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South African Jews and Apartheid

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South African Jews and Apartheid Gideon Shimoni. Community and Conscience: The Jews in Apartheid South Africa. Hanover: University Press of New England, 2003. xv + 337 pp. $40.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-58465-329-5. Reviewed by Jocelyn Hellig Published on H-SAfrica (March, 2005) South Africa's Jews resemble other New The book focuses mainly on the way the World Jewish communities, but are unique be‐ South African Jewish Board of Deputies, whose cause of apartheid. They were part of the privi‐ task is to protect the community's civil and reli‐ leged white class in a system of racial discrimina‐ gious rights, to counter anti-Semitism, and to act tion in which every detail of the lives of the black as the Jewish community's spokesbody on all is‐ majority was dominated by a white minority. At sues of importance, responded to apartheid dur‐ the heart of this contemporary historic investiga‐ ing the period 1948-1994. It was during this time tion by Gideon Shimoni, distinguished historian that this iniquitous system of social engineering and head of Jerusalem University's Institute of was established, rose to its heyday, and then be‐ Contemporary Jewry, is a moral dilemma. How gan to crumble, ultimately to give way to a nonra‐ were the Jews of South Africa--the only white reli‐ cial democracy through negotiations. Unlike early gious minority in the country--to respond to the South African Jewish histories, like The Jews in racist system of apartheid instituted in 1948 by a South Africa: A History by Gustav Saron and newly elected government, whose members, until Louis Hotz (1955), which were bent on stressing that time, had been avowedly anti-Semitic and the positive contribution of Jews to society, this even pro-Nazi? What historic factors influenced book is part of a more critical South African Jew‐ the response of the community's leadership and ish historiography that has been emerging over what were the historic outcomes of that response? the last few decades.[1] Its main strength is its The record of South African whites in general is a consistently rigorous historical approach, in that stain on humankind's moral conscience, but what it painstakingly examines Jewish reactions of South Africa's Jews? Do Judaism's moral de‐ against the backdrop of each set of circumstances mands and the Jews' own particular experience of under which groups or individuals operated, giv‐ oppression place them in a special category? Did ing due weight to the factors, both internal and the South African Jewish community act with or external, that shaped their decisions and actions. without a conscience? These are the primary It is minutely researched with copious footnotes. questions that underlie Shimoni's study, which, in The historic record suggests that the Jewish the light of the racist victimization Jews had re‐ communal response to apartheid, represented by cently suffered in Europe, amply demonstrates the board, was very timid. Only in 1985, at its the particular poignancy of the South African Jew‐ 33rd National Congress, did the board explicitly ish experience. use the word "apartheid" and openly condemn it, by which time the Nationalist government itself H-Net Reviews was considering secret talks with the African Na‐ in both the apartheid and post-apartheid years, tional Congress. Individual Jews, however, were up to date. It analyzes a great deal of post- at the forefront of the struggle, Jewish radicals be‐ apartheid material: Jewish responses to the Truth ing disproportionately prominent among white and Reconciliation Commission, new Jewish com‐ anti-apartheid activists. It is this paradox that Shi‐ munity outreach initiatives such as Tikkun, recent moni's book seeks to explain, observing simulta‐ statements and actions of Jewish community lead‐ neously that the mainstream of South African ers and members of the mainstream community, Jewry gravitated toward the centre of the political as well as appraisal of publications by and on the spectrum. Shimoni also considers a wide spec‐ community. It is in the earlier chapters of the trum of other actors in the Jewish community. book, however, that the moral dilemma that is so Among these are the rabbinate, the mainstream pivotal to the book receives its rationale. community, the business community, the Zionist The year 1948 was a watershed, particularly leaders, the students, the Zionist youth move‐ for South African Jews. Only three years after the ments and, as the Nationalist government began Holocaust and the brutal elimination of one-third to "refine" apartheid, ridding it of some of its of the world's Jews, the National Party came to more crass racism, groups like Jews for Social Jus‐ power in South Africa and, almost simultaneously, tice. the State of Israel was born. South African Jews Retrospective judgment of the board's actions had always been pro-Zionist, having inherited is often too facile. One cannot second-guess histo‐ from their Lithuanian forebears a deep love of ry. No one could anticipate how the Nationalist and attachment to Zion. As Shimoni, in the Ameri‐ government and its supporters may have reacted can Jewish Year Book 1988 observed, in the "com‐ had Jews openly condemned apartheid. It certain‐ parative perspective of the English-speaking ly did not hesitate periodically to threaten and countries, there is no more distinctive feature of embarrass the community, such as when Israel South African Jewry than its overwhelmingly condemned apartheid, and it made frequent Zionist character" (p. 27). Thus, there was consid‐ scathing remarks about the high profile of Jewish erable apprehension among Jews about the well‐ radicals in the anti-apartheid struggle. being of the fedgling State of Israel, but there was A Jewish presence in South Africa long pre‐ also deep concern about the racist policies of the ceded the institution of apartheid and the rudi‐ new South African government. It was, however, ments of the country's racial system prevailed not possible for the board to ignore the anti- long before the term "apartheid" was used. But it Semitic record of the National Party, which had is not possible to understand Jewish thoughts and spearheaded the discriminatory anti-Semitic im‐ actions without some knowledge of South African migration legislation of the 1930s that had barred Jewry's origins, character, and experience, which Jews from entering the country when they most Shimoni supplies in the earlier chapters of the needed refuge. This forced it into following a book, where he discusses the community's rela‐ morally ambiguous path. tionship with the governing powers, particularly As it happened, the National Party changed the National Party. This material is not new, as it course when it came to power. Immediately per‐ appeared in his book, Jews and Zionism (1980), ceiving the need to woo all sectors of the white and in a chapter specifically on the South African community in the face of what it saw as its Jews and the Apartheid Crisis in the American mounting "race" problem, it entered into rap‐ Jewish Year Book, 1988.[2] What this book does is prochement with the Jewish community, suspend‐ to bring the role of the Jews and their leadership, ing its anti-Semitic utterances and creating frm 2 H-Net Reviews links with the State of Israel. Prime Minister D. F. voice--to do so without entering the political are‐ Malan was the frst statesman who, while in of‐ na appears to be a well-nigh insuperable task" (p. fice, made an official visit to Israel. Zionism, Shi‐ 33). The issue was made even more complicated moni observes, was recognized by the consensus by the board's cautious caveat that, while every of South Africa's political elite, whether in power Jew has the right to his/her own political views or in opposition, as an integral manifestation of and actions, these had to be expressed in ways "of Jewish identity (p. 5). course within the framework of the law." This Acutely aware that rapprochement could not strategy, through which the board delicately trod be effected if it came out openly against the gov‐ "its precarious path between non-embroilment in ernment's apartheid policies, the board found it‐ the political thicket ... and the impulses of moral self in a dilemma. It could not easily bypass the conscience, had the effect of muzzling the com‐ ethical demands of Judaism, so it formulated a munal voice in the face of indefensible laws (p. policy of "communal non-involvement in politics, 32). except where Jewish interests were implicated" Cognizant of the moral price of this policy, the (p. 17 and passim). The board would take no part board relegated to the rabbinate the responsibili‐ in the party-political struggle and issue no direc‐ ty for providing guidance on the moral ethos of tives on how to vote. Jews were to make their own Judaism. It also relied on its affiliate organization, political decisions and act according to their indi‐ the Union of Jewish Women, to serve as its unoffi‐ vidual convictions, a policy that enjoyed broad cial arm for practical social action both within consensus in the community, though it did not go and beyond the Jewish community, a task the entirely unchallenged. All statements and actions Union achieved with great distinction. But the had, however, to be made with "a due sense of re‐ rabbis, too, though it was granted that they had a sponsibility" (p. 113 and passim). This functioned duty and right to speak on ethical principles relat‐ as an effective restraint should anyone wish to be ing to the problems of the day, were asked to "deal openly adversarial, but it also introduced an un‐ with those important matters in moderate and manageable ambiguity for the community and sober language and with a due sense of public re‐ marred the defensibility of the board's policy.
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