Forbidden Feeds: Government Controls on Social Media in China
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Creativity Is the New Economy Posted: 06/27/2012 12:13 Pm
Richard Florida Author Creativity Is the New Economy Posted: 06/27/2012 12:13 pm Excerpted with permission from The Rise of the Creative Class Revisited: 10th Anniversary Edition, by Richard Florida. Available from Basic Books, a member of The Perseus Books Group. Copyright (C) 2012. Someone recently said, "the longer the crisis goes on, the smaller the ideas for fixing it get." While pundits and commentators on the left and right savage each other over short-term fixes -- tax cuts versus stimulus, budget cuts versus monetary easing (I could go on) -- our economy is still sputtering and Europe is teetering on the brink of economic collapse. Policy-makers and central bankers have been able to stave off the massive economic dislocation brought on by previous crises like the Great Depression of the 1930s or the Panic and Long Depression of the late nineteenth century, but what we are going through is not any run-of-the-mill economic cycle. It's an enormous structural transformation -- similar if not larger in scale and scope to the shift from the Agricultural to the Industrial Age. Two charts make this abundantly clear. The first one (above) tracks Americans' employment from 1800 to 2010, across the nation's three great economic eras -- the Agricultural Age running from the time of Western settlement until the early to mid nineteenth century, the Industrial Age from the middle of the nineteenth century until the middle of the twentieth, and the new Creative Age, from the mid-twentieth century to the present. The second chart (below) shows the same trends, but this time as shares of the workforce. -
The Creative Capital Theory
Major Themes in Economics Volume 14 Article 3 Spring 2012 Economic Development Strategy: The Creative Capital Theory Zach Fairlie University of Northern Iowa Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uni.edu/mtie Part of the Economics Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy Copyright ©2012 by Major Themes in Economics Recommended Citation Fairlie, Zach (2012) "Economic Development Strategy: The Creative Capital Theory," Major Themes in Economics, 14, 1-12. Available at: https://scholarworks.uni.edu/mtie/vol14/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at UNI ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Major Themes in Economics by an authorized editor of UNI ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Fairlie: Economic Development Strategy: The Creative Capital Theory Economic Development Strategy: The Creative Capital Theory Zach Fairlie ABSTRACT. This paper aims to identify the relationship between the Creative Capital theory and the unemployment rate. Using panel data from 370 Metropolitan Statistical Areas over a 12-year period, this study finds that talent, technology, and tolerance are not statistically significant determinants of the unemployment rate. The result is contrary to what Creative Capital theory suggests. I. Introduction Economic development groups are responsible for promoting economic growth and bringing jobs to their area. To do this, the groups adopt a variety of strategies based on conventional and non-conventional theories of economic development. Some non-conventional theories lack substantial academic verification (Hoyman 2009). The Creative Capital theory is an example. Richard Florida, founder of the Creative Capital theory, is a relatively new authority in the realm of economic development. -
Trapped in a Virtual Cage: Chinese State Repression of Uyghurs Online
Trapped in a Virtual Cage: Chinese State Repression of Uyghurs Online Table of Contents I. Executive Summary..................................................................................................................... 2 II. Methodology .............................................................................................................................. 5 III. Background............................................................................................................................... 6 IV. Legislation .............................................................................................................................. 17 V. Ten Month Shutdown............................................................................................................... 33 VI. Detentions............................................................................................................................... 44 VII. Online Freedom for Uyghurs Before and After the Shutdown ............................................ 61 VIII. Recommendations................................................................................................................ 84 IX. Acknowledgements................................................................................................................. 88 Cover image: Composite of 9 Uyghurs imprisoned for their online activity assembled by the Uyghur Human Rights Project. Image credits: Top left: Memetjan Abdullah, courtesy of Radio Free Asia Top center: Mehbube Ablesh, courtesy of -
China's Global Media Footprint
February 2021 SHARP POWER AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE SERIES China’s Global Media Footprint Democratic Responses to Expanding Authoritarian Influence by Sarah Cook ABOUT THE SHARP POWER AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE SERIES As globalization deepens integration between democracies and autocracies, the compromising effects of sharp power—which impairs free expression, neutralizes independent institutions, and distorts the political environment—have grown apparent across crucial sectors of open societies. The Sharp Power and Democratic Resilience series is an effort to systematically analyze the ways in which leading authoritarian regimes seek to manipulate the political landscape and censor independent expression within democratic settings, and to highlight potential civil society responses. This initiative examines emerging issues in four crucial arenas relating to the integrity and vibrancy of democratic systems: • Challenges to free expression and the integrity of the media and information space • Threats to intellectual inquiry • Contestation over the principles that govern technology • Leverage of state-driven capital for political and often corrosive purposes The present era of authoritarian resurgence is taking place during a protracted global democratic downturn that has degraded the confidence of democracies. The leading authoritarians are ABOUT THE AUTHOR challenging democracy at the level of ideas, principles, and Sarah Cook is research director for China, Hong Kong, and standards, but only one side seems to be seriously competing Taiwan at Freedom House. She directs the China Media in the contest. Bulletin, a monthly digest in English and Chinese providing news and analysis on media freedom developments related Global interdependence has presented complications distinct to China. Cook is the author of several Asian country from those of the Cold War era, which did not afford authoritarian reports for Freedom House’s annual publications, as regimes so many opportunities for action within democracies. -
Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries the Size Of
Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries The size of China’s State-owned media’s operations in Africa has grown significantly since the early 2000s. Previous research on the impact of increased Sino-African mediated engagements has been inconclusive. Some researchers hold that public opinion towards China in African nations has been improving because of the increased media presence. Others argue that the impact is rather limited, particularly when it comes to affecting how African media cover China- related stories. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate by exploring the extent to which news media in 30 African countries relied on Chinese news sources to cover China and the COVID-19 outbreak during the first half of 2020. By computationally analyzing a corpus of 500,000 news stories, I show that, compared to other major global players (e.g. Reuters, AFP), content distributed by Chinese media (e.g. Xinhua, China Daily, People’s Daily) is much less likely to be used by African news organizations, both in English and French speaking countries. The analysis also reveals a gap in the prevailing themes in Chinese and African media’s coverage of the pandemic. The implications of these findings for the sub-field of Sino-African media relations, and the study of global news flows is discussed. Keywords: China-Africa, Xinhua, news agencies, computational text analysis, big data, intermedia agenda setting Beginning in the mid-2010s, Chinese media began to substantially increase their presence in many African countries, as part of China’s ambitious going out strategy that covered a myriad of economic activities, including entertainment, telecommunications and news content (Keane, 2016). -
Developments in China's Military Force Projection and Expeditionary Capabilities
DEVELOPMENTS IN CHINA'S MILITARY FORCE PROJECTION AND EXPEDITIONARY CAPABILITIES HEARING BEFORE THE U.S.-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION THURSDAY, JANUARY 21, 2016 Printed for use of the United States-China Economic and Security Review Commission Available via the World Wide Web: www.uscc.gov UNITED STATES-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION WASHINGTON: 2016 ii U.S.-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION HON. DENNIS C. SHEA, Chairman CAROLYN BARTHOLOMEW, Vice Chairman Commissioners: PETER BROOKES HON. JAMES TALENT ROBIN CLEVELAND DR. KATHERINE C. TOB IN HON. BYRON L. DORGAN MICHAEL R. WESSEL JEFFREY L. FIEDLER DR. LARRY M. WORTZEL HON. CARTE P. GOODWIN MICHAEL R. DANIS, Executive Director The Commission was created on October 30, 2000 by the Floyd D. Spence National Defense Authorization Act for 2001 § 1238, Public Law No. 106-398, 114 STAT. 1654A-334 (2000) (codified at 22 U.S.C. § 7002 (2001), as amended by the Treasury and General Government Appropriations Act for 2002 § 645 (regarding employment status of staff) & § 648 (regarding changing annual report due date from March to June), Public Law No. 107-67, 115 STAT. 514 (Nov. 12, 2001); as amended by Division P of the “Consolidated Appropriations Resolution, 2003,” Pub L. No. 108-7 (Feb. 20, 2003) (regarding Commission name change, terms of Commissioners, and responsibilities of the Commission); as amended by Public Law No. 109- 108 (H.R. 2862) (Nov. 22, 2005) (regarding responsibilities of Commission and applicability of FACA); as amended by Division J of the “Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2008,” Public Law Nol. -
Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government Activity, Private Sector Initiatives, and Issues of Congressional Interest
Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government Activity, Private Sector Initiatives, and Issues of Congressional Interest Patricia Moloney Figliola Specialist in Internet and Telecommunications Policy May 18, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R45200 Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government and Private Sector Activity Summary By the end of 2017, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) had the world’s largest number of internet users, estimated at over 750 million people. At the same time, the country has one of the most sophisticated and aggressive internet censorship and control regimes in the world. PRC officials have argued that internet controls are necessary for social stability, and intended to protect and strengthen Chinese culture. However, in its 2017 Annual Report, Reporters Without Borders (Reporters Sans Frontières, RSF) called China the “world’s biggest prison for journalists” and warned that the country “continues to improve its arsenal of measures for persecuting journalists and bloggers.” China ranks 176th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2017 World Press Freedom Index, surpassed only by Turkmenistan, Eritrea, and North Korea in the lack of press freedom. At the end of 2017, RSF asserted that China was holding 52 journalists and bloggers in prison. The PRC government employs a variety of methods to control online content and expression, including website blocking and keyword filtering; regulating and monitoring internet service providers; censoring social media; and arresting “cyber dissidents” and bloggers who broach sensitive social or political issues. The government also monitors the popular mobile app WeChat. WeChat began as a secure messaging app, similar to WhatsApp, but it is now used for much more than just messaging and calling, such as mobile payments, and all the data shared through the app is also shared with the Chinese government. -
Retweeting Through the Great Firewall a Persistent and Undeterred Threat Actor
Retweeting through the great firewall A persistent and undeterred threat actor Dr Jake Wallis, Tom Uren, Elise Thomas, Albert Zhang, Dr Samantha Hoffman, Lin Li, Alex Pascoe and Danielle Cave Policy Brief Report No. 33/2020 About the authors Dr Jacob Wallis is a Senior Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Tom Uren is a Senior Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Elise Thomas is a Researcher working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Albert Zhang is a Research Intern working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Dr Samanthan Hoffman is an Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Lin Li is a Researcher working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Alex Pascoe is a Research Intern working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Danielle Cave is Deputy Director of the International Cyber Policy Centre. Acknowledgements ASPI would like to thank Twitter for advanced access to the takedown dataset that formed a significant component of this investigation. The authors would also like to thank ASPI colleagues who worked on this report. What is ASPI? The Australian Strategic Policy Institute was formed in 2001 as an independent, non‑partisan think tank. Its core aim is to provide the Australian Government with fresh ideas on Australia’s defence, security and strategic policy choices. ASPI is responsible for informing the public on a range of strategic issues, generating new thinking for government and harnessing strategic thinking internationally. ASPI International Cyber Policy Centre ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre (ICPC) is a leading voice in global debates on cyber and emerging technologies and their impact on broader strategic policy. -
Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region. -
The Limits of Commercialized Censorship in China
The Limits of Commercialized Censorship in China Blake Miller∗ September 27, 2018 Abstract Despite massive investment in China's censorship program, internet platforms in China are rife with criticisms of the government and content that seeks to organize opposition to the ruling Communist Party. Past works have attributed this \open- ness" to deliberate government strategy or lack of capacity. Most, however, do not consider the role of private social media companies, to whom the state delegates information controls. I suggest that the apparent incompleteness of censorship is largely a result of principal-agent problems that arise due to misaligned incentives of government principals and private media company agents. Using a custom dataset of annotated leaked documents from a social media company, Sina Weibo, I find that 16% of directives from the government are disobeyed by Sina Weibo and that disobedience is driven by Sina's concerns about censoring more strictly than com- petitor Tencent. I also find that the fragmentation inherent in the Chinese political system exacerbates this principal agent problem. I demonstrate this by retrieving actual censored content from large databases of hundreds of millions of Sina Weibo posts and measuring the performance of Sina Weibo's censorship employees across a range of events. This paper contributes to our understanding of media control in China by uncovering how market competition can lead media companies to push back against state directives and increase space for counterhegemonic discourse. ∗Postdoctoral Fellow, Program in Quantitative Social Science, Dartmouth College, Silsby Hall, Hanover, NH 03755 (E-mail: [email protected]). 1 Introduction Why do scathing criticisms, allegations of government corruption, and content about collective action make it past the censors in China? Past works have theorized that regime strategies or state-society conflicts are the reason for incomplete censorship. -
Denise Y. Ho Education Academic Positions Research
DENISE Y. HO Yale University Department of History P.O. Box 208206 New Haven, CT. 06520-8206 [email protected] EDUCATION Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. Ph.D., Modern Chinese History, November 2009 A.M., History, June 2005 Dissertation: “Antiquity in Revolution: Cultural Relics in Twentieth Century Shanghai” Committee: Philip Kuhn, William Kirby, and Henrietta Harrison Yale University, New Haven, CT. B.A., History, magna cum laude with distinction, May 2000 Schrader Prize in the Humanities ACADEMIC POSITIONS Yale University, New Haven, CT. Assistant Professor, 2015-present The Chinese University of Hong Kong Centre for China Studies, Hong Kong Assistant Professor, 2013-2015 University of Kentucky Department of History, Lexington, KY. Assistant Professor, 2009-2012 Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. Core Curriculum, History Department, Program in East Asian Studies, and Extension School Teaching Fellow, Tutor, and Lecturer, 2005-2009 Twice Recipient: Harvard University Certificate of Distinction in Teaching Massachusetts Institute of Technology History Department, Cambridge, MA. Lecturer, Spring 2008 RESEARCH Book Curating Revolution: Politics on Display in Mao’s China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018. Peer-Reviewed Articles and Book Chapters “Revolutionizing Antiquity: The Shanghai Cultural Bureaucracy in the Cultural Revolution, 1966-1968.” The China Quarterly, no. 207 (September 2011), pp. 687-705. 1 “Reforming Connoisseurship: State and Collectors in Shanghai in the 1950s and 1960s” (改造⽂物鉴赏: 1950-1960 年代政府与⽂物收藏家的博弈). Frontiers of History in China, Volume 7, Issue 4 (2012), pp. 608- 637. “Culture, Class, and Revolution in China’s Turbulent Decade: A Cultural Revolution State of the Field.” History Compass, Vol. 12/3 (2014), pp. 226-238. “From Landlord Manor to Red Memorabilia: Reincarnations of a Chinese Museum Town,” co-authored with Jie Li. -
Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control in China
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 2010 Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China Michelle (Qian) Yang University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Yang, Michelle (Qian), "Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China" 01 January 2010. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China Keywords censorship, china, incentives, Social Sciences, Political Science, Devesh Kapur, Kapur, Devesh Disciplines Political Science This article is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118 Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control in China Michelle Yang April 09, 2010 Acknowledgments My initial interest in this thesis topic was generated during the summer of 2009 when I was interning in Beijing. There, I had found myself unable to access a large portion of the websites I’ve grown so accustomed to in my everyday life. I knew from then that I wanted to write about censorship in China. Since that summer, the scope of the topic has changed greatly under the careful guidance of Professor Devesh Kapur. I am incredibly grateful for all the support he has given me during this entire process. This final thesis wouldn’t be what it is today without his guidance. Professor Kapur, thank you for believing in me and for pushing me to complete this thesis! I would also like to extend my gratitude to both Professor Doherty-Sil and Professor Goldstein for taking time out of their busy schedules to meet with me and for providing me with indispensible advice.