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Virtuous Beings": the Onceptc of Tha Damtshig and Being a Moral Person in Contemporary Bhutanese Society Richard Whitecross University of Edinburgh

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Virtuous Beings Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 28 Number 1 Ethnicity, Inequality and Politics in Nepal Article 6 No. 1 & 2 6-1-2010 "Virtuous Beings": The onceptC of tha damtshig and Being a Moral Person in Contemporary Bhutanese Society Richard Whitecross University of Edinburgh Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Whitecross, Richard (2010) ""Virtuous Beings": The oncC ept of tha damtshig and Being a Moral Person in Contemporary Bhutanese Society," Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: Vol. 28: No. 1, Article 6. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol28/iss1/6 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "Virtuous Beings": The onceptC of tha damtshig and Being a Moral Person in Contemporary Bhutanese Society Acknowledgements This paper is based on fieldwork undertaken in 1999-2001 for Whitecross (2002). In particular, it draws on material set out in Chapter Two of my thesis. Fieldwork was made possible by an Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) PhD Research Studentship. Additional fieldwork was undertaken in 2003 and 2004 with support from the Carnegie Trust for the Universities of Scotland (2002), an ESRC Postdoctoral Fellowship (2003), Society for South Asian Studies (UK) (2003), Frederick Williamson Memorial Trust, Cambridge (2003), and a University of Edinburgh Research Award (2004). My research on tha damtshig was supported by, and benefited from, discussions with too many Bhutanese to individual thank or acknowledge. I hope that should any of them read this paper that they will feel it reflects their views and understanding of tha damtshig. There are several people, without whose support and intellectual engagement with this subject, this paper would not have been written. Dr Françoise Pommaret who unfailingly encouraged my study and offered valuable comments during my doctoral defense. Professor Jonathan Spencer without whose support the research would not have been undertaken. Professor Thomas Hansen for his enthusiastic engagement with an early presentation on tha damtshig and other Bhutanese values. Finally, Karma Phuntsho, for his comments and our different approaches. To all of them – my thanks. The ap per is dedicated to Shiona Whitecross and Alan Masson for their support over the years. All errors are, of course, my own. This research article is available in Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol28/iss1/6 RICHARD W. WHITECROSS UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH “VIRTUOUS BEINGS”: THE CONCEPT OF THA DAMTSHIG, AND BEING A MORAL PERSON IN CONTEMPORARY BHUTANESE SOCIETY This paper sets out a preliminary investigation of tha damtshig. In particular, it examines the concept of tha damtshig, and its role in the creation of a sense of moral identity among contemporary Bhutanese. The concept of tha damtshig is central to Bhutanese social values and based on Buddhist teachings. However, more recently the concept has become intertwined with notions of loyalty to the state and political allegiance. By focusing on how the concept of tha damtshig is created and embodied in everyday life, and in its use to create and maintain a moral sense of personhood, we can discern the interplay between popular, ground-level understandings and perspectives and state policies as Bhutan seeks to balance social and political transformation with maintaining its traditional values. INTRODUCTION and colleague wrote, “it may also be noted that tha Ngawang scowled and exclaimed “they have damtshig is used more frequently in Bhutan than in no tha damtshig” as he described an attack on a other Himalayan countries and done so mostly in a small remote temple in central Bhutan. From the social context” (ibid: 570). beginning of my fieldwork I encountered the term My paper sets out a preliminary investigation of tha damtshig that left me floundering. Typically, I tha damtshig. In particular, I examine the concept of would smile—uncertain of what was being referred tha damtshig, and its role in the creation of a sense to or its significance. Gradually, the importance of of moral identity among contemporary Bhutanese. tha damtshig and its meaning for lay Bhutanese began The concept of tha damtshig is, in my opinion, to emerge. I soon realised that my pre-field work central to Bhutanese social values. Sonam Kinga readings on Bhutan and the wider Himalayan region describes it as a “commitment and obligation of love, had not prepared me for this concept and over the honour and loyalty in one’s relationship with other following two years, I found myself returning to it people”(2001:156). The social values of tha damtshig time and time again. Tha damtshig literally means are based on Buddhist teachings, yet more recently “the highest promise” or “ultimate vow” from the have become intertwined with notions of loyalty to word damtshig referring to the Buddhist vows the state and political allegiance (Phuntsho 2004). (samaya). More precisely, the term damtshig refers The ethnic and linguistic diversity of Bhutanese to vows taken as part of a tantric commitment, or is counterpoised by an underlying unity—the as a “pledge which ought not to be transgressed” lives they lead, the social encounters and realities (Phuntsho 2004:569).1 Yet, sitting in the kitchen they experience as well as the selves they imagine of Sengge’s house with his nephew Ngawang and and seek to project all “reflect or refract pervasive his friends, the term did not refer to monastic or religious and moral values” (Parrish 1994:4). 3 tantric vows.2 More recently, a Bhutanese friend Accordingly, my paper describes and examines the “pervasive religious and moral values” that 1. See Dudjom Rinpoche 1996 for further details on tantric vows. 3. My focus is on the northern Bhutanese, rather than the 2. I have used pseudonyms throughout the paper. Sengge is Lhotshampa, Bhutanese of Nepalese descent who are primarily a tailor and former monk from Lhuntse. Aged in his 60s, he and Hindu. The northern Bhutanese cover two of the largest minority his wife Palden, shared their small two room house with their groups— the Ngalong and the Sharchop, as well as the smaller nephew Ngawang and daughter, Chotsho. It was one of the first linguistic/ethnic groups who are predominately Buddhist. See Bhutanese homes I entered and over the course of fieldwork it Pommaret 1997a for more information on the “ethnic mosaic” of became my “home”. Bhutan. VIRTUOUS BEINGS/WHITECROss 71 pervade and shape Bhutanese society and their significance the National Assembly re-affirmed the importance ofdriglam for providing a moral framework and vocabulary which namzha. Kuensel noted that: permeates everyday life. By focusing on how the concept of the house agreed that a mere rule would not help tha damtshig is created and embodied in everyday life, and in in preserving and promoting traditional etiquette its use to create and maintain a moral sense of personhood, (Drig-lam –namzha). It should come from within we can discern the interplay between popular, ground- people [They] must be made aware of its advantages level understandings and perspectives and state policies as and the harmony it can create in any relation[ship?] Bhutan seeks to balance social and political transformation and to society as a whole. (Kuensel 3 January 2009). with maintaining its traditional values. This everyday understanding and practice is therefore an ever-evolving Following the 1989 edict, driglam namzha assumed a process as a result of both an internal and external dialogue. political significance as it became associated with what was viewed as the promotion of the cultural practices of Driglam Namzha: a brief note the northern Bhutanese over their southern neighbors, the As I discuss tha damtshig I refer on occasion to driglam Lhotshampa (Hutt 2003).7 Whilst for northern Bhutanese, namzha. 4 For many Bhutanese, driglam namzha refers to the driglam namzha “came to be viewed more and more as the code of conduct and manner of deportment introduced by formal and structured display of official etiquette rather the seventeenth century founder of Bhutan, the Zhabdrung, than as the fluid and spontaneous practice of good manners” Ngawang Namgyal. A publication by the National Library of (Phuntsho 2004). More specifically,driglam namzha has Bhutan states that the Zhabdrung “promulgated the ‘Chayig come to symbolise Bhutanese traditional values and cultural Chhenmo’ (Great Law Code) containing specific instructions, identity. which are inscribed on slate at the entrance to Punakha Dzong.” (1999:xxxvii). Although the National Library text and TRADITION AND MORALITY other recent works (Dasho Khadro 1997; Royal Chamberlain Throughout my discussions with Bhutanese on tha 1999), on driglam namzha present it as being applied to all damtshig were frequent references to “tradition” and morality. Bhutanese, my own reading is that it was primarily directed Before turning to consider tha damtshig, it is important to at the state clergy and government officials of the Drukpa reflect on the meanings implied by these terms. The claim government established by the Zhabdrung.5 Over time, the “It’s tradition!” can suggest a temporal framework that lacks practices of driglam namzha were either applied to or adopted a clear beginning and marks off the historical period from by ordinary Bhutanese.6 Unlike the concept of tha damtshig, “modernity”. In effect, the past and present are distanced, driglam namzha is not “bound by a religious context” (Phuntsho if not, actually separated. This approach is deeply flawed. It 2004:572).
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