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Introduction 1 the Art of Temperance

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Introduction 1 the Art of Temperance Notes INTRODUCTION 1. Michel Foucault: L'Ordre du Discours. Inaugural lecture at the College de France (2 December 1970). Paris, 1971, pp. 7-8. 2. Le Monde (6 April1980), pp. I and XVII. 3. At this point we should draw particular attention to the subtitle of the French and German editions of The History of Sexuality, vol. 1: La Volonte de Savoir (the will to know), which is intentionally reminis­ cent of Nietzsche. 1 THE ART OF TEMPERANCE 1. For legal reasons the planned fourth volume of The History of Sexuality (Les Aveux de la Chair), dealing with the era of early Christianity, has not yet appeared in print. It is unclear whether it will ever be published. 2. 'One could say, of course, that psychoanalysis is a part of the tremendous growth and institutionalization of confessional proce­ dures so characteristic of our civilization' (DE 3/235). 3. cf. Maria Daraki: 'Le Voyage en Grece de Michel Foucault'. In: Esprit, April1985, pp. 55-83. Renate Schlesier: 'Humaniora: Eine Kolumne'. In: Merkur 38 (1984), pp. 817-23. 4. d. Foucault's remarks on this in DE 4/166,289. 5. 'One must get rid of the subject itself, by ridding oneself of the constituting subject .. .' (DE 3/147). 6. 'The ethical substance is like the material that's going to be worked over by ethics?' M.F.: 'Yes, that's it ... For the Greeks, the ethical substance was acts linked to pleasure and desire in their unity ... Sexuality is a third kind of ethical substance' (FR 353). 7. Max Weber: 'Science as a Vocation'. Trans. Michael John. In: Peter Lassman, Irving Velody (eds.): Max Weber's 'Science as a Vocation'. London, 1989, p. 30. 8. '... whereas I would like to use philosophy in a way that would permit the limiting of the domains of knowledge' (DE 4/707). 9. d. DE 3/235. 10. Kenneth J. Dover: Greek Homosexuality. London, 1978. In his preface to the original Greek text of the Symposium, Dover clearly 128 Notes 129 emphasized that the 'Greeks did not consider homosexual relations incompatible with concurrent heterosexual relations or with marriage' (Plato: Symposium. Kenneth Dover (ed.). Cambridge, 1980. p. 3). 11. In a similar sense Foucault expressed himself with regards to his works: 'All my books ... are ... little tool boxes' (DE 2/720). 12. 'In the Californian cult of the self, one is supposed to discover one's true self, to separate it from that which might obscure or alienate it, to decipher its truth thanks to psychological or psychoanalytic science, which is supposed to be able to tell you what your true self is. Therefore, not only do I not identify this ancient culture of the self with what you might call the Californian cult of the self, I think they are diametrically opposed' (FR 362). 13. With this example we should compare an ethics of temperance with the present-day immoderation in the pursuit of sport activities: the cult of the body pursued in the widespread fitness studios pays homage to a muscular image of man which is in total opposition to an aesthetics of existence based on moderation. A comparable athletics, taken to extremes, can be seen in the 'Olympic idea' or rather, what is left of it. Immoderation does not only start with doping, which is merely the result of excessive demands on perfor­ mance. 14. According to Nietzsche, for the Greeks love of boys had the function of limiting fertility, that is, it was a preventative against over­ population and its negative side effects such as poverty and social unrest (cf. 9/514). 15. In order to clarify the difference between an agonistic ancient educa­ tion - promoting at most city culture - and its state organized modem counterpart, Nietzsche should be cited once more: 'The preoccupation with the state should be diverted with an agonistic arousal - yes one should do gymnastics, write poetry - this has the additional success of making the citizens strong, beautiful and fine ... young and old should stay together, not part, and retain the interest of the youths - otherwise the elders, separated from the boys, would have thrown their ambition onto the state, but with boys one could not talk of the state' (9/514-15). 2 A CULTURE OF THE SELF 1. For Nietzsche, Alexander not only embodied the decline of Greek culture, but was also the countertype of that self-care and need for self-enjoyment free of resentment which was so fundamental to this culture. In this he saw the essential reason for 'the necessity of counter-Alexanders who will retie the Gordian knot of Greek culture' (6/314). 2. Peter Lassman and Ronald Speirs (eds.): Weber. Political Writings. Cambridge, 1994, p. 316. 130 Notes 3 THE ROLE OF POWER 1. Hinrich Fink-Eitel: 'Zwischen Nietzsche und Heidegger: Michel Foucaults "Sexualitat und Wahrheit" im Spiegel neuerer Sekundar­ literatur'. In: Philosophisches ]ahrbuch 97 (1990), p. 376 (my translation, H.N.). 2. cf. Foucault's 'definition' of power in 'Omnes et Singulatim: Towards a Criticism of Political Reason': 'Power is not a substance' (DE 4/160-1). 3. Here should be mentioned Gilles Deleuze's succinct definition, which corresponds to Foucault's: 'Power has no essence; it is simply operational. It is not an attribute but a relation: the power-relation is the set of possible relations between forces, which passes through the dominated forces no less than through the dominating, as both these forces constitute unique elements'. (Gilles Deleuze: Foucault. Trans. Sean Hand. London, 1988, p. 27.) 4. This raises the question as to whom or to what purpose the know­ ledge of a theory of power should actually serve. Should it be an instrument of political power to prevent the hubris of power and its abuse, or should it be problematized on the level of self-techniques and as the will of the individual to give his life a beautiful form? In this case, however, it would no longer be a 'theory of power', but rather a practice of conducting one's life. 5. Fink-Eitel: 'Zwischen Nietzsche und Heidegger', p. 376. 6. Michel Foucault: The Order of Things. London, 1974, p. 387. 7. Later, in an interview in January 1984, Foucault commented that concepts like power are all 'ill-defined' and 'that one hardly knows what one is talking about'. He furthermore admitted that he too had probably not expressed himself very clearly on this subject, 'or used the right words' (DE 4/728). 4 THE PROJECT OF THE GENEALOGIES 1. Michel Foucault: L'Ordre du Discours. Inaugural lecture at the College de France (2 December 1970). Paris, 1971. 2. Le Monde (6 April1980), pp. I and XVII. 3. 'Maurice Florence': Foucault, Michel1926- In: Denis Huisman (ed.), Dictionnaire des Philosophes. Paris, 1984, pp. 942-4. 4. That part of the sentence in brackets comes from Foucault's assistant Fran~ois Ewald. 5. cf. Renate Schlesier: 'Humaniora'. In: Merkur 38 (1984), p. 821 (my translation, H.N.). Foucault vehemently rejected this accusation of nostalgia: '... one should totally and absolutely suspect anything that claims to be a return ... there is in fact no such thing as a return' (FR 250). 6. Paul Veyne: Comment on ecrit l'histoire suivi de Foucault revolutionne l'histoire. Paris, 1979, p. 231. Notes 131 7. ibid., p. 204: 'He is the first completely positivist historian.' 8. Gilles Deleuze: Foucault. Trans. Sean Hand. London, 1988, p. 1. 9. Desmond Bell: 'Michel Foucault. A Philosopher for all Seasons?' In: Desmond Bell (ed.): History of European Ideas 14 (3). Special Issue, Foucault. May, 1992, p. 336. 10. Clare O'Farrell: Foucault: Historian or Philosopher? Basingstoke, London, 1989, p. 39. 11. Foucault himself raises this question, posing it through a fictitious adversary in L'Archeologie du Savoir (1969): 'In any case, you have promised to tell us what these discourses are that you have been pursuing ... history or philosophy?' (AK 205). 12. Clare O'Farrell: Foucault, p. 130. 13. Gary Gutting also expressly drew attention to the fact that Foucault's primary goal was to understand the present, not the past. Only by bridging the gap to the present do his historical studies reveal their effects and become the political instrument of a transformative work which transcends mere knowledge about the past. d. Gutting: 'Michel Foucault: A User's Manual'. In: Gutting (ed.): The Cambridge Companion to Foucault. Cambridge 1994, p. 10. 14. d. Dreyfus' and Rabinow's succinct definition in BSH 106. 15. James W. Bernauer and Michael Mahon: 'The Ethics of Michel Foucault'. In: The Cambridge Companion to Foucault, p. 148. 16. The extent to which Foucault's work should be seen as a 'Nietzschean project of genealogies' (DE 4/704) will be dealt with in a later chapter concerning the affinities of these two philosophers. 17. Paul Rabinow: 'Modern and Counter-modern: Ethos and Epoch in Heidegger and Foucault'. In: The Cambridge Companion to Foucault, p. 203. 18. This explanation refers to the subject but not to the social context which will be more closely defined in the final chapters of this study. 19. Michel Foucault: 'About the Beginning of the Hermeneutics of the Self: Two Lectures at Dartmouth'. In: Political Theory 21 (2). (May 1993), p. 202. 20. Desmond Bell interpreted the criticism of Foucault's books prior to his studies on an' aesthetics of existence' as a 'relativising and nihilis­ tic impact of his genealogy'. (Desmond Bell: Michel Foucault: A Philosopher for all Seasons? History of European Ideas 14 (3). Special Issue, Foucault. Oxford, 1992, p. 343). Nietzsche had already been accused of this attitude of the eternal sceptic, because he neither could nor wanted to fulfil the expectations from philosophy to announce universal truths: For this was in contradiction to Zarathustra's doctrine of becoming master of oneself.
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