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A Short History of Indonesia: the Unlikely Nation?
History Indonesia PAGES 13/2/03 8:28 AM Page i A SHORT HISTORY OF INDONESIA History Indonesia PAGES 13/2/03 8:28 AM Page ii Short History of Asia Series Series Editor: Milton Osborne Milton Osborne has had an association with the Asian region for over 40 years as an academic, public servant and independent writer. He is the author of eight books on Asian topics, including Southeast Asia: An Introductory History, first published in 1979 and now in its eighth edition, and, most recently, The Mekong: Turbulent Past, Uncertain Future, published in 2000. History Indonesia PAGES 13/2/03 8:28 AM Page iii A SHORT HISTORY OF INDONESIA THE UNLIKELY NATION? Colin Brown History Indonesia PAGES 13/2/03 8:28 AM Page iv First published in 2003 Copyright © Colin Brown 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. The Australian Copyright Act 1968 (the Act) allows a maximum of one chapter or 10 per cent of this book, whichever is the greater, to be photocopied by any educational institution for its educational purposes provided that the educational institution (or body that administers it) has given a remuneration notice to Copyright Agency Limited (CAL) under the Act. Allen & Unwin 83 Alexander Street Crows Nest NSW 2065 Australia Phone: (61 2) 8425 0100 Fax: (61 2) 9906 2218 Email: [email protected] Web: www.allenandunwin.com National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry: Brown, Colin, A short history of Indonesia : the unlikely nation? Bibliography. -
Simón Bolívar
Reading Comprehension/Biography SIMÓN BOLÍVAR Simón José Antonio de la Santísima Trinidad Bolívar y Palacios, (July 24, 1783 – December 17, 1830), more commonly known as Símon Bolívar, was one of the most important leaders of Spanish America's successful struggle for independence from Spain. He is a very important figure in South American political history, and served as President of Gran Colombia from 1821 to 1830, President of Peru from 1824 to 1826, and President of Bolivia from 1825 to 1826. Bolívar was born into a wealthy family in Caracas, in what is now Venezuela. Much of his family’s wealth came from silver, gold and copper mines. Later in his revolutionary life, Bolívar used part of the mineral income to finance the South American revolutionary wars. After the death of his parents, he went to Spain in 1799 to complete his education. He married there in 1802, but his wife died of yellow fever on a short return visit to Venezuela in 1803. Bolívar returned to Europe in 1804 and for a time was part of Napoleon's retinue. Bolívar returned to Venezuela in 1807, and, when Napoleon made Joseph Bonaparte King of Spain and its colonies in 1808, he participated in the resistance juntas in South America. The Caracas junta declared its independence in 1810, and Bolívar was sent to Britain on a diplomatic mission. Bolívar returned to Venezuela in 1811. In March 1812, he left Venezuela after an earthquake destroyed Caracas. In July 1812, junta leader Francisco de Miranda surrendered to the Spanish, and Bolívar had to flee. -
The Foundations of US Air Doctrine
DISCLAIMER This study represents the views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the Air University Center for Aerospace Doctrine, Research, and Education (CADRE) or the Department of the Air Force. This manuscript has been reviewed and cleared for public release by security and policy review authorities. iii Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Watts, Barry D. The Foundations ofUS Air Doctrine . "December 1984 ." Bibliography : p. Includes index. 1. United States. Air Force. 2. Aeronautics, Military-United States. 3. Air warfare . I. Title. 11. Title: Foundations of US air doctrine . III. Title: Friction in war. UG633.W34 1984 358.4'00973 84-72550 355' .0215-dc 19 ISBN 1-58566-007-8 First Printing December 1984 Second Printing September 1991 ThirdPrinting July 1993 Fourth Printing May 1996 Fifth Printing January 1997 Sixth Printing June 1998 Seventh Printing July 2000 Eighth Printing June 2001 Ninth Printing September 2001 iv THE AUTHOR s Lieutenant Colonel Barry D. Watts (MA philosophy, University of Pittsburgh; BA mathematics, US Air Force Academy) has been teaching and writing about military theory since he joined the Air Force Academy faculty in 1974 . During the Vietnam War he saw combat with the 8th Tactical Fighter Wing at Ubon, Thailand, completing 100 missions over North Vietnam in June 1968. Subsequently, Lieutenant Colonel Watts flew F-4s from Yokota AB, Japan, and Kadena AB, Okinawa. More recently, he has served as a military assistant to the Director of Net Assessment, Office of the Secretary of Defense, and with the Air Staff's Project CHECKMATE. -
Interstate Peacekeeping: Causal Mechanisms and Empirical Effects
INTERSTATE PEACEKEEPING: CAUSAL MECHANISMS AND EMPIRICAL EFFECTS Virginia Page Fortna* Department of Political Science & Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies Columbia University permanent address 420 W. 118th Street New York NY 10027 w. 212 854-0021 h. 212 662-5395 f. 212 864-1686 AY 2004-2005 address Hoover Institution Stanford University Stanford CA 94305 w. 650 723-0746 c. 503 548-7429 f. 650 723-1687 email: [email protected] Version: September 14, 2004 * The author owes debts of gratitude to more people than can be listed here for help and feedback with the project of which this paper is a part. She thanks in particular, Nisha Fazal, Hein Goemans, Lise Howard, Bob Jervis, Bob Keohane, Lisa Martin, Jack Snyder, Alan Stam, Barb Walter, and Suzanne Werner. This research was made possible by grants from the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. INTERSTATE PEACEKEEPING: CAUSAL MECHANISMS AND EMPIRICAL EFFECTS ABSTRACT Peacekeeping is perhaps the international community’s most important tool for maintaining peace in the aftermath of war. Its practice has evolved significantly in the past ten or fifteen years as it has been used increasingly in civil wars. However, traditional peacekeeping between states is not well understood. Its operation is under-theorized and its effects under-tested. This article explores the causal mechanisms through which peacekeepers keep peace, and examines its empirical effects after interstate wars. To take the endogeneity of peacekeeping into account, it also examines where peacekeepers tend to be deployed. -
Faculty of Arts Department Of
FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY THE IMPACT OF COLONIAL TAXATION SYSTEM IN CHIRUMANZU DISTRICT FROM 1900- 1980. BY MICHAEL F.T MAGWARADA R136368P A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ARTS IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF REQUIREMENTS FOR THE BACHELOR OF ARTS (HONOURS) DEGREE IN HISTORY. MAY 2017 1 Declaration I, MICHAEL F.T MAGWARADA hereby declare that this research is my own work except where sources have been acknowledged. The work has never been submitted, nor will it ever be submitted to another University for the awarding of a degree. Signed…………………………………………………………… MICHAEL F.T MAGWARADA Date……………………………………………………………… Supervisor………………………………………………………. DR J. CHAKAWA 1 Copyright All rights reserved. No part of this dissertation may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means for scholarly purposes without prior written permission of the author or of Midlands State University on behalf of the author. ©Michael F.T Magwarada B.A (HONS) History Midlands State University, Zimbabwe, 2017 2 Acknowledgements The positive outcome of this dissertation would not have been consummated without the persistent support of fellow colleagues. Throughout my entire period of completing this work, I would like to express my gratitude and deep appreciation to the following people who gave me a shoulder to lean on. Mr A. Zevure mentor, brother, friend, a figure which many words can best describe his unwavering support for his academic wisdom, encouragement to my studies, strength and faith which gave me a new appreciation of the meaning and importance of education. His suggestions planted the seed of good natured forbearance. -
Transformation of Panglima Laot in Aceh: from Punggawa to Customary Institution
E3S Web of Conferences 202, 07031 (2020) https://doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202020207031 ICENIS 2020 Transformation of Panglima Laot in Aceh: From Punggawa to Customary Institution Mahendra Pudji Utama*, Yety Rochwulaningsih, Singgih Tri Sulistiyono, and Mujiburrahman Departement of History, Faculty of Humanities, Diponegoro University, Semarang, Indonesia. Abstract. This paper discusses how Panglima Laot transformed into the republic from kingdom era. During the kingdom era, Panglima Laot had an important role in the maritime sector, particularly in collecting vessel excise. However, during the Dutch Colonial military penetration, Panglima Laot had adapted to the war situation. After the independence, it adapted to the different situation where kingdoms were no longer exist. This political change transformed Panglima Laot in terms of function, value and position as a form of adaptation. This study uses historical method, especially analyzing local as well as the colonial sources. It also included journal as the reference. This study shows that Panglima Laot gradually transformed based on certain phase. During the war phase, Panglima Laot transformed into the war force to face the Dutch military penetration. After the independence, Panglima Laot had to adapt once again, it transforms into a customary institution serving for the fishermen within the traditional corridor. Panglima Laot eventually becomes the maritime culture of the Kingdom of Aceh for Indonesia. The existence of Panglima Laot as a customary institution managing the coastal area is recognized by the Country in the law. Keywords: Panglima Laot; Transformation; Kingdom of Aceh; Indonesian Republic. 1 Introduction As a maritime country, Indonesia has a long history and diverse maritime cultural heritage. -
Imperial Nostalgia: Victorian Values, History and Teenage Fiction in Britain
RONALD PAUL Imperial Nostalgia: Victorian Values, History and Teenage Fiction in Britain In his pamphlet, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, on the seizure of French government power in 1851 by Napoleon’s grandson, Louis, Karl Marx makes the following famous comment about the way in which political leaders often dress up their own ideological motives and actions in the guise of the past in order to give them greater historical legitimacy: The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living. And just when they seem engaged in revolutionizing themselves and things, in creating something that has never yet existed, precisely in such periods of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service and borrow from them names, bat- tle-cries, and costumes in order to present the new scene of world history in this time-honoured disguise and this borrowed language.1 One historically contentious term that has been recycled in recent years in the public debate in Britain is that of “Victorian values”. For most of the 20th century, the word “Victorian” was associated with negative connotations of hypercritical morality, brutal industrial exploitation and colonial oppression. However, it was Mrs Thatcher who first gave the word a more positive political spin in the 1980s with her unabashed celebration of Victorian laissez-faire capitalism and patriotic fervour. This piece of historical obfuscation was aimed at disguising the grim reality of her neoliberal policies of economic privatisation, anti-trade union legislation, cut backs in the so-called “Nanny” Welfare State and the gunboat diplomacy of the Falklands War. -
An Analysis of the British Invasion of Egypt (1882) Through the Lens of Victorian Party Politics
Tarih Dergisi, Sayı 69 (2019/1), İstanbul 2019, s. 113-134 AN ANALYSIS OF THE BRITISH INVASION OF EGYPT (1882) THROUGH THE LENS OF VICTORIAN PARTY POLITICS Begüm Yıldızeli Dr. Öğr. Üyesi, Bilecik Şeyh Edebali Üniversitesi, İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü, Bilecik, Türkiye Abstract The British occupation of Egypt in 1882 meant a breakaway from the Anglo-French entente’s control over Ottoman financial system and the end of the Liberal Government’s ‘reluctant’ imperialism. When the Liberal ministry began in 1880, the cabinet immediately focused on foreign policies towards the Ottoman Empire subsequent to Gladstone’s campaign during the Bulgarian Agitation which had already turned out to be a party question. The protection of the Suez Canal as well as the interests of the British bondholders and the prestige of the British Empire was vital, which united the Liberal ministry and the Conservatives under the same purpose. Despite late Ottoman approval, the occupation signified the edge of Anglo-Ottoman alliance during the nineteenth century. This study will analyse why the Egyptian question is important for British party politics and to what extend the Anglo-Ottoman relations was affected with these circumstances. Keywords: Suez Canal, British Party Politics, Egypt, Urabi Pasha Öz VİKTORYA DÖNEMİ PARTİ SİYASETİ PERSPEKTİFİNDEN İNGİLİZLER’İN MISIR’I İŞGALİ (1882) ÜZERİNE BİR ANALİZ 1882 yılında İngilizler ’in Mısır’ı işgali gerek İngiliz Hükümeti’nin ‘gönülsüz’ emperyaliz- minin gerekse de Osmanlı ekonomisindeki -
Malaysia's Security Practice in Relation to Conflicts in Southern
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Malaysia’s Security Practice in Relation to Conflicts in Southern Thailand, Aceh and the Moro Region: The Ethnic Dimension Jafri Abdul Jalil A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations 2008 UMI Number: U615917 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615917 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Libra British U to 'v o> F-o in andEconor- I I ^ C - 5 3 AUTHOR DECLARATION I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Jafri Abdul Jalil The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted provided that full acknowledgment is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without prior consent of the author. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. -
Warfare in a Fragile World: Military Impact on the Human Environment
Recent Slprt•• books World Armaments and Disarmament: SIPRI Yearbook 1979 World Armaments and Disarmament: SIPRI Yearbooks 1968-1979, Cumulative Index Nuclear Energy and Nuclear Weapon Proliferation Other related •• 8lprt books Ecological Consequences of the Second Ihdochina War Weapons of Mass Destruction and the Environment Publish~d on behalf of SIPRI by Taylor & Francis Ltd 10-14 Macklin Street London WC2B 5NF Distributed in the USA by Crane, Russak & Company Inc 3 East 44th Street New York NY 10017 USA and in Scandinavia by Almqvist & WikseH International PO Box 62 S-101 20 Stockholm Sweden For a complete list of SIPRI publications write to SIPRI Sveavagen 166 , S-113 46 Stockholm Sweden Stoekholol International Peace Research Institute Warfare in a Fragile World Military Impact onthe Human Environment Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of disarmament and arms regulation. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden's 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed by the Swedish Parliament. The staff, the Governing Board and the Scientific Council are international. As a consultative body, the Scientific Council is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Dr Rolf Bjornerstedt, Chairman (Sweden) Professor Robert Neild, Vice-Chairman (United Kingdom) Mr Tim Greve (Norway) Academician Ivan M£ilek (Czechoslovakia) Professor Leo Mates (Yugoslavia) Professor -
Chapter 31 Notes: Societies at Crossroads
Chapter 31 Notes: Societies at Crossroads Chapter Outline I. Introduction: Ottoman empire, Russia, China, and Japan A. Common problems 1. Military weakness, vulnerability to foreign threats 2. Internal weakness due to economic problems, financial difficulties, and corruption B. Reform efforts 1. Attempts at political and educational reform and at industrialization 2. Turned to western models C. Different results of reforms 1. Ottoman empire, Russia, and China unsuccessful; societies on the verge of collapse 2. Reform in Japan was more thorough; Japan emerged as an industrial power II. The Ottoman empire in decline A. The nature of decline 1. Military decline since the late seventeenth century a. Ottoman forces behind European armies in strategy, tactics, weaponry, training b. Janissary corps politically corrupt, undisciplined c. Provincial governors gained power, private armies 2. Extensive territorial losses in nineteenth century a. Lost Caucasus and central Asia to Russia; western frontiers to Austria; Balkan provinces to Greece and Serbia b. Egypt gained autonomy after Napoleon's failed campaign in 1798 (a) Egyptian general Muhammad Ali built a powerful, modern army (b) Ali's army threatened Ottomans, made Egypt an autonomous province 3. Economic difficulties began in seventeenth century a. Less trade through empire as Europeans shifted to the Atlantic Ocean basin b. Exported raw materials, imported European manufactured goods c. Heavily depended on foreign loans, half of the revenues paid to loan interest d. Foreigners began to administer the debts of the Ottoman state by 1882 4. The "capitulations": European domination of Ottoman economy a. Extraterritoriality: Europeans exempt from Ottoman law within the empire b. -
War As a Constitutive Moment
Dodging a Bullet: Democracy’s Gains in Modern War* Paul Starr That war drives state-building is virtually a truism of historical sociology, summed up in the late Charles Tilly’s well-known aphorism that states make war, and war makes states. (Tilly, 1990) But if war and state-building merely reinforce each other, why have liberal democracies flourished and proliferated during the past two centuries when war reached unprecedented dimensions? Why not militaristic autocracies? What role, if any, has war played in the formation and spread of liberal democratic regimes? To raise these questions is not to suggest that war is one of democracy’s primary causes, but rather to ask how democracy and, more particularly, liberal democracy dodged a bullet--a bullet that, according to many ancient and plausible theories, might well been fatal. The belief that democracy is a liability in war has been a staple of political thought, beginning with Thucydides. If liberalism and democracy had been sources of severe military disadvantage during the past two centuries, liberal democratic regimes should have perished in wars as they were conquered and eliminated by other states, or when their own populations rose up to overthrow them in the wake of defeat, or because they were forced to abandon their institutions in order to survive. That this was not their fate suggests a range of possibilities. At a minimum, their institutions have not been a disabling handicap in war, and no consistent relationship may exist between war and democracy. Alternatively, war may have contributed to the spread of democratic regimes if democracy itself or features correlated with democracy have increased the chances of a regime’s survival in war, or if war has promoted changes favorable to democratic institutions.