sea. Of special interest here is that Skytte and the bishop had already applied the practices were also followed in levying the tithes of the church. During this principle in December 1347 in Porvoo where they had given a verdict, the reign of King Gustav Vasa (reigned 1523–60), the taxation of salmon in the name of the king, concerning similar marshy land and waters in the fishing was increased so that for example at the Lammaistenkoski rapids in possession of the peasants of the three villages of Öffwerby, Sottungzby and the River Kokemäenjoki every ninth fish belonged to the crown in the Middle Gudstensby (present-day -Sottungsby and Länsisalmi-Västersundom Ages, but from 1527 every third fish, and from 1549 every second fish. Even in Vantaa and Itäsalmi-Östersundom in Helsinki) which had been disputed on after this, part of the catch from the River Kokemäenjoki still belonged to the several occasions by peasants of the Parish of in Häme in the second local landowning peasants, but in many smaller rivers the crown eventually quarter of the 14th century.38 monopolized all the fishing. When the Royal Manor of Helsinki was founded in 1550, the former shares of the fishing in the rapids of the River Vantaanjoki An important factor for salmon fishing in the River Vantaanjoki was that when were purchased by the crown, which had sole control of all salmon fishing in the royal donation of 1351 was made, the dispute concerning the ownership 37 the river after 1552. of the rapids at Kokemäki had already taken place and had been settled according to the new practice. The deed of donation, in turn, has traditionally been interpreted so that the royal rights to the so-called upper and lower salmon fisheries meant fishing sites upstream and downstream in the river.

54 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 55 Map 3: The Pitkäkoski rapids (Lång Forsen) of the River Vantaanjoki in a map of the fathoming and measurement of the river from 1757—60.

Source: Finnish National Archives, TVH:n arkisto, kartat ja piirustukset. E1/115. Geometrisk Charta öfwer Gammelstads ån med dess Forsar, Belägen i Nylands Lähn Raseborgs östraoch Borgo härader samt Nurmijärvi och Hellsing Sochnar. Författad Åren 1757, 1758 och 1760. Page 16.

Map 5: The Helsinginkoski, later Vanhankaupunginkoski (Gammel Stads Forsar) rapids of the River Vantaanjoki in a map of the fathoming and measurement of the river from 1757–60. Note the forked foot of the river just above sea level. The sawmill in the east fork (Såg quarn) was founded by the merchants Clar Clayhills and J.J. Tesche of in the 1730s. The buildings at the head of the west fork are mills. The verdict of 1417 concerned the intrusion of lay brethren fishing on the east side of the rapids or in the east fork to the Forsby village bank in the rapids on the west side or upstream from the island.

Source: Finnish National Archives, TVH:n arkisto, kartat ja piirustukset. E1/115. Geometrisk Charta öfwer Gammelstads ån med dess Forsar, Belägen i Nylands Lähn Raseborgs östraoch Borgo härader samt Nurmijärvioch Hellsing Sochnar. Författad Åren 1757, 1758 och 1760. Page 19 and Kuisma (1991) 50.

The location of the downstream fisheries in the Helsinginkoski rapids (now Map 4: The Ruutinkoski rapids (Tolkby Fors) of the River Vantaanjoki in a map of the fathoming and measurement of the river from 1757–60. The sawmill (Sågqvarn) known as the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids) is obvious, but in order to locate at the north head of the island in the middle of the rapids was established in the upper fisheries, we have to take a closer look at the topography of the the 1720s by the merchant Henrik Kosfelt, a refugee from Narva. The flour mill river.39 According to maps of Helsinge Parish from the turn of the 17th and 18th (Mjölqvarn) on the south side was converted into a wheel mill in the early 1750s. In the 1750s there was a bridge across the rapids at the site of the mills. centuries and maps on the fathoming of the River Vantaanjoki from 1757–60, The triangular caissons north of it in the river were the structures related to the the main rapids and sites of strong currents were the Vanhankaupunginkoski water channel of the sawmill. rapids, the Pikkukoski rapids slightly upstream, the Ruutinkoski rapids Source: Finnish National Archives, TVH:n arkisto, kartat ja piirustukset. E1/115. between Tolkinkylä (Tolkby) and Niskala, the Pitkäkoski rapids upstream from Geometrisk Charta öfwer Gammelstads ån med dess Forsar, Belägen i Nylands Lähn Raseborgs östraoch Borgo härader samt Nurmijärvioch Hellsing Sochnar. there and the Vantaankoski (Myllykoski) rapids almost five kilometres from the Författad Åren 1757, 1758 och 1760. Page 16 and Kuisma (1991) 46, 235. Pitkäkoski rapids. The Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids forks into two channels

56 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 57 and is currently 150 metres long, with a drop in elevation of six metres. The them were founded during the period of the activity of the Abbey in Western series of rapids from Pitkäkoski to Ruutinkoski is 1,400 metres long with a Uusimaa in 1335–1408 and the donation of Porvoo in 1351–1429. The villages drop of eight metres. The Vantaankoski rapids are 240 metres long and the of Tolkby, Skattmansby and Brutuby (Voutila) north of the river were all tax drop in elevation is five metres. The Pikkukoski rapids no longer exist, having villages, i.e. consisted of free landowning peasants, the names of which refer been blasted completely open when the River Vantaanjoki was cleared in to individuals who organized colonization locally (old Sw. tolk = interpreter, 1891–95 and 1903–05 to prevent flooding.40 skattman = taxman, person responsible of the coordination of collective tax, bryte = foreman, supervisor of colonization at the local level). By the middle As shown by old map data, the main rapids on the lower reach of the of the 14th century at the latest, the summer and winter routes of the Great river were in two relatively distant series, the lower one consisting of the Coastal Road leading from Turku to Viipuri and running parallel to the Uusimaa Vanhankaupunginkoski and Pikkukoski rapids and the upper series reaching coast, passed north of the river at Tolkby.44 from the Ruutinkoski rapids to the Vantaankoski rapids, with the Ruutinkoski and Pitkäkoski rapids as distinct entities. Of these sites, Ruutinkoski had Not only the public winter road, but also the connection with fishing at already in the Middle Ages provided locations for easy fishing from the shore the Ruutinkoski rapids may have been the reason why the lagman’s court or from structures erected in the stream. The importance of these rapids for sessions of Helsinge Parish convened on 1 1417 at the beginning of historical fishing in the River Vantaanjoki is also shown by the fact that the Lent in Tolkby. On this occasion, lagman resolved a dispute owner of nearby Tomtbacka () Manor and the farmers of Skattmansby that had begun on the Forsby village side of the river in the summer of (Veromiehenkylä) village, who cultivated their lands near the rapids were the 1416, or at the most a couple of midsummers before that, when the monks very landowners in Helsinge Parish who expressed concern in 1640 over of Padise were not satisfied with the share of the rapids. The case is an salmon being able to migrate upstream. In 1684, the owner of Tomtbacka interesting account of fishing methods in the River Vantaanjoki during the Manor complained to the king that the barring of the river by installations by period of Padise, and tells about the ownership of both the rapids and the the downstream inhabitants prevents fish from swimming upstream. When shores confining to it. When the donation was made in 1351, it concerned the salmon began to migrate again in the river in 2007, the lowest observations of king’s rights in the upper and lower salmon fishing in the river (“piscaturam spawning along its course were from the Pitkäkoski rapids.41 salmonum in Helsinga Aboensis dyocesis … inferius et superius”). According to common practice, this should have entailed a share of the catch for the Already in the 15th century, the rapids and streams of the River Vantaanjoki crown, as at the Ahvenkoski rapids in the River Kymijoki, where the king’s defined local place-names. Forsby (Fi. , literally “At the Rapids”) to the share in 1357 was every fourth fish.45 However, since the share of Padise west of the Helsinginkoski rapids, is mentioned in sources for the first time in Abbey of the salmon the River Vantaanjoki in 1417 was an actual share of the 1417, when it took legal action against the monks of Padise for fishing in their stream into which the salmon climbed, the river or some sections of it must river.42 Nackböle (Niskala) at the head of the Ruutinkoski rapids is mentioned for at some stage have been taken over completely by the crown, whereby the the first time in 1482. The Ancient Swedish nakke and the Middle Low German prescription was defined according to Swedish practice, i.e. in terms of the nacke both mean “neck” in the anatomical sense, but the word is also used share of the stream corresponding the ownership of the bank and the shore. to denote the head of the rapids. This term is also found as a Late Medieval settlement name not only in other parts of Uusimaa, but also at (Sw. According to the verdict of 1417, the monks’ rights concerned the part of Nackeby) on the lower reach of the River Kokemäenjoki, a village of medieval the stream on the side of the king’s land, i.e. east of the rapids, where they colonization established in the late 14th century at the earliest, where some had their own weirs and devices (laxekaar). The monks, however, were not of the farms were owned by the Bishop of Turku.43 Important for the control satisfied with this and had crossed over to the Forsby village bank in the west, of the Ruutinkoski rapids in the Middle Ages were Tolkby (Tolkinkylä) village where they had begun to fish with hand nets from the waters of the village. to the north of the river and settlement at Tomtbacka-Nackböle to the south. Here, the term ‘monk’ refers to the lay brothers responsible for the abbey’s Upstream from this location the first village on the south bank of the river fishing activities, who fished in the Helsinginkoski rapids each summer with was Mårtensby, a place-name pointing to late medieval colonization. Next, weirs and hand nets, with which the salmon were taken from the enclosures at the head of the Vantaankoski rapids is Biskospböle (Piispankylä), a place- and straight from the rapids. Fishing with hand nets from the bank or standing name of a type common in Uusimaa, appearing either on its own or together in the stream by the bank was an old fishing method that was practised in the with monk-related names in regions where tenant farms of Padise Abbey 15th century also at the large rapids of the River Kokemäenjoki. The terms of once existed or similar farms established by the Bishop of Turku opposite to the 1417 verdict concerning the weirs built by the lay brothers or their hired

58 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 59 hands, laxakaar and laxa kistha, meant the same thing, a V-shaped fishing weir rapids.49 If the donation to Padise Abbey included the east bank of the river, in the water made of staves driven vertically into the river bottom, opening it was not part of the landed possessions of Vik village, which, slightly over downstream and preventing the fish from swimming upstream. This method a hundred years later consisted of two different settlements: Östervik at the of fishing was typical of the Cistercians, as salmon weirs (laxakareno) are site of the later Royal Manor at the end of the cove and Västervik close to known to have been used in Östgötaland in Sweden in 1374, when the bailiffs the rapids and east of them. With reference to Finnish place-names in the of the crown were ordered not to interfere with the share of the Cistercian area, Saulo Kepsu has suggested that (Öster)vik was originally a 13th-century nuns of Askeby in the salmon enclosures of the River Motala.46 settlement of inland Finns from the Häme region previously settled in Malmi area, from which Västervik may have been split as a daughter village in the More information on the fishing structures in the River Vantaanjoki survives late Middle Ages.50 Equally well, however, the separate locations of the two from 1550, when the Royal Manor of Helsinki was founded and the local villages may suggest the possibility that Västervik was originally a tenant farm landowning peasants’ former shares in the salmon fishing were bought up or founded by Padise Abbey near the rapids and it was made liable for taxation confiscated to the manor. The purchase of the fishing rights extended to the by officials of the crown some time after the Abbey sold all its property and upper fisheries and by 1556 none of the villages along the river had shares rights in 1429. in fishing waters along the river or in the adjacent sea area.47 Salmon fishing was an important part of the activities of the Royal Manor. When the main The ruling of 1417 suggest a hypothesis concerning the medieval structure building of the manor was under construction in the summer of the fiscal year of ownership of the banks of the River Vantaanjoki, where the officials of the of 1550–1551 (from Michaelmas 1550 to Michaelmas 1551), a total of thirty- crown responsible for the Swedish colonization in the area in the late 13th and six man-days of labour were reassigned from the project for the construction early 14th centuries took possession of the east bank of the lower reaches of of a salmon weir in the nearby rapids. In the same and the following summer, the river between the Pikkukoski and Helsinginkoski rapids in the name of the a separate salmon trap was also built in the weir. By 1553 there were two king. The opposite west bank of the river and the waters facing it remained the such traps, and three by 1563. The manor’s accounts mention a hand net in property of Forsby village consisting of yeoman farmers of possible Finnish- 1560, and two salmon nets in the following year. There are no sources on the speaking origin.51 Upstream, the structure of ownership and prescription in use of salmon traps from the Padise Abbey period, but in addition to traps the river may have been the opposite, with the Tolkby village’s side of the river and hand nets, salmon nets cast from the bank or boats could have been belonging to the colonists, while the south bank of the river and its fishing used, as was done in the first half of the 14th century at Kokemäki.48 It is waters upstream from the Ruutinkoski rapids were taken into the possession also possible that the lay brothers of Padise also built salmon weirs in the of the king, whose rights extended to the head of the Vantaankoski rapids. Ruutinkoski rapids and further upstream, but the best salmon catches on This may also be proven by the structure of the ownership west to the the River Vantaanjoki came from the steep and narrow Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids, where the former backwoods of late iron age or 13th-century Finnish- rapids, where the fish could be caught right at the beginning of their climb speaking settlement of Hämeenkylä (Tavastby) in Lapinkylä (Lappböle) were from the sea into the river. mixed with possible late 14th century tenant farms of the Bishop of Turku (Biskopsböle) and other late medieval settlers south of the river in Mårtensby, Since the adjudication of 1417 confirmed that the monks had the right to fish the houses of which had a joint prescription of fishing with Kårböle () only in the part of the stream facing the king’s land east of the Helsinginkoski village midway between the River Vantaanjoki and the sea. Located in the rapids, the judgement was in accordance with the law code of King Magnus middle sections of Matäoja creek discharging into Iso- Bay, Kårböle Eriksson and the rulings given in 1347–48 in Kokemäki. The ruling itself, village held a key logistical position between the upper rapids of the River however, does not specify if the side of the King and the monks was at that Vantaanjoki and on the sea and both summer and winter roads time considered equivalent to the eastern arm of the bifurcated foot of the between present-day Tali, River Vantaanjoki, the Silvola iron ore mines and the river or if the conflict had occurred after the lay brothers had crossed the Vantaankoski rapids crossed the village in the 18th and early 19th centuries. A stream at the more wide western arm of the river. It also remains uncertain natural corridor from the middle reaches of the River Vantaanjoki to the sea, whether the donation of 1351 actually concerned King’s land on the east the area of Matäoja creek also has information on old Finnish toponyms of shore of the rapids or only right to the fishing in the stream and from the the Häme settlement, which may indicate that the summer and winter routes bank, from where the lay brothers administered their weirs in the rapids. in the area possibly predate Swedish colonization.52 It is interesting to note here that one of the members of the twelve-men jury responsible for the verdict in 1417 was one Jop Vie or Vic, a landowning The late medieval village and later manor of Munkkiniemi (Sw. Munksnäs, peasant of the village of Vik (Sw. Vik = cove, present-day ) east of the “Monk Cape”) today in the northwest corner of the city of Helsinki has

60 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 61 traditionally been understood as reminiscent of the activity of ‘monks’, i.e. the salmon fishing of the Royal Manor of Helsinki was of small scale. The lay brothers of Padise Abbey in the area and it was most likely first founded crown’s catch of 1552 at the Ahvenkoski Rapids on the River Kymijoki was as a tenant farm of the Abbey as one of its hubs for a permanent presence 16 barrels, four times the figure for the River Vantaanjoki. In the following in Helsinge Parish and River Vantaanjoki area. Considering this, the Mätäoja decade, the manor’s annual salmon yield was less than three per cent of the corridor may have had a significant role in the activity of Padise Abbey, because approximately 150 barrels fished by the crown and the peasants together on it provided direct access from the monastery’s tenant farm at Munkkiniemi the River Kymijoki. Also on the latter river, the size of the catches decreased in to the upstream fisheries of the River Vantaanjoki regardless of whether they the 1560s from 200 barrels to seventy, which points to the decline of salmon were at Ruutinkoski or Vantaankoski. Although the royal donation concerned stock along the north shore of the Gulf of Finland that began after the middle only the right to fish, it could also have provided rights to areas behind the river of the 16th century. Because the size of the catch on the River Kokemäenjoki banks, thus giving the abbey the possibility to establish tenant farms in the was reduced to half around the same time, the development appears to have region, for example in Nackböle, or to have influence on the overall structure been a more general one and the underlying reasons may have been related of settlement south of the river before 1429. Because the Cistercians are to both more effective fishing in the 1550s caused by the activities of the generally known to have been interested in ores, it would be tempting to crown and possible ecological changes related to the beginning of the so- think that the bearded lay brothers were also aware in some way of the iron called Small Ice Age.55 deposits at Kaivoksela, only a couple of hundred meters east of the bend of the river in Silvola. The ore was first discovered in 1744, but the deposit is near where the upper rights for fishing of the Abbey were once located and close to the place were the routes running parallel to Mätäoja Creek branched off to Pitkäkoski and Ruutinkoski in the east and Vantaankoski in the north.53 Would the lay brethren really have been aware of the ore deposit already at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries? The fact remains that it was never before considered important enough to be exploited before the 18th century, and because no information whatsoever over the role of its ownership emerges in the Early Modern sources, the whole idea remains pure speculation.

The King’s Dish – and that of the monks

How big was the annual catch of salmon from the River Vantaanjoki in the period of donation of the Padise Abbey in 1351–1428 and later at the turn of the medieval and Early Modern periods? There is no surviving information on catches of the donation period, but the yield of the salmon fishing of the river is known from the time of the Royal Manor of Helsinki in 1550–71, when the manor administered, on behalf of the crown, all salmon fishing in the River Vantaanjoki (see diagram). The manor’s catch consisted of salmon Diagram: The Salmon Catches of the Helsinki Royal Manor 1551–1571 salted in barrels and so-called spit salmon (spikelax), of which there is already Source: Allardt 1898, Tab Xb. information from 1548, when local farmers paid to the crown 41 spit salmon and a small amount of trout as bishop’s tithes then confiscated to the crown. What did the yield of the fishing in River Vantaanjoki amount to in the economy When the salmon fishing had been taken over completely by the crown in of the Abbey and diet of the its community? The fish catches of Helsinki Royal 1551, the spit salmon catch rapidly decreased from dozens to only a few Manor do not indicate the yield of the fisheries during the Padise donation fish. Fresh salmon were also recorded in the accounts of 1556–61, when period of 1351–1428; nor is the manor known ever to have fished upriver. It their number ranged from 36 to 12. The same decreasing trend is evident in is nonetheless obvious that the share of Padise Abbey in the salmon catch the numbers of barrels of salted salmon, varying from eight to one. A normal of the River Vantaanjoki never exceeded 5–8 barrels a year. Assuming a net catch was approximately five barrels, but from the 1560s there is no longer weight of 120–140 kg per barrel, the monastery acquired perhaps slightly less any information on this being exceeded.54 Compared with the River Kymijoki, than one thousand kilograms of salted salmon per year, in addition to a couple

62 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 63 of dozen salt-dried salmons on spits. There is no information on the size of the monastery during the donation period, but as there were never hardly more than twenty monks at a time, each one could have eaten some 30 to 40 kilograms of salted salmon per year. Even if the diet of the whole abbey community including the lay brothers had been based completely on fish, salmon would certainly have remained over for sale in good years, and not all of it was consumed at the abbey, where the diet included other fish as well. The barrels of salted salmon and salt-dried salmon on spits were valuable articles of trade, some of which could be taken directly from the fisheries to the monastery’s warehouse in Tallinn for sale or gifted to important partners and associates of the abbey. An indication of who ate salmon in the Late Middle Ages is given by the accounts of Helsinki Manor for the year 1554, when salted and spit salmon were consumed only at the so-called bailiff’s table at the meals of the crown bailiff and the higher-ranking staff of the manor (clerk, mercenary captains, foreman and craftsmen). Some salted salmon was also eaten on ships, at the sawmill and on other assigned work outside the manor involving higher staff. Salmon did not belong to the diet of the wage and day labourers and other employees of the manor. This was no doubt also the case at Padise Abbey, where salmon was eaten by the monks, but not necessarily by the lay brothers, who may have had access to the delicacy only on special occasions.

64 FISHING WITH MONKS - PADISE ABBEY AND THE RIVER VANTAANJOKI FROM 1351 TO 1429 65 Settlement at the Gubbacka Site

Andreas Koivisto MA

This article discusses the settlement of the hill site of Gubbacka in the light of archaeological material and historical sources, addressing the question of when human occupation of the site began and when settlement there developed into a village community.

Introduction

The hill at Gubbacka emerged from the sea around 4,000 BC.1 Human settlements on the hill have mostly been located on its south slope, which receives sunlight throughout the day. The hill rising to the rear shielded the inhabitants from cold north winds. A strait of the sea was located for a long while at the foot of the hill, providing access by boat to the open sea. This strait originally separated the present-day area of in from the mainland and it was isolated through land uplift at some stage in the 17th century.2 At present, only a small ditch remains of the strait, but its channel could still be seen in the 1950s and fishing with seine nets was practised there in the 19th century during the spring floods.3

Gubbacka Hill was a suitable location for human occupation, with the first possible signs of human activity dating from the or the Bronze Age. The site then appears to have been settled for some time around the Middle Iron Age before a village was established there by the Early Middle Ages at the latest. This village appears to have been settled for at least four hundred years before it was moved in the late 16th or early 17th century to its present site two kilometres to the north to Västersundom (Fi. Länsisalmi) and the old site was abandoned. Gubbacka is a later place-name for the hill on which the village stood. The village may originally have been called Gudstensby, which is mentioned in historical sources.

67 Possible Stone or Bronze Age settlement

There is highly fragmentary evidence of human activity at Gubbacka during the Stone or Bronze Age. These periods are mainly indicated by a fragment of a polished stone axe or other lithic artefact discovered in the excavations at the site. The finds also include flakes, but their striking marks suggest the making of fire rather than artefacts and the items can mainly be classed as fire-striking quartz.4 Apparently flint was in such short supply in the Middle Ages that quartz also had to be used for striking fire. Quartz and are known to have been used for this purpose at least in Northern Scandinavia in historically documented times.5 Based on their striking marks and context, the quartzes from Gubbacka appear to be of medieval date and cannot be associated with the prehistoric occupation of the site.

The fragment of the stone artefact was not in its original location of use. It was found in fill used by the villagers to level the slope of the site for their buildings. Moreover, it was at an elevation that was too low for Stone Age occupation. During the Stone Age, the area in question was under sea level. The axe fragment had either been transported to the site in the fill and remained unnoticed by the villagers, or it had been placed deliberately in the ground. Stone Age axes, adzes and other bladed objects, such as sickles, can namely be also associated with magical practices and are known to have been placed in connection with buildings to dispel evil forces.6 Fig. 1. Fragment of a polished stone artefact from Gubbacka, possibly a fragment of an adze. Object National Board of Antiquities. Photo Pekka J. Heiskanen/Vantaa City Museum. The sand fill used in the village presumably came from either of the two sand pits in the village area, which can be seen on the slope above the village site. Based on trial pits excavated in the surroundings of the sand pits, the Iron Age settlement easternmost pit of the two would appear to have had soil making it a more suitable location for a prehistoric dwelling site. The trial pits did not reveal any There are also relatively few observed signs of Iron Age settlement at distinct signs of habitation in the surroundings of the sand pit. A few pieces Gubbacka. For the time being, this period is suggested by four sherds of of quartz and burnt clay, however, were found at its edge. The quartzes, coarse ceramics and a few radiocarbon dates. The medieval village at however, were not of very good quality. Gubbacka is at an elevation of approximately 11–12 metres above present sea level, corresponding to sea level around 1500 BC.8 This means that by This means that there is no definite evidence of Stone or Bronze Age that time at the earliest human occupation of the village site as detected the occupation of the Gubbacka site. The fragment of a polished stone artefact terrain could have been possible. There are, however, no signs of settlement alone does not prove early settlement, as it could have come to the site from of such early date in the village area. elsewhere and placed deliberately in the ground at a later date. Prehistoric finds in the vicinity of Gubbacka are known mainly from the area of Sotunki. The four pot sherds of possible Iron Age date from Gubbacka are hand-turned There is also a cairn, interpreted as being of Bronze Age date, on a hill called and undecorated and made with coarse temper. It is difficult to assign any Kasaberget south of Gubbacka.7 definite date on the basis of the sherds alone. However, they clearly differ from the medieval ceramics from the site, which consists mostly of red ware.9 The Iron Age sherds were found in the yard area of the buildings in layers dating from the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period. It appears likely that they were deposited later than their own period of use.

68 SETTLEMENT AT THE GUBBACKA SITE 69 farms. In view of the late Iron Age date (10th–11th centuries) it would appear likely that members of the indigenous Finnish-speaking population lived there at the time. The problem of Iron Age settlement at Gubbacka requires further research. However, if such settlement had existed and the area was cultivated in the Middle or Late Iron Age, this would be the first concrete evidence of Iron Age settlement in the area of present-day Vantaa.13

The Early Middle Ages – colonists from Sweden

During the Middle Ages, colonists came to the coastal region of the historical province of Uusimaa (Sw. Nyland, “New Land”) from Sweden. This colonization has been studied to only a limited degree and, owing to the lack of written sources, its first wave cannot be ascertained with any certainty.14 With reference to place-names, Saulo Kepsu suggests that the Fig. 2. Pottery of Iron Age type from Gubbacka. Objects National Board of Antiquities. first colonists arrived in the coastal region of eastern Uusimaa during the Photo Pekka J. Heiskanen/Vantaa City Museum. 12th century. They established several new villages. According to Kepsu, the oldest villages in the present area of Vantaa are Tavastby (Hämeenkylä), Meilby (), Ripuby (Riipilä), Skattmansby (Veromiehenkylä), Kyrkoby (Kirkonkylä), Dickursby () and Sottungsby (Sotunki). Kepsu estimates A large number of radiocarbon samples were taken from Gubbacka, and that Västersundom (Länsisalmi), to which Gubbacka belongs, was founded in several of them have been dated.10 While the dates obtained for them are the 13th century.15 mostly from the Middle Ages or the Early Modern Period, one is from the 6th century AD. This sample is from a grain of rye found in a layer interpreted Indications of settlement at Gubbacka became more distinct in the Middle as a medieval dung heap. It, too, was not in its original location. Should this Ages. The village site has revealed the remains of a smithy, with later parts dating be correct, this means that rye was cultivated at Gubbacka at an early dating from the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries. Around the same time, stage. Pollen samples from the vicinity indicate cultivation beginning in the there is a marked rise in the amount of pollen measured from lakes in Sipoo Viking Age at the latest, but there are no definite signs of cultivation in the and Vuosaari. Large amounts of juniper pollen in the lake bottoms point to 6th century.11 active grazing, and a great deal of microscopic soot, in turn, reflects the importance of slash-and-burn cultivation.16 It appears likely that settlement on The floor of a smithy is, for the time being, the oldest structure discovered the hill at Gubbacka evolved at this time into a village configuration as several at Gubbacka. A pit hearth and the stone foundation of a forge were found in adjacent farms were established there. connection with it. The pit hearth, in the middle of the smithy location, was dated to the period 939–1024 AD and a charred wooden structure overlaying From where did the Swedish colonists come? The former Helsinge Parish in it was from 1035–1190 AD. On the other hand, samples from pits surrounding the form Helsingå (the River Helsinki) is mentioned in sources for the first time the smithy were dated to 1160–1265 AD and 1165–1225 AD.12 It appears that in 1351 and the name gradually came to mean the whole parish instead of the there could have been two smithies at the site, one built on top of the other. river. According to Gunvor Kerkkonen, this name may point to the origin of The first one would thus have been constructed around 1000 AD and it would most of the colonists from the Swedish province of Hälsingland as the place- have included the pit hearth. It would then have been destroyed in a fire name Helsinge Parish has been associated with it.17 Saulo Kepsu, however, slightly over one hundred years later, after which a new smithy with a forge presents an opposite interpretation, maintaining that this was the name of on a stone foundation was built at this location. an individual village in the parish and that the majority of the colonists came from elsewhere. Among them was a family from Hälsingland, and accordingly There appears to have been some kind of smithy structure at Gubbacka the different name was given to only one of the many villages in the area. The already at the end of the Iron Age. It is unclear whether it was the smithy village could have lent its name to the river, which in turn provided the name of an individual farming household or the joint smithy of a village of several for the whole parish.18

70 SETTLEMENT AT THE GUBBACKA SITE 71 Because of the lack of written sources, the exact origin of the colonists stages of the village. Visible on the surface are mainly the final stages of that came to the Helsinge Parish remains uncertain. Based on Swedish the village from the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the Early place-names in Uusimaa, Kepsu regards the Swedish regions of Svealand, Modern Period, but some of the excavated house floors may also be older. It mainly Uppland and Södermanland, and to a lesser degree Östergötland to is not possible, however, to present any definite generalizations of the later be the most likely areas of origin. According to him, village names such as stages being visible on the surface, because despite an extensive excavation Dalkarlaby, Gästerby, Tjusterby and Helsingby in Uusimaa are indications of in the village area in 2003, most of the village remained uninvestigated and groups differing from the main body of the colonist population.19 In similar was destroyed when a new highway interchange was built at the site. Prior fashion, place-names in Uusimaa with the prefixes Tavast and Finn point to a to this, the east end of the site had already been destroyed when the Kehä III population of Finnish origin in the area. They refer to the Finns of Häme (Sw. ring road around Helsinki was built in the 1960s.23 Tavastland, Latin Tavastia) and Finland Proper (Southwest Finland), who lived in the area before the arrival of the colonists.20 Changes in the structure of the village obviously took place between the 11th and 15th centuries. It has been estimated that in medieval towns a building The coastal region of Uusimaa is regarded as having been a wilderness would last, on the average, for the period of approximately one generation, utilization zone of the Häme Finns at the time of the Swedish colonization. i.e. 20–30 years.24 Owing to limited research, there is no definite information Place-names suggest that at least part of Uusimaa was permanently settled on the age of buildings in the countryside, but at any rate they were not as when the colonists arrived, as the oldest stratum of place-names related to susceptible to fire as the densely built houses in towns. Swedish studies settlement and agriculture is Finnish.21 At least in Vantaa, archaeology has not have established that Iron Age houses in the countryside could have been in yet provided support for this suggestion, as there are hardly any Middle or use for as long as 100–150 years.25 During the period of over 400 years when Late Iron Age finds from the former Helsinge Parish. This, however, may be Gubbacka was inhabited the various buildings of the village were repaired due to the bias of research, because there have so far been very few studies and renewed on numerous occasions. When new houses were built, the of medieval village sites. Research at Gubbacka appears to show that people buildings of farms could change place within the village. could have lived at the site before the arrival of the Swedish colonists. Excavations at the site provided hardly any observations of overlaying building The arrival of the colonists in the Uusimaa coastal region did not lead to remains of different age. One reason for this may be that the buildings of the violent conflicts, which, at the least, would most probably have left traces village were dispersed over a large area, and the village itself could have in oral tradition. In other words, the colonists and the indigenous Finnish moved over the centuries. On the other hand, the oldest structure of the area population managed to coexist without any major clashes. No doubt there was found under the fill of a later road layer. Most of the structures excavated were disputes, which were also resolved in courts of law. The earliest in 2003 were located on top of layers of fill.26 Because the fill could not be recorded mention of the village of Västersundom from 1374 is the result of completely removed in the excavations, the possibility cannot be excluded one such dispute. According to the source in question, Swedish colonists that there could also be older layers of building remains under them. Older were in a dispute with Häme Finns over fishing rights on the coast. The cultural layers could also have been destroyed by later buildings. This might Swedes claimed that the fishing grounds were in the lands of their villages, be indicated by the pits and ditches found under some of the buildings and while the Finns appealed to their possession of the fishing waters since time individual older finds from mixed layers. immemorial.22 This source from 1347 has been preserved as a copy written in the 17th century. It mentions that Västersundom was previously known Structures predating the 16th century as Gudstensby. Gubbacka may well be the Gudstensby mentioned in the source, as archaeological evidence indicates that it was already settled at the As mentioned above, Swedish colonists can be assumed to have come to close of the 12th century when the Swedish colonists supposedly arrived. Gubbacka around the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries. Dating from this time is the forge with a stone foundation in the smithy and a road passing The stratification of the village of Gubbacka through the village. King Magnus Eriksson’s Law of the Realm, which was also in force in Finland, ordered that every village must have two roads, one Archaeological research carried out at Gubbacka shows that the hill site of the leading into it and another leading out of it.27 This meant that a road had to village was settled in the 11th century and abandoned in the late 16th or early be built for a village already when the village was being founded. As the age 17th century. This poses the problem of distinguishing the various chronological of the road coincides with the presumed arrival of the Swedish colonists, it

72 SETTLEMENT AT THE GUBBACKA SITE 73 appears that the law was followed at Gubbacka at least in this respect. It can There are also other individual observations of structures predating the also be assumed that the network of roads in the parish was created at the 16th century. In 2003, the remains of a building were excavated providing latest when the Swedish colonists arrive and new villages were established. a sample from the foundation ditch of the wall which was dated to the 13th century. The structure was presumably a dwelling but there were very few finds. The only items clearly associated with it are a drill bit and a horse’s ice shoe, which were either deposited in fill or placed under the wall for protection against evil.30 As this structure revealed no other definite finds, its age remains uncertain. It may be of later date, but it was built using the foundation of an earlier building.

The smithy and the house-floor possibly dating from the 13th century contained few finds. In addition to slag, the smithy location revealed only one pot sherd, which may have been wheel-turned but coarse-tempered early medieval black or grey ware or so-called Baltic Ware.31 It appears that the structures were thoroughly cleaned or that artefacts were re-used carefully. The recycling of material may be suggested by the radiocarbon dates obtained for iron nails. There are radiocarbon dates for five iron nails from Gubbacka, all of which were found in 16th-century contexts. The dates, however, are much older, mainly from the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries, i.e. the oldest stage of the village.32 The dates suggest that nails would always have been recovered when old buildings were torn down and were reused for the next project. It must be noted, however, that the dating of iron is a new method and may still entail unknown sources of error.33 It is also possible that at least some of the older items were placed in their find locations because of the Fig. 3. Stone-laid forge foundation of the smithy remains investigated at Gubbacka in mixing of layers at the site. Old artefacts of value that were more special 2010. Photo Andreas Koivisto/Vantaa City Museum. would, in turn, have probably remained in use through several generations.

The road leading through the village of Gubbacka was improved and its In 2010, a house-floor was excavated at Gubbacka, with finds that may date it course was altered over the centuries, as indicated by a section of the road to the 14th–15th centuries. On the other hand, sherds of a majolica vessel and excavated in 2008–2010. The road consisted of sandy fill brought to the site red ware were found in connection with it, which may be younger, although and has been dated to the 15th–16th centuries.28 It was built on top of a their precise age is not known. The oven foundation of this structure could smithy floor dating from the earliest period of the village, which means that be seen on the surface and the building in question was probably a dwelling. changes to the layout of the village took place between the early 13th century Further analysis of the excavation results is still in progress, and accordingly and the 15th–16th centuries. it is still too early for any precise information on this structure.

The smithy excavated at Gubbacka was built at the turn of the 11th century The village in the 16th century and remained in use until the beginning of the 13th century. Analyses of slag show that iron artefacts were made there for the use of the village from iron The structures visible on the surface at Gubbacka mainly date from the 16th brought from elsewhere. There were no signs of iron-making as such.29 The or even the 17th century, the last stages of the village. Most of the structures iron was presumably obtained from an area rich in ore in the vicinity of the are the remains of ovens visible as small mounds above the present surface village or it could have been bought in the form of bars, for example from of the ground, with some buildings of some kind originally around them. They Estonia. At any rate, the finds from the 2010 excavation included a bar of iron may have been dwellings or yard structures containing an oven or stone, apparently obtained as an imported item. The smithy does not indicate the such as threshing sheds or saunas. The precise nature of the buildings can be earliest centre of the village, since smithies were often built on the outskirts established only with archaeological means, if even by them. of villages, further away from other buildings because of the risk of fire.

74 SETTLEMENT AT THE GUBBACKA SITE 75 All the structures observed at Gubbacka are located along the road passing through the village. They appear to indicate that most of the farms and buildings of the village were on the lower slope of the site south of the road. It is difficult to say on the basis of archaeological material alone how many farming properties there were in the village in the 16th century. Historical sources, however, contain systematic information on the village of Västersundom since the 1540s. At the time, there were eleven tax-payers in the village.34 If the village of Västersundom was still at Gubbacka at the time, this number offers suggestions on the number of farming properties located along the road. The number of buildings was many times this figure, because farms would include numerous buildings and structures of different kinds.

The precise date of the abandonment of the village is not known, any more than the reasons for this. The archaeological material and historical sources suggest, however, abandonment during the second half of the 16th century, possibly through a gradual process.35

Summary

Although there are indications of some kind of Stone or Bronze Age occupation at Gubbacka, it appears that more permanent, long-term settlement at the site began at the end of the Iron Age or the beginning of the Middle Ages. In the Early Middle Ages, Swedish colonists arrived in the coastal region of Uusimaa and established villages along the coast. At Gubbacka, the colonists appear to have established a village at a site where there was already a farm household built by the indigenous population. The colonists most probably named their village Gudstensby, which is mentioned in historical sources. For reasons unknown, the village on the hill at Gubbacka was abandoned during the 16th century and moved two kilometres north to its present site at Västersundom.

Although Gubbacka has been investigated to a great deal and more is now known about it, it nonetheless seems that new research poses more questions than it provides answers. It also appears that something new is always found wherever the soil is turned at the village site. Gubbacka is therefore by no means completely investigated. A future challenge, in particular, would be to find features that are not visible on the surface.

76 SETTLEMENT AT THE GUBBACKA SITE 77 EARTH FILL AND MEDIEVAL LAW AT GUBBACKA IN VANTAA

Janne Heinonen BA

This article discusses earth fill works carried out when the medieval village of Gubbacka was founded at Länsisalmi (Sw. Västersundom) in Vantaa with reference to archaeological material and medieval law. The sources are excavations conducted at Gubbacka and the Laws of the Realm of kings Magnus Eriksson and Christopher the Bavarian that were in force in the Kingdom of Sweden, to which the present area of Finland belonged at the time.

To a new village in a new land

The history of the village of Gubbacka is part of the process of medieval Swedish migration to the coastal . The date of founding the village is not known, nor whether there was any previous Finnish settlement in the area. It is nonetheless certain that migration from Sweden in the Early Middle Ages affected the founding of Gubbacka and other villages on the coast of the former province and present-day region of Uusimaa (Sw. Nyland).

The cultural and material influence of the eastern regions of Sweden is evident in the archaeological record of West Finland since prehistoric times. During the Middle Ages, the expansion of the Kingdom of Sweden also increased the movement of goods and people between the respective shores of the Baltic. The most distinct demographic change in the coastal regions of the northern Baltic was Swedish migration that came under way at the beginning of the Middle Ages. This mostly involved colonists from Central Sweden moving to the Baltic regions and the sparsely populated areas of Finland, from the coast of Ostrobothnia in the west to the Viipuri region of Karelia in the southeast.1

79 Very little is known about Late Iron Age and early medieval settlement in location, sandy fill improved many factors of building and habitation that the coastal region of Uusimaa. According to current views, the resources of would otherwise have prevented construction or made it difficult for people this region were utilized at the beginning of the Middle Ages by the Finnish- to live at the village site. speaking inland population who did not establish permanent settlements there.2 During the Middle Ages, settlement along the coasts of Finland The use of fill, however, is not unique to Gubbacka. It is known to have been became increasingly permanent through the growth of population and used when building towns and villages in the Middle Ages.8 The adoption of colonization from Sweden. At the same time, settlements clustered into this technique appears to have taken place at the end of the Iron Age and the villages of several farmhouses instead of individual farmsteads.3 beginning of the Middle Ages, as layers of fill in connection with buildings are not mentioned in the archaeological literature on the Iron Age in Finland. A typical village consisted of several plots for dwellings along a village road or lane with surrounding fields and pastures divided according to The Middle Ages marked a change in building practices in both small and relations of ownership among the farmers and the sites of the dwellings. large scale. The appearance of a new building technique in the archaeological During historically documented times villages in Finland were a relatively material raises questions regarding the origin of the change. The use of fill broad concept, and forms of village-type settlement varied both regionally could have been one of the building techniques applied by the Swedish and chronologically. In medieval Finland, a village consisted of at least one colonists, which also included the corner-joined chimneyless log cabin, farm property subject to taxation. In villages of several farms, the plots and adopted in Finland in the 13th century.9 Also falling into this period was the buildings of properties could also be quite distant from each other while still new Law of the Realm of King Magnus Eriksson containing instructions on belonging to the same village. For the people concerned, a village was a how the lands of villages should be parcelled and how building should proceed social group bound by kinship or areas of land, while the crown regarded it on dwelling plots. The new settlers that arrived in the Middle Ages brought primarily as a unit of taxation based on land ownership.4 with them different building techniques, innovations and social change, along with the borders, authority and laws of the Kingdom of Sweden. Gubbacka at Länsisalmi in Vantaa was a typically structured, clustered medieval village of the coastal region of South Finland. Most of the excavated The Law of the Realm areas of the village site have been dated approximately to the 15th and 16th centuries. The oldest available dates are from the turn of the 10th and 11th The Kingdom of Sweden is regarded as having emerged at the turn of the centuries,5 suggesting several stages of occupation. The houses and buildings 12th century. The formation of the kingdom and its development were closely that were used in the 15th and 16th centuries were in a loosely grouped associated with the colonization of uninhabited or sparsely settled regions. configuration along the road passing through the village.6 The results of the Medieval migration to the coastal regions of Finland was part of these political excavations show that the buildings of the village were mostly log houses developments and the expansion of power.10 The first stages of migration built on low stone foundations. The stone foundations consisted of piled from the provinces of East Sweden took place in the late 12th century, the rows of relatively small stones or a few larger foundation stones bearing the early years of the kingdom. During the following two centuries, Sweden’s walls. Ovens of natural stone and clay are known to have been constructed reinforced position north of the Gulf of Finland permitted the arrival of greater mainly for dwellings, threshing sheds and saunas. Owing to the decay of numbers of Swedish colonists to the coasts of Finland.11 organic material, hardly anything definite can be said about other structures and constructions. The development of society and the expansion of the kingdom also called for a new system of justice and uniform legislation. In response to this need, King At Gubbacka, the techniques of erecting buildings were not restricted to Magnus Eriksson prepared Sweden’s first general law of the realm between structures above ground. The excavations also pointed to more extensive approximately 1347 and 1352.12 It was based on the old laws of the Swedish earthworks at the house plots of the village. These works were carried provinces of Uppland, Götaland and Västmanland dating from the Late Iron at the dwelling plots to make them suitable for erecting buildings. In the Age and early Middle Ages.13 With the new law of the realm, the king sought archaeological material, this is shown by layers of sandy fill 10–50 cm thick to cement his authority and create a uniform, functioning judicial system for in the stratigraphy under the buildings.7 The use of fill for foundations was all the provinces of the realm. The law also sought to reform the organization basically functional and related to local conditions. Depending on specific of the kingdom, taxation and forms of private land ownership. For agrarian

80 EARTH FILL AND MEDIEVAL LAW AT GUBBACKA IN VANTAA 81 society, one of the main goals of reform was to replace the old system of parties founding villages and their inhabitants in matters such as the parcelling family and individual land ownership with its division of farmland into large of owned land, the use of common land, the building of roads, marking out separate plots with the strip allocation system (Sw. solskifte, tegskifte).14 plots and initiating building works. It is a legal entity imposing fines for the breach of some of the regulations. The first part of the code is also a set of Magnus Eriksson’s law of the realm was revised a century later in 1442 by instructions for the founding and building of villages. The creation and upkeep King Christopher the Bavarian. The new law of the realm hardly differed from of functioning village communities can be regarded as the ultimate purpose its predecessor. It was based in the same manner on codes with changes of this section of the law. mainly in the content of the latter. According to calculations by Martti Ulkuniemi, 76.5% of the law text remained unchanged in the reform. A The most interesting parts of the law of the realm for the formation of medieval practical difference was the new law’s stronger position as the commonly village sites and their archaeological investigation are the first four chapters applied law of the kingdom. Copies of King Christopher’s Law of the Realm of the building code. Chapter I gives instructions on marking the boundaries spread into wider use and the law was translated into Finnish in the 16th of new villages and the building of roads leading to them. Chapter II requires and 17th centuries. It remained in use as the general law of the Kingdom of the local farmers and peasants to build and maintain public roads. Chapter III Sweden until being replaced by the Law of the Realm of 1734.15 contains instructions on the division of plots. Chapter IV is on compensations resulting from the division of land and the locations of buildings and their Through the expansion of the kingdom and colonization, the laws of its relation to adjacent plots and roads.17 This chapter is the only passage in the communities also spread to new areas. It is not precisely known when law of the realm on the buildings of a village. Magnus Eriksson’s Law of the Realm was adopted in the Finnish part of the kingdom. According to Ragnar Hemmer, the first historical indication of its With regard to layers of fill found in archaeological excavations of village sites, being applied in the present territory of Finland concerned the changing of the most informative part of chapter IV is its first section. It is on the division owners of the Pyhäjoki estate in Perniö, Southwest Finland, in 1354. Kustaa of land caused by the founding of a village or changes in the ownership of Vilkuna, however, maintained that this did not involve the Law of the Realm plots, whereby land suitable for building has become unevenly distributed but the previously applied Law of Södermanland Province. Vilkuna suggested among the farmers and peasants of the village. The core idea of this section that the Law of the Realm was gradually adopted in Finland, beginning in the was to ensure that all the villagers had access to an equal amount of land 1350s and coming into common use by the mid-1370s.16 suitable for building.

The rapid spread and adoption of the Law of the Realm in Finland was Section I of chapter IV of the building code of Magnus Eriksson’s Law of the probably due to knowledge of the provincial laws that had been applied Realm reads as follows in modern translation: earlier. Although the precise date of the founding of Gubbacka village is not known, Magnus Eriksson’s and King Christopher’s laws were in force during Now there is bedrock on the plot. If it can be quarried or burned, built its settlement in the 15th and 16th centuries. or otherwise used, let half of it be included in the parcelled land and half left out. If it cannot be used, let it be excluded from the parcelling. Magnus Eriksson’s and King Christopher’s laws of the realm are divided If there is a brook on the plot that can be filled or covered, let half of it into thirteen codes or sections according to individual themes. Each code be included in the measured land and let half of it be excluded, but if corresponded to a sector of society, laying down the rights and obligations of this is not the case, let it be completely excluded from the measured king and peasants alike, the rules of trade, judicial procedures, the founding land. Now more land must be taken from village lands once strip of villages and the parcelling of owned land. allocation has been made. Let this additional land be divided amongst those whose plots include land that cannot be used. The division shall The building code – instructions for founding villages be carried out so that each party concerned shall have a share next to his own plot.18 Regarding the study medieval village sites, the most interesting aspect that may have generated archaeological remains is found in the building code According to the law, the owner of a plot that was unusable but deemed given in the law of the realm. It is listed as Section XIII of the law, instructing repairable was entitled to compensation from surrounding plots.

82 EARTH FILL AND MEDIEVAL LAW AT GUBBACKA IN VANTAA 83 Compensation, however, required the possible removal or covering of the obstacle to building and habitation on the plot. Should the obstacle on the plot be repairable, it could be included in the parcelling of plots.

The law mentions bedrock and brooks as examples of reasons for repairing plots. This regulation, however, seems to apply in general to hindrances that can be noted in the plots of a village. According to Åke Holmback and Elias Wessén, who have studied the original sources of the laws of the realm, unusable plots, as defined by the law, were not only sites with outcrops, bedrock and brooks but also soil subject to the effects of thawing or terrain Fig. 1. Drawn profile of the terrace in excavation area 2 of the 2003 fieldwork season. 19 The units of the drawing indicate sandy fill. Measured documentation by generally unsuitable for building. Finnish translations of King Christopher’s Mikko Suha 2003, final drawn version by Donald Lillqvist/National Board of Law of the Realm from the 16th and 17th centuries refer to hindrances 20 and Antiquities. defects 21 when describing unusable plots eligible for compensation. In 2008, excavation area I at the site focused on a building at the west end of Where the law of the realm was followed in the parcelling of land in villages, the village, dated to the 16th century. This structure had an oven measuring it affected the formation of the areas of the plots subject to parcelling. While 2 x 3 metres, built on a foundation of clay. The clay foundation of the oven the law does not directly order the improvement of plots, their hindrances was, in turn, on sandy fill brought from outside the plot. The fill layers under as defined in the law point to the uses of fill observed in archaeological the building excavated in 2008 also appear to have had the primary function excavations. of levelling the plot on the slope to be suitable for building.24

Earth fill works at Gubbacka and related reasons

The location of Gubbacka on the south slope of a hill is typical of medieval villages.22 The village was originally built on the south slope of Gubbacka hill next to a bay of the Gulf of Finland, near areas to be cleared into fields. The archaeological material shows that it was necessary to improve the site to make it suitable for building and habitation. The problem here was not the hindrances of brooks or bedrock as mentioned in the building code of the law. Instead, the most obvious reason for improvements was the steep gradient of the south slope of the hill.

Excavations were carried out at the village site in 2002, 2003, 2008, 2009 and 2010. The most distinct signs of improvements to the terrain and the use of fill were noted in 2003, when the excavation focused on the east part of the village, dated to the 15th and 16th centuries on the basis of artefacts. Fieldwork revealed several terraces of sand and stones built under houses and ovens to level the slope of the site. The most prominent of these works was a laid terrace of sand and stone in excavation area 2. Two buildings with stone foundations and ovens had been erected on the terrace. The stones of the terrace were among the sand and did not appear to have formed any separate structure. Instead, their purpose was to keep the soil of the terrace in place. The fill was up to 50 cm thick and extended throughout the excavated 23 area of 242 square metres. Fig. 2. The oven foundation in excavation area I of the 2008 fieldwork season on the southward slope of the site. Photo by Andreas Koivisto/Vantaa City Museum.

84 EARTH FILL AND MEDIEVAL LAW AT GUBBACKA IN VANTAA 85 suitability of soil subject to freezing for house plots is indicated by Holmback’s and Wessén’s above-discussed view of section I of chapter IV of the building code of the law of the realm concerning hindrances. In this connection, plots where water from melting ground frost remains on the surface are regarded as partly entitled to compensation. Not only uncomfortable for the inhabitants, the melting water has a destructive effect on wooden structures of houses. Frost-related damage involving the movement of soil is caused by pressure on structures from the freezing of soil and its expanded volume. Especially in buildings erected on the ground or on low stone foundations, the composition of the surface of the ground was important for the durability of structures.28 Sand in fill under buildings allowed water to seep into the lower layers of the soil, thus decreasing the probability of damage from frost and melting waters. The use of sandy fill can be understood in areas where the Fig. 3. The left (east) profile of the above-mentioned oven. The profile drawing shows freezing of the ground could have had destructive effects on the structures how it was necessary to level the sloping site in order to construct the oven and and mortared ovens of houses. the house. Measured documentation by Anna-Maria Salonen 2008, final drawn version by Riikka Väisänen/Vantaa City Museum. On the basis of only one site and few documentary sources, it is difficult to establish how the provisions of the building code were followed. The research At Gubbacka, fill was also used in the earlier stage of the village. Area 3 of the material of a single village can only reveal the materials used for constructing 2009 excavation revealed a terraced village road overlaying the remains of a a specific dwelling site and they cannot permit any direct generalizations on construction consisting of charred wooden structures, individual pits and a pit the spread of medieval building techniques or adherence to the instructions 25 hearth. The hearth was radiocarbon-dated to 939–1024 AD. Interpreted as a of the building code. smithy, this building was erected on 10–30 cm layer of sandy fill. The smithy belonged to the earlier stage of the village site and it cannot be unequivocally However, archaeological excavations at other sites provide indications on the associated with the medieval village of Gubbacka. The use of sandy fill, more extensive use of fill. At the village of Mankby in Espoo, South Finland, however, indicates that land was levelled at the site already in the Iron Age. which is of the same age as Gubbacka, sandy fill was also used to improve the plots of houses.29 In addition to these two cases, there is also evidence The fill at Gubbacka is mainly of pure, fine or coarse sand. The sand differs from of sand being used in the foundations of buildings from urban and manor the earth layers of the plots, showing that it was brought from elsewhere, sites. Sandy fill has been noted in archaeological excavations in at least probably from the south slope of the hill. There are still large pits visible on the Turku, the of Helsinki (northeast of the city centre) and the crown 26 slope, suggesting the excavation and removal of earth. Some of the sand manor of Näse in Perniö, SW Finland. In the oldest layers of urban settlement pits on the slope may date from the period of the village, while the largest in Turku, gravel, stones, wood chippings and sand were laid on the clayey pit suggests long-term use that continued after the village was abandoned. base soil to serve as foundations and to keep the location dry. By the end In addition to improving the terrain and soil of the village, sand was probably of the Middle Ages, the older remains of the town had produced so much used for the building and upkeep of the adjacent road throughout its use. coarse soil that soil from elsewhere was no longer used in the foundations According to medieval laws, farmers and peasants were required to maintain of buildings.30 In the Old Town of Helsinki, sand was used in the layers under 27 roads. buildings to the depth of a few ten centimetres. Here, the sand fill covered the older settlement layer of the village of Koskela.31 At the crown manor in The use of fill to improve the terrain is clearly indicated by the archaeological Perniö, sandy fill occurred in places to a depth of 50 cm in connection with material. In view of the instructions given in the law of the realm, it is also structures.32 In Turku and Perniö, sand was laid under floorboards at least for possible that sandy fill was used to improve the soil under buildings. The stone insulating humidity and to prevent draughts.33 foundations and ovens of the village appear to have been constructed on sandy fill brought to the sites concerned. One reason for this may have been to prevent the effects of freezing soil on the structures of houses. The poor

86 EARTH FILL AND MEDIEVAL LAW AT GUBBACKA IN VANTAA 87 Fill in the building practices of medieval villages and Earth fill is a new subject of research in Finnish medieval archaeology. While related archaeological research there is evidence of its use at medieval village and town sites on the south coast of Finland, there is no detailed research on its application in the inland Archaeological materials show that the soil of the Gubbacka village site was regions. It also remains to be established whether the use of fill was part of deliberately worked and improved when the village was built. These works the building traditions of the Swedish colonists or a practice that had evolved were not only improvements at individual house plots; fill also appears to in the coastal regions of Finland. have been used in the layers under houses and buildings throughout the period of occupation of the village. At Gubbacka, fill was primarily associated In addition to establishing historical building methods, earth fill should also be with the disadvantages of the sloping site and the practical need to improve regarded as an important means of interpreting the chronological stratification the foundations of plots. According to the building code of the law of the of sites. At locations with several stages of occupation or construction, fill realm, fill was also needed to prevent structural damage to buildings by the can make it possible to distinguish earlier and later stages, thus establishing freezing and thawing of the ground. clear chronological boundaries between two or several levels of activity. At the same time, fill serves as a protective barrier against the effects of later Medieval laws do not contain details on rural building practices. The human activity. An example of the benefits of old fill for archaeology is the instructions of the laws are mainly of a general nature and not specific above-mentioned Old Town of Helsinki and the remains of the 14th-century rulings that would have affected the life of a whole village community. Nor village of Koskela which remained under the fill of the foundations of the do other written sources provide more information on building and related town. methods in the rural areas because the so-called verdict books of the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times mainly concern land ownership disputes and Until now, fill has been noted only briefly in excavation reports or has possibly violent crime,34 and the building inspectors required by the law in towns are been interpreted as natural soil layers. A broader investigation of earthworks not known to have been employed in the rural areas.35 Our knowledge of related to medieval house plots in Finland and the function of fill under medieval timber construction is therefore based mainly on archaeology and buildings remains to be carried out. ethnographic analogies.

Section I of chapter IV of the building code mainly concerns compensation for land in the parcelling of plots in villages. While the law does not directly order the improvement or filling of house plots, it points to the reasons that led to earthworks at plots. It also tells of the needs for improving village sites and related objectives.

The law of the realm reveals that the founding of villages in the Middle Ages was partly a planned activity. The law’s building code, however, should be regarded above all as a wish of the authorities for a better standard of building in villages and instructions for farmers and peasants on the founding of village sites. Generally speaking, the activities of an individual village appear to have been more a matter concerning its inhabitants than between individual farmers and the king. Also the parcelling of fields into strips as laid down in the law of the realm was mainly a process carried out within the village, although the adoption of this system of cultivation was directed by higher authority.36 In addition to parcelling farmland, the division and improvement of dwelling plots and the building of houses were probably carried out within the village community. With the implementation of Magnus Eriksson’s law of the realm, the development of villages was probably based on old building traditions and the instructions of the new law.

88 EARTH FILL AND MEDIEVAL LAW AT GUBBACKA IN VANTAA 89 NOTES A1-013 Henrik Jansson (2011 in print) ’ Burials at the end of land – Maritime burial cairns and the settlement history of South-western Uusimaa’, Maritime landscape in A1-001 Tuomas M. S. Lehtonen & Timo Joutsivuo (2002) ’Suomi ja suomalaiset change: Archaeological, Historical, Palaeoecological and Geological Studies on esihistoriasta suureen Pohjan sotaan’, in Tuomas M. S. Lehtonen & Timo Joutsivuo Western Uusimaa. ISKOS 19. Helsinki: Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistys * - *. (ed.) Suomen kulttuurihistoria 1. Taivas ja maa, Helsinki: Kustannusosakeyhtiö Tammi, 35; Carl Fredrik Meinander (1983) ’Om svenskarnes inflyttningar till Finland’, A1-014 Georg Haggrén (2005), ’Moisio – kartano – kirkko. Suurtalot ja kristinuskon Historisk tidskrift för Finland 68, 231–232; Eljas Orrman (1995) ’Den nyländska juurtuminen varsinaiseen Suomeen’, SKAS 1/2005, 12–26. svenskbygdens uppkomst och gestaltning’, in Tom Sandström (ed.) Nyländska ankarfästen, Helsingfors: svenska hembygdsförbund, 11–31. A1-015 Hanna Kelola & Satu Koivisto (2008) Lohja Haukilahti. Rautakautisen asuinpaikan kaivaus. Helsinki: Museovirasto, Arkeologian osaston arkisto (unpublished A1-002 A good synthesis of the discussion concerning the Åland Islands and Ostrobothnia excavation report). is given by Eljas Orrman (2002) ’Kontinuitet eller diskontinuitet – konkurrerande teorier om den svenska bosättningens ålder i Finland’, in Ann-Marie Ivars & A1-016 Teija Alenius (2011) ’Palaeoenvironmental reconstruction of the colonization Huldén (ed.) När kom svenskarna till Finland?, Skrifter utgivna av Svenska of Western Nyland’, Maritime landscape in change: Archaeological, Historical, litteratursällskapet i Finland 646. Helsingfors: Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland Palaeoecological and Geological Studies on Western Uusimaa. ISKOS 19. Helsinki: 51–62. Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistys, * - *. The series of samples from Innoonlampi Pond on Jalassaari Island in Lake Lohjanjärvi has not yet been dated. A1-003 Kaisa Häkkinen (2007) Se Wsi Testamentti http://www.edu.fi/perusopetus/aidinkieli/ agricola/agricolan_elama_ja_tyo/se_wsi_testamentti (viewed 1.3.2011). A1-017 Saulo Kepsu (2005) Uuteen maahan. Helsingin ja Vantaan vanha asutus ja nimistö, Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seuran toimituksia 1027. Helsinki: Suomalaisen A1-004 See Meinander (1983) 231–232; Anna Wickholm (2005) ’Fyndtomheten i Nyland kirjallisuuden seura, 113–116. under vikingatid och tidig medeltid – en forskningshistorisk genomgång av hypoteserna kring fyndtomheten’, in Henrik Jansson (ed.) Vårt maritima arv – A1-018 Kepsu (2005) 58–61. Merellinen perintömme. CD-ROM, Helsingin yliopisto. A1-019 Orrman (1995) 12–17; Eljas Orrman (1990), ’Den svenska bebyggelsens historia’, in A1-005 See e.g. Sarmaja-Korjonen (1994) ’Sibbo naturhistoria’, in Christer Finska skären, Helsingfors: Konstsamfundet, 197–278. Kuvaja & Arja Rantanen, Sibbo sockens historia fram till år 1868, Band 1, Jyväskylä, 27–35.; Kimmo Tolonen, Ari Siiriäinen & Anna-Liisa Hirviluoto (1979) ’Iron Age A1-020 Erikskrönikan. See e.g. http://sv.wikisource.org/wiki/Erikskr%C3%B6nikan, 9 Cultivation in SW Finland’ Finskt Museum 1976, Esbo: Finska (viewed 1.3.2011). Translation by Jüri Kokkonen. fornminnesföreningen, 10–25, 54–61. A1-021 See e.g. Eljas Orrman (1995) 17–19, 22.; Ulrika Rosendahl (2008) ’Kolonisation och A1-006 Henrik Jansson & Jaakko Latikka (2002–2003) Länsi- ja Keski-Uudenmaan saariston nybyggare i den tidiga medeltiden’, in Byn. Medeltid vid Östersjöns stränder, Esbo: ja rannikkoalueiden inventointi 2002–2003. Tammisaari, Hanko, Inkoo, Siuntio, Esbo stads museum, 62–64. Kirkkonummi, Espoo, Helsinki. Vårt maritima arv – Merellinen perintömme, Helsinki: Helsingin yliopisto, Museovirasto, Rakennushistorian osaston arkisto (unpublished A1-022 Rosendahl (2008) 62. See Mats Mogren (2000) Faxeholm i maktens landskap. En research report). historisk arkeologi, Lund Studies in Medieval Archaeology 24, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International. A1-007 Maritime landscape in change: Archaeological, Historical, Palaeoecological and Geological Studies on Western Uusimaa. ISKOS 19. Helsinki: Suomen A1-023 Rosendahl 2007 Muinaismuistoyhdistys 2011. A1-024 Cf. Kepsu (2005) 61. A1-008 Georg Haggrén (2009) ‘Autioituneet kylätontit – kurkistusreikä Uudenmaan asutushistoriaan’, SKAS 1/2009, 23–33; Georg Haggrén (2011 in print) ’Colonization, A1-025 Cf. Gunvor Kerkkonen (1965) ’Helsingin pitäjän keskiaika’, in Helsingin pitäjä 1. Desertion and Entrenchment of Settlements in Western Nyland ca. 1300–1635 AD’, Porvoo: Helsingin , 25–27, 91–92. Maritime landscape in change: Archaeological, Historical, Palaeoecological and Geological Studies on Western Uusimaa. ISKOS 19. Helsinki: Suomen A1-026 See e.g. Thomas Lindkvist (2002) ’Sverige och Finland under tidig medeltid’, Muinaismuistoyhdistys, 151–178. in Ann-Marie Ivars & Lena Huldén (ed.) När kom svenskarna till Finland?, Skrifter utgivna av Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland 646. Helsingfors: Svenska A1-009 Henrik Jansson, Georg Haggrén, Kristiina Mannermaa & Tanja Tenhunen (2010) litteratursällskapet i Finland, 46–47. ‘Settlement history and economy of the Gunnarsängen site at the ’, Fennoscandia Archaeologica XXVII, Helsinki: Suomen arkeologinen seura, 69–88. A1-027 Georg Haggrén (2006) ’Frälset, kolonisationen och sockenbildningen i Västra Nyland’, Suomen Museo – Finskt Museum 2006, Helsinki: Suomen A1-010 Georg Haggrén, Heini Hämäläinen, Hanna Kivikero, Knuutinen, Heli Lehto & muinaismuistoyhdistys, 55–68. Elina Terävä (2008) Hanko, Hangonkylä, Lapsen Puiston tonttimaa. Kaivaus 31.5.- 3.7.2007. Helsinki: Helsingin yliopisto. Museovirasto, Rakennushistorian osaston A1-028 Haggrén (2006) 55–68; Yrjö Kaukiainen (1975) ’Viipurin läänin ruotsalaisasutuksen arkisto (unpublished research report). synty varhaiskeskiajalla’, Historiallinen Aikakauskirja 72, 105–125; Thomas Wallerström (1995) Norrbotten, Sverige och medeltiden. Problem kring makt och A1-011 Jansson & Latikka (2002–2003) 183–185. bosättning i en europeisk periferi. I. Lund Studies in Medieval Archaeology 15:1. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 47-50, 152, 160-161. A1-012 Sirkka-Liisa Seppälä (2007) ’Gravröse och bärnstensfynd vid Kärrängen i ’, Västnyländsk årsbok 2006. Ekenäs, 27–35. A1-029 Ad. Neovius (1912) ’Akter och undersökningar rörande Finlands historia intill år 1401’, Historiallinen arkisto XXIII,1:3. Helsingfors: Finska historiska samfundet, 121.

90 91 A1-030 Finlands medeltidsurkunder (FMU) I, Utg. av Reinh. Hausen. Helsingfors: Finlands A1-051 Georg Haggrén, Maija Holappa, Tarja Knuutinen & Ulrika Rosendahl (2011) statsarkiv 1910, nr 330. ’Stratigrafin på en välbevarad bytomt – Mankby i Esbo’, SKAS 2/2010, 42–49.

A1-031 FMU I, nr 346. A2-001 Harald Arman (ed.) (1965) Eesti arhitektuuri ajalugu, Tallinn: Eesti Raamat, 168-172.

A1-032 FMU I, nr 331. A2-002 Wolfgang Schmidt (1941) Die Zisterzienser im Baltikum und Finnland, A1-033 Registrum Ecclesiae Aboensis (REA), Utg. av Reinh. Hausen. Helsingfors: Finlands Suomen Kirkkohistoriallisen Seuran Vuosikirja XXIX–XXX, Helsinki, statsarkiv 1890, nr 43. Suomen Kirkkohistoriallinen Seura, 69.

A1-034 Markus Hiekkanen (2005) ’Kristinuskon ja kirkkojen varhaisvaiheita Länsi- ja Keski- A2-003 Friedrich Georg von Bunge (1857) Liv-, Esth- und Curländisches Urkundenbuch Uudenmaan rannikolla ja saaristossa’, in Henrik Jansson (ed.) Vårt Maritima Arv – nebst Regesten, 3, Reval (Tallinn): Kluge und Ströhm, No 475a. Merellinen perintömme, CD-ROM. Helsinki: Helsingin yliopisto, 2; Markus Hiekkanen (2007) Suomen keskiajan kivikirkot, Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seuran A2-004 Armin Tuulse (1942) Die Burgen in Estland und Lettland, Verhandlungen der toimituksia 1117. Helsinki: Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, 458. Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft XXXIII, Dorpat (Tartu): Dorpater Estnischer Verlag, 275. A1-035 REA 9; Registrum Ecclesiae Aboensis. Codices Medii Aevi Finlandiae I. Hafnia MCMLII, 14, 126. A2-005 Schmidt (1941) 73.

A1-036 Kauko Pirinen (1962) Kymmenysverotus Suomessa ennen kirkkoreduktiota, A2-006 Bartholomäus Hoeneke (1960) Liivimaa noorem riimkroonika (1315-1348) (compiled Historiallisia tutkimuksia LV. Helsinki: Suomen historiallinen seura, 76–89. and commented by Sulev Vahtre), Tartu: Eesti Riiklik Kirjastus, 79.

A1-037 Pirinen (1962) 42–43, 80–82, 87. A2-007 Schmidt (1941) 101.

A1-038 Birgitta Fritz (1973) Hus, land och . Förvaltningen i Sverige 1250-1434, II, A2-008 Schmidt (1941) 118. Stockholm Studies in History 18, Stockholm, 120–121, 124, 127–128, 131, 137–138. A2-009 Raam (1988) 66. A1-039 Fritz (1973) 120–121, 124, 127–128, 137–138. A2-010 Villem Raam (1958) Padise klooster. Падизеский монастырь. Padise monastery, A1-040 FMU 873. Riksarkivet (Tukholma), Pergamentsbrev 8.9.1378. Tallinn: Eesti Riiklik Kirjastus, 19/ 46/ 72.

A1-041 Georg Haggrén (2008) ’Uudenmaan synty’, in Kylä. Keskiaikaa Itämeren rannalla, A2-011 Villem Raam (1958). Helsinki: Espoon kaupunginmuseo, 49. A2-012 Villem Raam (1988) ‘Padise klooster’, Harju rajooni ajaloo- ja kultuurimälestised, A1-042 Haggrén (2008) 49. Tallinn: Eesti Raamat, 53-67.

A1-043 Haggrén (2008) 49. A2-013 Villem Raam (1991) ‘Paadisten luostari’, Helsingin pitäjä = Helsinge, 1992, Helsingin pitäjän kotiseutuyhdistys, Vantaan kaupunginmuseo, 44-54. A1-044 Haggrén (2011 in print); Eino Jutikkala & al. (1973) Suomen asutus 1560-luvulla. Kyläluettelot, Helsingin yliopiston historian laitoksen julkaisuja N:o 4. Helsinki: A2-014 Raam (1988) 53. Helsingin Yliopisto, 179–191. A2-015 The building complex is not exactly oriented according to the cardinal directions on A1-045 Haggrén (2008) 51–52. a compass, but according to the natural defenses offered by the bank of the river. Nevertheless, the wings of Padise monastery have conventionally been referred to A1-046 Eljas Orrman (1986) Bebyggelsen i , S:t Mårtens och Vemo socknar according to the closest main directions to avoid confusion. under senmedeltiden och på 1500-talet. Historiallisia tutkimuksia 131, : Suomen historiallinen seura; Anneli Mäkelä (1979) Hattulan kihlakunnan ja Porvoon A2-016 Raam (1988) 64-65. läänin autioituminen myöhäiskeskiajalla ja uuden ajan alussa, Historiallisia tutkimuksia 109, Helsinki: Suomen historiallinen seura. A2-017 Raam (1988) 66.

A1-047 Haggrén (2009). With regard to Helsinge Parish, see Veli-Pekka Suhonen (2008) A2-018 Kaur Alttoa (2001) ‘Einige Beispiele der Kombinationen von Burg und Kirche in ’Keskiaikaisen Helsingin pitäjän kadonneet kylät’, Helsingin pitäjä 2009, Porvoo: Estland’, in Kaur Alttoa, Knut Drake, Kazmierz Popieszny & Kari Uotila (Eds.) Castella Vantaa seura – Vandasällskapet ry, 26–51. Maris Baltici 3-4, Archaeologia Medii Aevii Finlandiae V, Malbork, Turku: Muzeum Zamkowe w Malborku, 15; Jaan Tamm (2002) Eesti keskaegsed kloostrid. Medieval A1-048 Georg Haggrén, Henrik Jansson & Tarja Knuutinen (2007), ’Inkoon Storböle – Monasteries of Estonia, Tallinn: Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus, 40. Keskiaikainen autiotontti Länsi-Uudenmaan saaristossa’, SKAS 3/2007, 3–11. A2-019 Villu Kadakas (2005) ‘Confusion with the „chapel“ walls in the southern wing of A1-049 Georg Haggrén, Henrik Jansson & Aki Pihlman (2003) ’Snappertunan Padise Monastery’, in Estonian Journal of Archaeology 9/2, Tallinn, 160-173. Kullåkersbacken. Unohdettu tutkimuskohde unohdetulla alueella’. Muinaistutkija Available on the Internet 16.05.2011. http://books.google.ee 3/2003, 13–24. A2-020 Kersti Markus (2009) ‘Misjonär või mõisnik? Tsistertslaste roll 13. sajandi Eestis’, in A1-050 Georg Haggrén (2005) ’Köklax i Esbo. Arkeologiska undersökningar på en medeltida Acta Historica Tallinnensia 14, 24. bytomt’, Nordenskiöld -samfundets tidskrift 65, 83-101; Haggrén (2008) 45–46; Haggrén, Jansson & Knuutinen (2007).

92 NOTES 93 A2-021 Paul Johansen (1933) Die Estlandliste des Liber Census Daniae, Kopenhagen: H. of Linköping, founded 1162), (Västgötaland, Diocese of , 1160s?), Hagerup/ Reval (Tallinn): F. Wassermann, 540. Both place names Padis and Paeküla Fogdö (Södermanland, Diocese of Strängnäs, 1160s, relocated ca. 1290 to probably derive from the word paas meaning limestone. Vårfruberga in the same diocese), Askeby Östgötaland, Diocese of Linköping, mentioned in the 1180s), Byarum (Småland, Diocese of Växjö, before 1195, A2-022 Jaan Tamm (2010) Padise klooster. Ehitus- ja uurimislugu, Tallinn: TEA. relocated ca. 1235 to the Parish of Sko in Upland, Diocese of Upland) Riseberga (Närke, Diocese of Strängnäs, before 1200), Solberga (Gotland, Diocese of A2-023 Helen Bome (2009) ‘Keskaegse munga hingepeegel: Padise kloostrikiriku Linköping, ca. 1240), Götlind (1993) 22–37. raidreljeefid. Mirror for the soul of a medieval monk: The carved reliefs in Padise abbey church’, in Keskaja küla. Medieval village, Padise, 28-37. A3-008 Paul Johansen (1933) Die Estlandliste des Liber Census Daniae. Reval, 368–370; Paul Johansen (1951) Nordische Mission, Revals Gründung und der A2-024 Alttoa (2001) 15. Schwedensiedlung in Estland, Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademiens Handlingar 4. Stockholm, 157–162, 122–123, 149; Hain Rebas (1978) A2-025 Kaur Alttoa (2009) ‘Padise kloostri arhitektuur. Uurimise hetkeseis ja probleemid/ ’Internationella medeltida kommunikationer till och genom Balticum’, Historisk Architecture of Padise Monastery. Current studies and problems’, in Keskaja küla. Tidskrift 1978:2, 177. Medieval village, Padise, 23. A3-009 Registrum ecclesiae aboensis eller Åbo domkyrkans svartbok med tillägg ur A2-026 David Gaimster (1997) German Stoneware 1200-1900, London: British Museum Skoklosters codex Aboensis (cit. REA), I tryck utgifven af Finlands Statsarkiv genom Press, 282-284. So called Falcke group was a very expensive and highly decorated Reinh. Hausen, Helsingfors 1890, REA nr. 1–5, 7; Markus Hiekkanen (2004) ’An type of drinking vessels typically associated with very well-to-do users. Outline of the Early Stages of Ecclesiastical Organization in Finland’, in Garðar Guðmundsson (ed.) Current Issues in Nordic Archaeology, Proceedings of the 21st A2-027 Identified by Erki Russow. Conference of Nordic Archaeologists, 6–9 September 2001, Akureyri, Iceland. Reykjavik, 162–163. A2-028 Henri Gaud & Jean-François Leroux-Dhuys (2006) Cistercian Abbeys. History and architecture, Könemann, 46. A3-010 Peter Rebane (1989) ’The Papacy and the Christianization of Estonia’, in Gli inizi del cristianesimo in Livonia-Lettonia, Pontificio comitato di scienze storiche, Atti e A2-029 The finds from the excavations of 1950s and 1960s appear to be lost in spite of documenti 1. Città del Vaticano: Libreria editrice Vaticana, 175–196; Friedrich recent attempts to locate them in various museums. In any case, according to Benninghoven (1965) Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, Fratres milicie christi de livonia, preserved find lists and photos there were probably almost no medieval finds Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 9. Köln-Graz: Böhlau Verlag, among them, because the excavations mostly involved removing collapse debris. 20–54; Krötzl (2004) 235.

A3-001 Lexicon des Mittelalters 1–10 (cit. LM), München und Zürich: Artemis Verlag A3-011 Benninghoven (1965) 20–54, 248–249, 288; on the founding year of Dünamunde. (1980–1999), Zistersiensen, -innen, LM 9, 632–634 and Citeaux, LM 2, 2104–2106. p. 21, 43 (note 20) and 54; Wolfgang Schmidt (1941) Die Zisterzienser im Baltikum und in Finnland, Suomen Kirkkohistoriallisen Seuran Vuosikirja 29–30. Helsinki, A3-002 Bernhard von Clairvaux, LM 1, 1992–1998; Christian Krötzl (2004) Pietarin ja 65–67; Wilhelm Kohl (2010) Germania Sacra, Dritte Folge, Band 2. Die Bistümer Paavalin nimissä. Paavit, lähetystyö ja Euroopan muotoutuminen (500–1250), der Kirchenprovinz Köln. Das Bistum Münster 11. Die Zisterzienserabtei Marienfeld, Historiallisia Tutkimuksia 219, Helsinki, 209–212. De Gruyter, 98, 424–425; there were also five Cistercian nunneries in medieval Livonia, two of them in the Archdiocese of Riga in Riga (founded 1257) and Lemsala A3-003 Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages 1–2 (cit. EM), Cambridge: James Clarke & Co (Limbaži, ca. 1470) in present-day Latvia, and three in the dioceses of Tallinn 2001, EM 1, 367, Konversen, LM 5, 1423–1424; Edward Ortved (1927) (Monastery of Saint Michael in Tallinn, 1249), Saare-Lääne (Lihula, 1275–85) and Cistercieordenen og dens klostre i Norden 1, København, 42–46; Giles Constable Tartu (Tartu, mentioned 1345) in the present area of Estonia, Schmidt (1941) (1996) The of the Twelfth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University 157, 189, 178, 183, 203 and Jaan Tamm (2002) Eesti keskaegased kloostrid – Press, 194–196; James France (1992) The Cistercians in Scandinavia, Cistercian Medieval monasteries of Estonia. Tallinn: Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus, 163. Studies Series 131, Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, Inc., 271–273. A3-012 A convent was established under a prior in Padise apparently already in the late A3-004 Zistersiensen, -innen, LM 9, 632–634, 635; Constable (1996) 220–221 and EM 1, winter of 1311, when King Erik Menved of Denmark donated land to the prior and Grange, 630; France (1992) 256–273. convent of Dünamunde in the villages of Pitke and Nurme, resolved his disputes with them and assured the prior and convent would have free use of all the A3-005 Jean Gimpel (1977) The Medieval Machine. The Industrial Revolution of the Middle convents property in Estonia. In this occasion, a copy of all previously ratified rights Ages, Penguin Books, 46–51, 67–68, 229–230; Anna Götlind (1993) Technology and given by the kings of Denmark concerning the property of Dünamunde Abbey in Religion in Medieval Sweden, Avhandlingar från Historiska institutionen i Göteborg Estonia was written, of which a complete copy was further authorized by the 4, , 1–9, 62–63. Bishop of Tallinn in 1314. The actual founding of the Padise Abbey is traditionally dated to the Friday after Trinity (2 June), when King Erik Menved gave the Abbey of A3-006 Geraldine Stout (2002) Newgrange and the Bend of the Boyne, Irish Rural Stolpe permission to build a monastery of stone at Padise. Schmidt (1941) 72–73 Landscapes I. Cork University Press, 89–91; David H. Williams (2001) The Welsh and Jaan Tamm (2010) Padise klooster. Ehitus ja uurimislugu – Padise Monastery, Cistercians. MPG Books Ltd., 225, which also discusses the importance of fish; History of Building and Study. Tallinn, 21. Source, see Liv-, Esth- und Curländisches France (1992) 280–284. Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten I–VI (cit. LECUB). Hrsg. von Dr. Friedrich Georg von Bunge. Reval-Riga (Dorpat), 1851–1873, LECUB III 634a (21.3.1311) and Carl A3-007 The Cistercian monasteries of Sweden, Denmark and Norway, their founders Schirren (1861–68) Verzeichniss livländischer Geschichts-Quellen in schwedischen and the donations for them are presented more extensively in Götlind (1993) Archiven und Bibliotheken. Dorpat, Band 5, nr. 43–44. 22–37, France (1992) 27–42 and Catharina Andersson (2006) Kloster och aristokrati. Nunnor, munkar och gåvor i det svenska samhället till 1300-talets mitt, Avhandlingar A3-013 Schmidt 1941, 55–68; LECUB II 614 ja III 614a; On the war, see Manfred Hellmann från Historiska institutionen, Göteborgs universitet 49, Göteborg, 24–29; the (1993) ’Der Deutsche Orden und die Stadt Riga’, in Udo Arnold (ed.) Stadt und Cistercian nunneries of Sweden proper were Vreta (Östgötaland, Diocese

94 NOTES 95 Orden. Das Verhältnis des Deustchen Ordens zu den Städten in Livland, Preussen A3-026 On the activities of Magnus Eriksson in the years 1347–50 , see Suomen und im Deutschen Reich, Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Kansallisbiografia, 1–10 (cit. SKB), Helsinki (2003–2007), Maunu Eerikinpoika (1316– Ordens 44. Marburg: N.G. Elwert Verlag, 16–23. 1374), SKB 6, 606–607; Nordberg (2007) 101–104 and Gallén (1966) 1–11; Karl Näskonungsson and Gereke Skytte, who sold and donated land to the monastery in A3-014 Schmidt (1941) 47–50. In the late 13th century, most of the property of Dünamunde 1335 and 1347 may have been involved in contemporary connections between Abbey in Germany was within a triangular area bounded by Rostock, Havelberg and and Danish Estonia. Karl Näskonungsson was originally counsellor (Alt)-Ruppin northwest of Berlin, where the monastery had the patronage rights to Duchess Ingeborg, mother of Magnus Eriksson, but joined the Skara to at least three parishes (Trampitz, Snethlinge and Quedlinghe), which was confederation of lay nobility and bishops, the leaders of which ruled Sweden during approved by the Pope in 1285; Benninghoven (1965) 201. the king’s minority until 1332. In 1327, Ingeborg married Kund Porse (died 1330), Duke of Halland which belonged to Denmark at the time, and to whom the Duchy A3-015 Schmidt (1941) 47, 94. of Estonia was pledged for a short while in 1329. The clients of the duchess or her circle may have included Gerhardus (later also with the name Gereke) Skytte, who A3-016 Johansen (1933) 772, 784–785; On roads and highways, see Rebas (1978) 176–181. was bailiff of Uusimaa in 1326 but no longer in this office in the late 1330s. Skytte reappeared in a leading position in the summer of 1347 and a year later took part in A3-017 Johansen (1933) 772–773; Schmidt (1941) 51–54, 68–72, Tamm (2010) 20; the king’s campaign to the River Neva. He participated in preparing another attack LECUB III 475a. on Kaprio in Novgorodian territory which was carried out from Estonia in the autumn of 1350 and was the headman of all Finland still in this year, after which he A3-018 Johansen (1951) 209, 216–225; LECUB II 832 ”insulam nostram Ragoe iure served as bailiff of Duchess Ingeborg’s pension in Västmanland. In the late 1340s, svevico”; On maritime routes, see Rebas (1978) 166. Skytte had also supported the king’s ventures with funds, in compensation for which Magnus, in December 1350 in Tallinn, enfeoffed him Ruona Manor in , A3-019 LECUB IV 1608, Schmidt (1941) 89, 98 and Johansen (1951) 213, 233–235; Finland Proper. Known by the German names Gerhardus and Gereke, Skytte had Johansen (1933) 772–773 and Schmidt (1941) 53. connections with Estonia that are not precisely known. However, he is known to have visited Tallinn often and he may have been related to Gerard Skyttæ, the A3-020 LECUB I 470; Eugen von Nottbeck (1884) Der alte Immobilienbesitz Revals. Reval, subvassal of Hælf Gutæ of Jutland, who held land in the Parish Jõelähtme near the 65–66 and Tamm 2010, 107–109. property of Dünamunde Abbey in Estonia, or to Jacobus Schuttae, who in 1228–38 was in control of some of the lands of Dünamunde at Padise. Skytte, meaning A3-021 Saulo Kepsu (2005) Uuteen maahan. Helsingin ja Vantaan asutus ja nimistö. “crossbowman”, was, however, quite a common epithet in the Middle Ages, Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 1027, Helsinki. appearing in the 14th century throughout the Baltic Sea region and was established as a fixed surname only after the introduction of firearms in the 15th century. Since A3-022 REA 30; Finlands Medeltidsurkunder I–VIII (cit. FMU), Samlade och i tryck utgifna three persons all named Gerdt Schütte owned land in the Parish of Jõelähtme from af Finlands Statsarkiv genom Reinhold Hausen, Helsingfors 1910–35, FMU I 1119– 1527 to 1623, the combination of the names appears to have been for some reason 1121, FMU VIII 6579; FMU I 328 ”curiam Skawastadhe”; Gunvor Kerkkonen (1945), common in the environs of Tallinn. The Schüttes of Jõelähtme have a surprising Padis kloster i nyländsk medeltid, Västnyländsk kustbebyggelse under medeltiden. connection with the property of Padise Abbey in Uusimaa, as the last of them, Skrifter utgivna av Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland 301, Helsingfors, 9, 14–23; Captain Gerd Schütte gave up his property in Estonia in 1623 and moved to On the Coastal Road see Tapio Salminen (1993) Suuri Rantatie – Stora Strandvägen, Helsinge Parish, where he had been given permission to form a manor at Tiemuseon julkaisuja 7, Helsinki, 280–282. Munkkiniemi in present-day Helsinki. His property increased manifold in 1629 through a donation from King Gustavus II Adolphus which consisted, between 1629 A3-023 FMU II 1254, 1277, 1454 and Kerkkonen (1945) 10–12; Jarl Gallén (1966) ’Den heliga and 1655 in Helsinge Parish, of Munkkiniemi, part of , , Heikby Birgita och Karelen’, Historisk Tidskrift för Finland 51, 23–24. and Hindersnäs, and the manor of Viikki with its salmon fishing rights in the Helsinginkoski rapids, i.e. many of the known nodes of activity of Padise Abbey in A3-024 Kerkkonen (1945) 10–11, 23–27 and Eljas Orrman (1994) ’Helsingin pitäjä ja the region some 250 years earlier. Skytte, Gerhard, SKB 9, 109; Johansen (1933) Uudenmaan kirkollinen järjestäytyminen 1400-luvun loppuun mennessä’, in Marja 437–438 and 830–831, Johansen (1951) 217; Kuisma (1990) 92, 115, 181. Terttu Knapas (ed.) Vantaan Pyhän Laurin kirkko – Helsinge kyrka St Lars 500, Tutkielmia kirkon historiasta, : Vantaan seurakunnat, 23; Johansen (1933) A3-027 FMU I 596, REA 138. 678, 772–774. A3-028 REA 139 ”jus patronatus et omne aliud quod nobis et corone regnj Swecie jn A3-025 On the constitutional status of the Duchy of Estonia in the period 1332–46, Juhan eccelsia Borgha et duabus capellis eidem annexis Aboensis diocesis”, REA 143 Kreem (2002) The Town and its Lord, Reval and the Teutonic Order, Tallina ”piscarias ad fundum presbiteralem ibidem pertinentes”, REA 142 ”piscaturam Linnaarhiivi toimetised 6. Tallinn, 28–29, Niels Skuym-Nielsen (1981) ’Estonia under salmonum in Helsinga Aboensis dyocesis cum omni iure nostro regio inferius et Danish rule’, in Niels Skuym-Nielsen & Niels Lund (Eds) Danish Medieval History, superius”. The present author will discuss the donations, the related source material New Currents, : Museum Tusculanum Press, 112–135, and Thomas Riis and claims regarding the content of the donations presented in research at different (2003) Studien zur Geschichte des Ostseeraumes, IV. Das mittelalterliche dänische times more extensively in a work on the medieval history of Vantaa which is Ostseeimperium, University Press of Southern Denmark, 86–89; FMU VIII 6579, currently under preparation and will be published in 2013. Kerkkonen (1945) 9. Magnus Eriksson stayed at Kyrksundet in the archipelago of Hiittinen (Sw. ) from the 18th to the 28th of August, 1347, FMU I 522–523. It A3-029 REA 152, Kerkkonen (1945) 32–52; REA 427, 430–432. has traditionally been maintained in Finland that the king was on his way back from Viipuri, but since he had been at Lodöse near present-day on 17 July, at A3-030 LECUB II 832; On medieval waterworks and structures related to them in the Örebro on 23 July and in Stockholm on 30 July, and was visited at Kyrksundet by a environs of Padise Abbey, see Jaan Tamm (2002) Eesti keskaegased kloostrid – delegation of landowning peasants under the authority of Viipuri Castle, it is unlikely Medieval monasteries of Estonia, Tallinn: Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus, 44 and that he would had time to visit Viipuri. On the route taken by the king in 1347, see Tamm (2010) 34–35. Michael Nordberg (2007) I kung Magnus tid. Norden under Magnus Eriksson 1317–1374, Stockholm: Norsteds Akademiska Förlag, 127; On Scania, see Aksel E. A3-031 FAO, Fisheries and Aquaculture Department, Species Fact Sheet, Salmo Salar, Christensen (1980) Kalmarunionen og nordisk politik 1319–1439, Copenhagen: http://www.fao.org/fishery/species/2929/en, viewed 11.2.2011; Riistan- ja Gyldendal, 49–52. kalantutkimus, Kala-Atlas, Lohi ja Järvilohi, http://www.rktl.fi/kala/tietoa_kalalajeista/

96 NOTES 97 lohi_jarvilohi/, viewed 11.2.2011; Kustaa Vilkuna (1975) Unternehmen Lachsfang. A3-040 Finnish National Archives, Maanmittaushallitus, Kartat, MHA B 7 21/1–2, MHA B Die Geschichte der Lachsfischerei im Kemijoki, Studia Fennica, Review of Finnish 11a 4/1–2, MHA B 11a 8/1–3, MHA B 9 9/52–54, see Teresa Leskinen & Pia Linguistics and Ethnology 19. Helsinki: SKS, 19. Lillborända (Ed.) Samuelin kartat. Helsingin pitäjä vanhimmissa kartoissaan 1681–1712, Vantaan kaupunginmuseo (2001), 40–41, 47–51, 52–55, 82–84; Finnish A3-032 Tapio Salminen (2007) Joki ja sen väki. Kokemäen ja Harjavallan historia jääkaudesta National Archives, Tie- ja Vesihallituksen arkisto, Kartat ja piirustukset, E1 115:1 1860-luvulle. Kokemäen ja Harjavallan historia I:1. Kokemäen ja Harjavallan kaupungit (1757–60), nr. 16, 19; Elevations: Vantaanjoen ja Helsingin seudun ja seurakunnat, Jyväskylä: Gummerus, 517–518; Kulturhistorisk Lexikon för Nordisk vesiensuojeluyhdistys, Vedenlaatu, Joet, http://www.vhvsy.fi/, viewed 11.2.2010; Medeltid, 1–22 (cit. KLNM) 2. oplagan København (1981–1982), Laxfiske, KLNM 10, On the clearing of rapids, see Suomen Virallinen Tilasto, XIX Tie- ja Vesirakennukset, 379. year 1891, 56–57, year 1896, 76–81, year 1903, 77–79 and year 1905, 77–81. The east arm of the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids was cleared and widened in 1891 A3-033 H.J. Holmberg (1859) Alamainen kertomus, mihin päätökseen on tultu, syitä kalain SVT:XIX, s. 56–57 and 1903, when the Pikkukoski rapids were blasted open. wähenemiseen Suomessa ja sen estämisen keinoja tutkittaissa, kuin myöskin esitys kalain wiljelemiseen, Suomen julkisia sanomia 4.7.1859. According to A3-041 Markku Kuisma (1990) Helsingin pitäjän historia II, Vanhan Helsingin synnystä Holmberg, the salmon found upstream from Anjalankoski at were lake isoonvihaan 1550–1713, Jyväskylä: Vantaan kaupunki 148–149; Stenholm 2008. salmon, a species that spends its whole live in lakes; Finnish National Archives, Voudintilit, VA 2969:8 ”Item aff Helsinge Fors wtj samme Sochn bisbens tiende A3-042 REA 368; Kepsu (2005) 84. spikilax – 41 stücke” and 22v ”Item 2 (barrels or pieces) små öörlax som ffoos vidh helsinge ffårsz”. The salt-dried salmon was delivered to the Royal Castle in A3-043 FMU V 3902. In 1517 the Tallinn merchant Helmich Ficke wrote the name in the Low Stockholm. The accounts concerned only tithes appropriated from the bishop, and German form Nakkebuw, Kerkkonen (1965) 165; Kepsu (2005) 175; Documents not the actual salmon tax or catch acquired by the crown; Kari Stenholm (2008) concerning Siuntio cite in the year 1490 Nackaböhle (FMU V 4331) and 1540 Virtavesien hoitoyhdistys ry, Vantaanjoen vuosiraportti 13.1.2008, Nackaby, Åke Granlund (1965) ’En västnyländsk namntyp’. Folkmålsstudier, www.virtavesi.com/vantaanjoki2007.pdf, accessed 11.2.2011: According to Medddelanden från Föreningen för nodrisk filologi 19, 89–91 and Lars Huldén archaeological excavations, salmon (Salmo salar) also belonged to the diet of (2001) Finlandssvenska bebyggelsenamn, Helsingfors, 297, 256. On Nakkila on the the Old Town of Helsinki () in the late 16th and early 17th century, River Kokemäenjoki, see Aarre Läntinen (1978) Turun keskiaikainen piispanpöytä, Mikael A. Manninen & Kristiina Mannermaa (2008) Helsingin Vanhankaupungin Studia historica Jyväskyläensia 16, Jyväskylä, 152–153; Fornsvensk lexikalisk lohikalanluut – vuosien 1992, 1993 ja 1999 kaivausten kalanluiden alustava analyysi databas, http://spraakbanken.gu.se/fsvldb/, viewed 11.2.2011, nakke, and 13.3.2008, Helsingin kaupunginmuseo, 1–2; On the spawning season of trout, see Mittelniederdeutsches Handwörterbuch von August Lübben, Nach dem Tode des Riistan- ja kalantutkimus, Kala-Atlas, http://www.rktl.fi/kala/tietoa_kalalajeista/ Verfassers vollendet von Christoph Walther, Norden und Leipzig (1888), nacke. In taimen/, viewed 11.2.2011. the dialect of Swedish spoken in Sweden proper, the verb nakka is also known to have meant illicitly taking the catch from fish nets or traps set by others, FSLD A3-034 Salt and Salthandel, KLNM 14, 692–712 and Fisketilvirkning KLNM 4, 344; FMU II nakka. 1841, 1840; The total amount of salt was 606½ c (centum), 4.5 tzarse, with one centum of Baie salt corresponding to 13996.8 kg net. On the 20 June, customs A3-044 Kerkkonen (1965) 58–59. On monk-bishop pairs in toponyms, see Kerkkonen (1945) were levied on seven salt ships, followed by 2 on 10 August, and three on 60–108, 107; More extensively on the place-names of the area, Kepsu (2005), September 5. The last-mentioned three had sailed from Lisbon, Reinhard Vogelsang 172–175 (Tomtbacka, Nacböle, Grannböle), 170–172 (Tolkby), 146–151 (Ed.) Revaler Schiffslisten 1425–1471 und 1479–1496, Quellen und Studien zur (Skattmansby), 145 (Sillböle), 130–133 (Mårtensby), 108–112 (Lappböle-Biskopsby), baltischen Geschichte 13, Köln-Weimar-Wien: Böhlau Verlag (1992), 219–229. On 69–71 (Brutuby); On the Great Coastal Road, see Salminen (1993). Considering the the weight of the salt, see Thomas Wolf (1986) Tragfähigkeiten, Ladungen und local topography, the winter route of the Coastal Road may have crossed the river Masse im Schiffsverkehr der Hanse, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Hansischen further downstream at Mårtensby. The medieval course of the road was most likely Geschichte, Neue Folge, Band 31. Köln-Weimar-Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 57–58. between Tolkby and Brutuby, closer to the river than the 17th Century route surveyed in 1991. A3-035 On the methods and equipment for preservation, see Vilkuna (1975) 395–400; On herring barrels, see Wolf (1986) 194 and Tunna, KLNM 19, 57–63. According to A3-045 REA 368, 142, 167. Vilkuna, when the taxation of fishing increased during the reign of Gustavus Vasa, an acceptable barrel of salted salmon weighed 119 kg and a barrel of fresh salmon A3-046 REA 368; Salminen (2007) 512; Fiskeverke, KLNM 4, 346. On 19th-century fish 136 kg, Tunna, KLNM 19, 64. enclosure types of the great rivers at the region, see Vilkuna (1975) 125–280. A3-036 REA 167; Salminen (2007) 177; Kauko Pirinen (1956) Turun tuomiokapituli keskiajan lopulla, Suomen Kirkkohistoriallisen Seuran Toimituksia 58, Helsinki, 441–445 A3-047 Kerkkonen (1939) 70, 99; VA 3044:31r–52r

A3-037 Salminen (2007) 510–511; Gunvor Kerkkonen (1939) Helsingfors konungsgård A3-048 VA 2993:52r, VA 3041:36r; Kerkkonen 1939, 100 converted the total of 36 man- 1550–1572. Allmän historik, Historiallinen arkisto 45, Helsinki: Suomen Historiallinen labour days in 1551 into three days’ work by twelve men, Anders Allardt (1898) Seura, 99. Borgå läns sociala och ekonomiska förhållanden åren 1539–1571, Helsingfors, 150; Salminen (2007) 512. A3-038 Salminen (2007) 176–181; Laxfiske, KLNM 10, 377–378, On the regulations on fishing in the law codes of the realm, see Fiskeret, KLNM 4, 336; REA 126, 128, A3-049 REA 368; Kerkkonen (1965) 44. 129, FMU I 540. A3-050 Kepsu (2005) 179–183. A3-039 REA 142; The upstream fishing rights were localized at the Vantaankoski (Kvarnbacka) rapids by Gunvor Kerkkonen (1945), 107 and Kerkkonen (1965) A3-051 Kepsu (2005) 84. Helsingin pitäjän keskiaika, Helsingin pitäjän historia 1, Helsingin maalaiskunta, Porvoo, 14. A3-052 Kepsu (2005) 192–193 (Övitsböle), 145 (Sillböle), 105–108 (Kårböle), 108–112 (Lappböle); VA 3044:44v.

98 NOTES 99 A3-053 Markku Kuisma (1991) Helsingin pitäjän historia III. Isostavihasta maalaiskunnan A4-017 Gunvor Kerkkonen (1965) ‘Helsingin Pitäjän keskiaika’, Helsingin pitäjä I. syntyyn 1713–186,. Jyväskylä: Vantaan kaupunki, 289–290. Porvoo, 24-26.

A3-054 VA 2969:8; Allardt (1898) Tab. X, Kerkkonen (1939) 99. A4-018 Kepsu (2005) 99-100.

A3-055 Allardt (1898) Tab. Xb and XI; Mauno Jokipii (1974) Satakunnan historia IV. A4-019 Kepsu (2005) 61. Satakunnan talouselämä uuden ajan alusta isoonvihaan. Satakunnan Kirjateollisuus OY., 289. A4-020 Tarkiainen (2008).

A4-001 Kalevi Hokkanen (2005) Vantaan rannansiirtymäkartat. GTK. (Shore displacement A4-021 Eljas Orrman (2003) ‘Suomen keskiajan asutus’ in Viljo Rasila, Eino Jutikkala & maps of Vantaa) http://arkisto.gtk.fi/index.php?dir=p22/&file=P22_4_111.pdf, Anneli Mäkelä-Alitalo (ed.) Suomen maatalouden historia I. Perinteisen maatalouden retrieved 27.10.2010. aika. Esihistoriasta 1870-luvulle, Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 914:1, Helsinki, 82-83; Kepsu (2005) 15, 23, 62-65. A4-002 Cf. a map from 1698 in which Vuosaari is still shown as an island. This map is in the National Archives of Sweden in Stockholm and it has also been published as a A4-022 Finlands medeltidsurkunder I. -1400 (cit FMU), Samlade och i tryck utgifna af Finlands coloured copy in Erik Ehrström, Helsingfors stads historia från 1640 till Stora ofreden Statsarkiv genom Reinh. Hausen, Helsingfors 1910, FMU nr. 540. from 1890. A4-023 Cf. Lönnqvist (2003) A4-003 Bo Lönnqvist (2003) ‘Västersundom bys forna tomtplats’, Nyländsk hembygd 1/2003,4. A4-024 Cf. Riina Koivisto (2009) Talonpojan tila. Rakentaminen ja arjen tilankäyttö keskiajan ja uuden ajan taitteen Gubbackassa, Vantaalla, Pro gradu -tutkielma, Helsingin A4-004 Personal communication, Esa Hertell & Mikael A. Manninen 27.10.2010 yliopisto, 36.

A4-005 Noel Broadbent (1979) Coastal Resources and Settlement Stability. A Critical Study A4-025 Hans Göthberg (2000) Bebyggelse i förändring. Uppland från slutet av yngre of a Mesolithic Site Complex in Northern Sweden, Aun 3, Uppsala, 53. bronsålder till tidig medeltid, Occasional Papers in Archaeology 25, Uppsala, 108-109.

A4-006 Harri Nyman (1997) ‘Muistoja tuhatvuotisesta taikauskosta -Perniön ukonvaajat’, A4-026 Veli-Pekka Suhonen (2004) Vantaan Länsisalmen Gubbackan autiotontin arkeologiset in Perniö - kuninkaan ja kartanoiden pitäjä, Helsingin yliopiston taidehistorian laitoksen tutkimukset vuonna 2003, Museovirasto, rakennushistorian osaston arkisto. julkaisuja XV, Helsinki, 10-16; Sonja Hukantaival (2007) ‘Rakennusten kätköt – /Department of Monuments and Sites, National Board of Antiquities kommunikaatiota yliluonnollisen kanssa’, SKAS 4/2007, 25-31. A4-027 Magnus Erikssons landslag i nusvensk tolkning av Åke Holmbäck och Elias Wessén A4-007 Cf. Sirpa Leskinen & Petro Pesonen (2008) Vantaan esihistoria, , 251-252. (cit MEL), Skr. utg. av institutet för rätthist. forskning, Lund 1962; Veli-Pekka Suhonen (2007) Vantaan keskiaikaisten teiden inventointi vuonna 2007, Museovirasto, A4-008 Hokkanen (2005). rakennushistorian osaston arkisto, 10./ Archives of the Department of Monuments and Sites, National Board of Antiquities A4-009 See Riikka Väisänen (2010) ‘Patoja, kannuja ja ruokailutottumuksia’, in Andreas Koivisto, Riina Koivisto & Jukka Hako (ed.) Gubbacka - keskiajan arkea Vantaalla, A4-028 Cf. Andreas Koivisto (2010) ‘Teitä pitkin lähelle ja kauas’ in Andreas Koivisto, Museoviraston rakennushistorian osaston julkaisuja 34, Porvoo: Kellastupa, 112-125. Riina Koivisto & Jukka Hako (ed.) Gubbacka - keskiajan arkea Vantaalla, Museoviraston rakennushistorian osaston julkaisuja 34, Porvoo: Kellastupa, 139-140. A4-010 See Markku Oinonen, Heidi Nordqvist & Andreas Koivisto (2010) ‘Radiohiiliajoituksia puusta ja raudasta’, in Andreas Koivisto, Riina Koivisto & Jukka Hako (ed.) Gubbacka A4-029 Annika Willim & Lena Grandin (2010) Medeltida smide i Vanda. Okulär och - keskiajan arkea Vantaalla, Museoviraston rakennushistorian osaston julkaisuja 34, metallografisk undersökning av material från en smedja. Finland, Nylands kommun, Porvoo: Kellastupa, 172-183. Vanda stad, UV GAL rapport 2010:2. Geoarkeologisk undersöking, Museovirasto, rakennushistorian osaston arkisto./ Archives of the Department of Monuments and A4-011 Kaarina Sarmaja-Korjonen (1994) ‘Sipoon luonnon-historia’ in Arja Rantanen & Christer Sites, National Board of Antiquities. Kuvaja, Sipoon pitäjän historia. Vuoteen 1868. I osa, Jyväskylä, 33-34. A4-030 Koivisto R. (2009) 87. A4-012 More details on the dates obtained for the smithies in the report on the 2010 excavation at Gubbacka: Andreas Koivisto (2011) Vantaan Länsisalmen Gubbackan A4-031 Cf. Andreas Koivisto (2009) Vantaan Länsisalmen Gubbackan arkeologiset tutkimukset arkeologiset tutkimukset vuonna 2010, Museovirasto, rakennushistorian osaston vuonna 2009, Museovirasto, rakennushistorian osaston arkisto, 16. /Archives of the arkisto /Department of Monuments and Sites, National Board of Antiquities Department of Monuments and Sites, National Board of Antiquities

A4-013 Cf. Leskinen & Pesonen (2008) 235-241. A4-032 Oinonen et al. (2010) 180.

A4-014 See e.g. Kari Tarkiainen (2008) Finlands svenska historia 1. Sveriges Österland: A4-033 Cf. Oinonen et al. (2010) Från forntiden till Gustav Vasa. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland 702:1, Stockholm. A4-034 Veli-Pekka Suhonen (2010) ‘Samuel Broterus ja konseptikartan autiotontti’ in Andreas Koivisto, Riina Koivisto & Jukka Hako (ed.) Gubbacka - keskiajan arkea A4-015 Saulo Kepsu (2005) Uuteen maahan. Helsingin ja Vantaan vanha asutus ja nimistö, Vantaalla, Museoviraston rakennushistorian osaston julkaisuja 34, Porvoo: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 1027, Tampere, 59-61, 206. Kellastupa, 35-36.

A4-016 Sarmaja-Korjonen (1994) 34-35.

100 NOTES 101 A4-035 Further details on this in i.a. Bo Lönnqvist (2010) ‘Västersundomin vanhan kylän A5-012 Martti Ulkuniemi (1978) Kuningas Kristofferin maanlaki 1442, Suomalaisen elinkeinot ja muutto’. in Andreas Koivisto, Riina Koivisto & Jukka Hako (ed.) kirjallisuuden seuran toimituksia 340, : Vaasa OY:n kirjapaino, 15. Gubbacka - keskiajan arkea Vantaalla, Museoviraston rakennushistorian osaston A5-013 Åke Holmback ja Elias Wessén (1962) Magnus Erikssons landslag. (Handskrift B68) julkaisuja 34, Porvoo: Kellastupa, 61-63; Suhonen (2010) 34-39. Skrifter utgivna av Institutet för rättshistorisk forskning, Serien 1, Lund: Carl Bloms Boktryckeri, XXXIII–XXXIV.

A5-001 Ulrika Rosendahl (2008) ’Kolonisaatio ja uudisasukkaat varhaisella keskiajalla’, A5-014 Orrman (2003) 87–89, 204–205. in Kylä – keskiaikaa Itämeren rannalla, Espoon kaupunginmuseon tutkimuksia 10, Helsinki: Lönnberg Print & Promo, 60–63. A5-015 Ulkuniemi (1978) 18–23.

A5-002 Eljas Orrman (2003) ’Suomen keskiajan asutus’, in Viljo Rasila, Eino Jutikkala ja A5-016 Kustaa Vilkuna (1977) ’Codex Aboensis – käsikirjoitus ja sen historia’, in Marketta Anneli Mäkelä – Alitalo (toim.) Suomen maatalouden historia I, Suomalaisen Huitu, Tove Riska (ed.) Codex Aboensis. Turun käsikirjoitus. Helsinki: Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden toimituksia 914:I, Jyväskylä: Gummerus kirjapaino OY, 82. kirjallisuuden seuran kirjapaino, 24–25.

A5-003 Rosendahl (2008) 92. A5-017 Aulis Oja (1977) ’Codex Aboensikseen sisältyvät lakitekstit’, in Marketta Huitu, Tove Riska (ed.) Codex Aboensis, Turun käsikirjoitus, Helsinki: Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden A5-004 Rosendahl (2008) 92. seuran kirjapaino, 167.

A5-005 Radiocarbon dates from a pit hearth in excavation area 3 of the 2009 fieldwork A5-018 Oja (1977) 167. Translation by Jüri Kokkonen. season: 939–1024 AD (Hela-2290) and an iron nail 895–995 AD (Hela-1993), personal communication from Andreas Koivisto 21.2.2011. A5-019 Holmback & Wessén (1962) 132.

A5-006 Andreas Koivisto (2008) Vantaan Länsisalmen Gubbackan autiotontin arkeologiset A5-020 E Setälä & M Nyholm (1906) Kristoffer kuninkaan maanlaki: Tukholman codex B 96, tutkimukset vuonna 2008, kaivausraportti, Museoviraston rakennushistorian osasto, Suomen kielen muistomerkkejä 2, Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seuran toimituksia 82, 10, 18. (Excavation report) Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 90–91. A5-021 Martti Ulkuniemi (1975): Ljungo Tuomaanpojan lainsuomennokset I, Suomalaisen A5-007 Veli-Pekka Suhonen (2004) Vantaan Länsisalmen Gubbackan autiotontin arkeologiset kirjallisuuden seuran toimituksia 319, Vaasa: Vaasa OY:n kirjapaino, 54. tutkimukset vuonna 2003, kaivausraportti, Museoviraston rakennushistorian osasto, 16–20. (Excavation report) A5-022 Georg Haggrén (2006): Kylä ja -kartanotontit asutushistoriallisina muinaisjäännöksinä. SKAS 2/2005, 49. Andreas Koivisto (2008) 12–14. Andreas Koivisto (2009)Vantaan Länsisalmen Gubbackan autiotontin arkeologiset A5-023 Suhonen (2004) 15–20, 35. tutkimukset vuonna 2009, kaivausraportti, Museoviraston rakennushistorian osasto, 15–17, 35. (Excavation report) A5-024 Koivisto (2008) 12–14. A5-025 Radiocarbon dates from a pit hearth in excavation area 3 of the 2009 fieldwork A5-008 Georg Haggrén (2008) Espoo, Espoonkartano, Mankbyn kylätontti, season: 939–1024 AD (Hela-2290), personal communication from Andreas Koivisto kaivauskertomus, Kulttuurien tutkimuksen laitos, arkeologia, Helsingin yliopisto 21.2.2011. 17–18, 20–21, 29. (Excavation report) A5-026 Koivisto (2009) 14, 35. Markus Heikkinen (1994) ’Talo pihlajan varjossa, talo tutkimuksen kohteena’, in Päivikki , Irma Savolainen ja Sinikka Vainio (eds.) Narinka, Jyväskylä: A5-027 Oja (1977) 137. Gummerus kirjapaino Oy, 250, 257. A5-028 Marita Kykyri (1989) Puurakennukset ja puurakennustekniikka Turun kaupungissa Elina Saloranta (2003) ’Kulttuurimaan kerrostuneisuus(stratigrafia), dokumentointi 1300–1600 -luvulla arkeologisen lähdeaineiston valossa, Pro gradu – tutkielma, Turun ja tulkinta’, (ed. Liisa Seppänen) Kaupunkia pintaa syvemmältä. Arkeologisia yliopisto, arkeologian laitos, 80. (Graduate thesis in Finnish on the archaeology of näkökulmia Turun historiaan, Archaeologia Medii Aevi Finlandiae IX, Turku: wooden buildings and related construction techniques in Turku from the 14th to the Hansaprint OY, 64. 17th century).

Marianna Niukkanen (1997) ’Näsen kuninkaankartanon arkeologiset tutkimukset’, in A5-029 Haggrén (2008) 17–18, 20–21, 29. Perniö – kuninkaan ja kartanoiden pitäjä, Helsingin yliopiston taidehistorian laitoksen julkaisuja XV, Helsinki: Hakapaino OY, 115. A5-030 Saloranta (2003) 64.

A5-009 Teppo Korhonen (2006) ’Talonpoikaistalo keskiajalla ja uuden ajan alussa’, In Anssi A5-031 Heikkinen (1994) 250, 257. Mäkinen, Joni Strandberg ja Jukka Forslund (ed.) Suomalaisen arjen historia, Savupirttien Suomi, Porvoo: Weilin Göös, 96. A5-032 Niukkanen (1997) 115.

A5-010 Rosendahl (2008) 61. A5-033 Kykyri (1989) 84. Niukkanen (1997) 116. A5-011 Eljas Orrman (1991) ’Den svenska bebyggelsens historia’, in Kurt Zilliacus (ed.) Finska skärren Studier i åbolandsk kulturhistoria, : Östra Nylands tryckeri Ab, A5-034 Pia Letto-Vanamo (1995) Käräjäyhteisön oikeus. Oikeudenkäytäntö Ruotsi- 223–231. Suomessa ennen valtiollisen riidanratkaisun vakiintumista, Oikeushistorian julkaisuja 2, Helsinki: Yliopistopaino, 155-156.

102 NOTES 103 A5-035 Liisa Seppänen (2003) ’Salvoksista sosiaalisiin systeemeihin’ in (ed. Liisa Seppänen) Kaupunkia pintaa syvemmältä. Arkeologisia näkökulmia Turun historiaan, Archaeologia Medii Aevi Finlandiae IX, Turku: Hansaprint OY, 95.

A5-036 Eino Jutikkala (2003) ’Peltojen sarkajako’, in Viljo Rasila, Eino Jutikkala & Anneli Mäkelä-Alitalo (eds.) Suomen maatalouden historia I, Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden toimituksia 914:I, Jyväskylä: Gummerus kirjapaino OY, 239.

104 NOTES 105