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Little Red Sweden in Ukraine – the 1930S Comintern Project in Gammalsvenskby
Little Red Sweden in Ukraine – the 1930s Comintern project in Gammalsvenskby Soon the brothers will see the East in the Gold Swedish Communist Party’s slogan May Day 1931 ANDREJ KOTLJARCHUK The history of Gammalsvenskby offers a unique opportunity to investigate totalitarian political techniques in the twentieth century. The Swedish agricultural colony on the bank of the river Dnipro, not far from its fall into the Black Sea, is the only Scandinavian settlement in Eurasia. The church of Gammalsvenskby was the first Lutheran parish in the Azov and Black Sea territories. It functioned from 1782 to 1929. They owned the plots they cultivated and as foreign colonists they had a considerable degree of self- government in the Russian Empire and Soviet Ukraine.1 Recent research shows that the colonists of Gammalsvenskby had a high degree of ethnic self-consciousness. They considered themselves Swedes and spoke Swedish fluently in its dialect and standard form.2 Since the middle of the nineteenth century the inhabitants of the village were in continuous contact with the Kingdom of Sweden and ethnic Swedes of the Grand Duchy of Finland. A number of Swedish cultural institutions (e.g., school, new church, library and choir) were erected or founded thanks to 1 Svetlana Bobyleva, “Shvedy i gosudarstvennaia vlast Ukrainy,” in Voprosy germanskoi istorii, ed. Svetlana Bobyleva (Dnepropetrovsk: Porogi, 2008), 247268. 2 Anton Karlgren, Gammalsvenskby: land och folk, serie: svenska landsmål och svenskt folkliv (Uppsala, 1929); Alexander Mankov, “Selo Staroshvedskoe (Gammalsvenksby) i ego dialekt. Rezultaty issledovanii 2004–2006 gg.,” in Shvedy: sushchnost i metamorfozy identichnosti, ed. Tamara Torstendahl-Salycheva (Moskva: RGGU, 2008), 294–314. -
The Humanitarian Concerns with Regard to People Captured During the War in Ukraine
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 14015 Add. 20 April 2016 The humanitarian concerns with regard to people captured during the war in Ukraine Addendum to the report1 Committee on Migration, Refugees and Displaced Persons Rapporteur: Ms Nellija KLEINBERGA, Latvia, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe 1. Events leading to the trial and sentencing of Ms Nadiia Savchenko 1. Ms Nadiya Savchenko, a Ukrainian military pilot and, subsequently, member of the Verkhovna Rada and of the Ukrainian delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly, participated in the anti-terrorist operation in eastern Ukraine as a member of the territorial defence battalion “Aydar”. On 17 June 2014, she was captured by separatists near the village of Metalist (Lugansk province). On 30 June 2014, she was placed under arrest in the Russian Federation, where, according to the Russian authorities, she had travelled of her own accord on 23 June 2014.2 Ms Savchenko was taken to a detention facility in Voronezh on 8 July 2014. 2. According to her own statements, confirmed by the Ukrainian officials, after being captured by separatists in Lugansk province, Ms Savchenko was taken across the border against her will and handed over to Russian intelligence officers.3 3. The court ordered her arrest on the 16th day of her illegal detention. Ms Savchenko was charged with aiding and abetting the killing of Russian journalists.4 In September 2014, she was transferred to the Serbsky Institute in Moscow to undergo involuntary psychiatric and psychological assessment. Ms Savchenko was declared in good mental health on 30 October 2014 and transferred to a pretrial detention facility. -
Minsk II a Fragile Ceasefire
Briefing 16 July 2015 Ukraine: Follow-up of Minsk II A fragile ceasefire SUMMARY Four months after leaders from France, Germany, Ukraine and Russia reached a 13-point 'Package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk agreements' ('Minsk II') on 12 February 2015, the ceasefire is crumbling. The pressure on Kyiv to contribute to a de-escalation and comply with Minsk II continues to grow. While Moscow still denies accusations that there are Russian soldiers in eastern Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly admitted in March 2015 to having invaded Crimea. There is mounting evidence that Moscow continues to play an active military role in eastern Ukraine. The multidimensional conflict is eroding the country's stability on all fronts. While the situation on both the military and the economic front is acute, the country is under pressure to conduct wide-reaching reforms to meet its international obligations. In addition, Russia is challenging Ukraine's identity as a sovereign nation state with a wide range of disinformation tools. Against this backdrop, the international community and the EU are under increasing pressure to react. In the following pages, the current status of the Minsk II agreement is assessed and other recent key developments in Ukraine and beyond examined. This briefing brings up to date that of 16 March 2015, 'Ukraine after Minsk II: the next level – Hybrid responses to hybrid threats?'. In this briefing: • Minsk II – still standing on the ground? • Security-related implications of the crisis • Russian disinformation -
Ukraine Media Assessment and Program Recommendations
UKRAINE MEDIA ASSESSMENT AND PROGRAM RECOMMENDATIONS VOLUME I FINAL REPORT June 2001 USAID Contract: AEP –I-00-00-00-00018-00 Management Systems International (MSI) Programme in Comparative Media Law & Policy, Oxford University Consultants: Dennis M. Chandler Daniel De Luce Elizabeth Tucker MANAGEMENT SYSTEMS INTERNATIONAL 600 Water Street, S.W. 202/484-7170 Washington, D.C. 20024 Fax: 202/488-0754 USA TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME I Acronyms and Glossary.................................................................................................................iii I. Executive Summary............................................................................................................... 1 II. Approach and Methodology .................................................................................................. 6 III. Findings.................................................................................................................................. 7 A. Overall Media Environment............................................................................................7 B. Print Media....................................................................................................................11 C. Broadcast Media............................................................................................................17 D. Internet...........................................................................................................................25 E. Business Practices .........................................................................................................26 -
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | the New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8 Font Size: A A A March 20, 2014 Issue Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine Timothy Snyder This article will appear in the coming March 20, 2014 issue of The New York Review. Valery Sharifulin/ITAR-TASS/Corbis The opposition leader Vitali Klitschko attending a protest rally in Maidan square, Kiev, December 16, 2013 The students were the first to protest against the regime of President Viktor Yanukovych on the Maidan, the central square in Kiev, last November. These were the Ukrainians with the most to lose, the young people who unreflectively thought of themselves as Europeans and who wished for themselves a life, and a Ukrainian homeland, that were European. Many of them were politically on the left, some of them radically so. After years of negotiation and months of promises, their government, under President Yanukovych, had at the last moment failed to sign a major trade agreement with the European Union. When the riot police came and beat the students in late November, a new group, the Afghan veterans, came to the Maidan. These men of middle age, former soldiers and officers of the Red Army, many of them bearing the scars of battlefield wounds, came to protect “their children,” as they put it. They didn’t mean their own sons and http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/mar/20/fascism-russia-and-ukraine/?... 20/02/2014 Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 2 of 8 daughters: they meant the best of the youth, the pride and future of the country. -
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
Resuscitate Healthcare
#8 (114) August 2017 First conclusions in the Supreme Old and new promising sectors Student activism in Ukraine Court selection process of Ukraine’s agriculture and post-Soviet states RESUSCITATE HEALTHCARE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 Merchants of peace: How the “civil 4 Crime and (illusory) punishment: war” rhetoric is used to gain political What counterarguments Berkut capital lawyers use in Maidan trials 34 Student force: The strengths and POLITICS weaknesses of Ukrainian youth movements 7 Delay in court: First results in the selection of candidates for the 38 Between Komsomol and protests: Supreme Court The trajectory of student movements in former USSR countries over the past ECONOMICS 25 years 10 Cultivating change: Production and NEIGHBOURS export transformations in Ukraine's 40 Michael Binyon on divides agricultural industry in the UK’s political establishment 14 Payback time! Is Ukraine ready to pay as Brexit talks start back the bulk of its external debts? 42 Karl Schlögel: 18 An uneven recovery: How the “We have to fight for Ukraine to once economy of regions has changed over again get in the center of attention in the past three years European affairs” German historian on Ukraine FOCUS on the European mental map 22 Seeing the obvious: Why Ukraine’s and the challenges of the new current healthcare system must be historical situation changed HISTORY 24 A major deficit: Staff and funding as the key driver of transformation 46 A view from 2017: -
Riding the Anti-Corruption Tide
#7 (113) July 2017 What kind of land reform Will Ukraine lose the transit Updates on Ukraine’s captives will boost the economy of Russian gas in Russia and Crimea RIDING THE ANTI-CORRUPTION TIDE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 So many suspects, so little evidence: 4 The very costly secret: Ukrainian prisoners The pitfalls of Yanukovych’s in Russia and Crimea $1.5bn case 34 Ihor Luniov: “Our enemies no longer sleep tight” Commander POLITICS of Ukraine’s new Special Operations 7 Farmers vs agriholdings: Forces on progress, plans What kind of land market 36 Martin Brest: “Victory is not possible Ukraine needs until the people start to truly love 10 The Holy Grail: Who wants a change their military“ of Ukraine’s Constitution, and why Veteran and blogger on problems 12 Pre-Constitutional changes: and spirit in the Army, veteran What preceded the 1996 Constitution activism and life after war FOCUS NEIGHBOURS 16 A new kind of sport: 38 The crossroads of the new Silk Road: Why the trend of fighting government Kazakhstan is open for business corruption yields no visible results but only half-ready for it 18 Numerical anti-corruption: 40 Michael Binyon on the UK’s sense Scores in international rankings and of loss as Brexit talks start reports by domestic law enforcers 42 Gerardo Ángel Bugallo Ottone: “The image and ideas we project and ECONOMICS discuss today are not dissimilar 20 No transit, no cry: Dealing to the ones discussed during WWII” with the termination -
Annual-Report-2018 Eng.Pdf
Russian International Affairs Council CONTENTS /01 GENERAL INFORMATION 4 /02 RIAC PROGRAM ACTIVITIES 16 /03 RIAC IN THE MEDIA 58 /04 RIAC WEBSITE 60 /05 FINANCIAL STATEMENTS 62 3 Russian International ANNUAL REPORT 2018 Affairs Council The General Meeting of RIAC members is the The main task of the RIAC Scientific Council is to ABOUT THE COUNCIL supreme governing body of the Partnership. The formulate sound recommendations for strategic key function of the General Meeting is to ensure decisions in RIAC expert, research, and publishing The non-profit partnership Russian compliance with the goals of the Partnership. The activities. General Meeting includes 160 members of the International Affairs Council (NP RIAC) is Council. The Vice-Presidency was introduced to achieve 01 the goals of the Partnership in cooperation with a Russian membership-based non-profit The RIAC Board of Trustees is a supervisory body government bodies and local authorities of the organization. The partnership was established of the Partnership that monitors the activities of Russian Federation and foreign states, the Partnership and their compliance with the international organizations, and Russian and by the resolution of its founders pursuant statutory goals. foreign legal entities. The candidate for Vice- President is approved by the RIAC Presidium for a to Decree No. 59-rp of the President of the The Presidium of the Partnership is a permanent one-year term. Russian Federation “On the Establishment collegial governing body of the Partnership that consists of not less than five and no more than RIAC Corporate Members of the Non-Profit Partnership Russian fifteen members, including the President and According to the Charter, legal citizens of the the Director General of the Partnership, who Russian Federation or entities established in International Affairs Council” dated February 2, have a vote in the decision-making process. -
Ukraine's Relations with the EU and Russia
Ukraine’s relations with the EU and Russia: Why geopolitics and domestic reforms are linked Iryna Solonenko1 Introduction After Ukraine’s former President Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign the country's Association Agreement (AA) with the EU in November 2013, a series of events unfolded that dramatically changed Ukraine’s relationship with the EU and Russia. The Euromaidan protests, or the “Revolution of Dignity,” which resulted in the transition of power from Yanukovych to the opposition, was followed by Russia’s military intervention, first the illegal invasion and annexation of Crimea and then the rise of Russian-backed separatists in the Donbas region. Although Russia denies its role in the proxy war taking place in the Donbas, ample evidence points to Russia’s direct involvement; Ukrainians overwhelmingly perceive the situation as the result of Russia’s actions.2 Russia annexed Crimea within less than a month in March 2014, and wrested part of Ukraine’s border territory in the Luhansk and Donetsk regions from Ukraine’s control. By May 2015, the war had left over 6000 people dead and more than 1.5 million displaced.3 This situation has already had a defining effect on Ukrainian-Russian relations and will continue to do so for years to come. Ukraine used to vacillate between integration projects with the EU and with Russia, avoiding a definitive choice between the two. This balancing act was also reflected in the protracted post-communist transformation and the lack of reforms that would Europeanize Ukraine. The prospect of signing the AA with the EU on the one hand and pressure from Russia to join the Customs Union (which, as of 2015, has become the Eurasian Economic Union) on the other hand demanded a choice in favor of one. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Ukraine
Elections in Ukraine 2019 Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org March 22, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Why is this election important? .................................................................................................................... 1 What is the role of the president? ................................................................................................................ 1 What is the legal framework governing the elections? ................................................................................ 1 What is the electoral system? ....................................................................................................................... 2 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 2 How are elections administered? ................................................................................................................. 3 Who can vote in these elections? ................................................................................................................. 4 How do citizens register to vote? ................................................................................................................