Childhood

Experiencingin Transition Marginalisation and Conflict in Northern Ireland

Siobhán McAlister Phil Scraton Deena Haydon Childhood

Experiencingin Transition Marginalisation and Conflict in Northern Ireland

Siobhán McAlister Phil Scraton Deena Haydon

November 2009 ISBN: 978 0 8538 9962 4 © Queen’s University Belfast, Save the Children, The Prince’s Trust CDS N111993

CONTENTS

4 Foreword 6 Acknowledgements 7 About the Authors 8 Preface 11 Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 22 Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 35 Images of Children and Young People 46 Personal Life and Relationships 57 Education and Employment 69 Community and Policing 82 Place and Identity 92 Segregation and Sectarianism 106 Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 117 Services and Support 136 The Rights Deficit 147 Findings and Summary of Key Issues 157 Appendix 158 References FOREWORD

To be a child or young person is well as killings, physical injuries and simultaneously exciting, challenging and the trauma of war, the Conflict involved difficult. Childhood to youth to adulthood the suspension of normal powers of law is a progression through stages or periods enforcement and the due process of the of biological, social and emotional law, and the internment and incarceration development. From birth, the progress of politically-affiliated prisoners. Eventual of the baby-toddler-child-young person ceasefires and the initiation of the Peace is socialised, conditioned and monitored Process led to the 1998 Good Friday as an adult ‘in the making’. Beginning (Belfast) Agreement and political devolution with relationships in the family and the to the Northern Ireland Assembly. The community, and reinforced by religious, process of political transition, marked cultural and institutional practices, by the stop-start of the Assembly, has children can experience inclusion or progressed but the anticipated devolution of exclusion depending on wh ether they justice and policing remains to be achieved. are perceived to conform or deviate from While political transition has evolved at what is expected of them at particular a range of levels, and through a variety ages. In the socialisation of children, care of institutions, the legacy of the Conflict and protection co-exist with discipline, remains a significant aspect of life in regulation and punishment. Whatever Northern Ireland. Generations have grown the social context and cultural traditions up under the spectre of war and the trauma experienced by children, their journey of bereavement, displacement and violence. through childhood is one of continuous There has been minimal recognition transition. It is transition on several of the longer-term consequences of levels – physiological, social, institutional transgenerational trauma or of the and emotional. Physical growth and persistent impact of deeply-divided, development, especially through puberty, is segregated and sectarian communities. the most visible manifestation of transition. There has been formal acknowledgement Within different cultural and religious of the needs and rights of children in traditions key moments are recognised and Northern Ireland through: recognition marked by rituals and ceremonies. The in the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement State intervenes not only in monitoring that young people from areas affected by child and adolescent development but also the Conflict face ‘particular difficulties’; through nursery, primary and secondary the establishment of the Commissioner schooling. The emotional impact on for Children and Young People; the children of their transition through each development of a Strategy for Children stage of formal education is significant, and Young People; the appointment of especially when they are assessed and two Assembly junior ministers with ranked in terms of what is considered responsibility for children within their ‘normal’ social and intellectual progression. remit; the inclusion of children’s rights In Northern Ireland there is a further, in the proposed Bill of Rights for Northern overarching and profound form of Ireland and the regional children’s transition. It is a society still emerging services plan. Yet there remain serious from thirty years of Conflict involving concerns regarding the translation of State and non-State armed groups. As these commitments and initiatives into Foreword 5

practical provision which will improve the poverty and the legacy of the Conflict, lives of children and young people living raises concerns not only about long- in the most marginalised and divided term inequalities and infrastructural communities. The relationship between the under-resourcing, but also regarding the unusually high levels of persistent poverty systemic denial of children’s rights. Just as and the legacy of the Conflict is profound some media commentators and political but has yet to be addressed effectively by opportunists have demonised children government departments. This has led and young people, seemingly seizing on to increased frustration and alienation every opportunity to condemn rather within communities and a lack of trust than understand, they have also been in the political process. A perceived lack unremitting in their criticism of what of political commitment to the needs and they term the ‘rights agenda’. Yet the aspirations of children and young people State is a signatory to the UN Convention has the potential to undermine their on the Rights of the Child and is obliged eventual participation in the democratic to implement agreed international process. standards. This it has failed to do. The in-depth research that follows challenges It is instructive to note the comments the marginalisation, demonisation and made by Alvaro Gil-Robles, European criminalisation of children and young Commissioner for Human Rights, people by presenting evidence from their following his visit to Northern Ireland daily experiences and from adults living in 2005. While recognising the positive and working in their communities. It ‘quality-of-life’ transition for many reflects the often harsh reality of life people, he raised concerns regarding the for children and young people as they relationship between material deprivation, negotiate the aftermath and legacy of social exclusion and ‘community justice’. the Conflict in the context of limited Social inequality, he considered, was opportunities. The voices of children, palpable as ‘others, across the religious young people and their advocates, divide, have less demonstrably benefited challenge optimistic representations from economic advances … one cannot of transition in Northern Ireland and but suppose that tensions and distrust will illustrate the alienating consequences of linger longer in disadvantaged, socially social, political and economic exclusion. isolated communities … exclusion and The research also exposes the extent of poverty facilitate the continuing control rights abuses and establishes a framework of such communities by criminal and for political action at a crucial, defining paramilitary structures’. In responding moment in the contemporary history to such marginalisation, it is essential of Northern Ireland. Its findings and that there is among political leaders and implications should contribute significantly state institutions the will, commitment to public education, policy change and law and imagination to give clear political reform as full devolution is achieved. leadership as well as necessary resources to facilitate effective changes within these Save the Children; The Prince’s Trust; communities. Queen’s University Belfast This research, within communities in Northern Ireland most affected by ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This project arose from discussions about the experiences of children and young people living with the legacy of the Conflict in the most economically deprived communities in Northern Ireland. It was a partnership project between Save the Children (NI), The Prince’s Trust (NI) and Queen’s University. We are especially indebted to Sheri Chamberlain, former Director of Save the Children (NI) and to Siobhán Craig, former Director of The Prince’s Trust (NI). Sheri’s drive and commitment to this project was, and remains, inspirational. More recently we are grateful to Marina Monteith at Save the Children (NI) and Ian Jeffers at The Prince’s Trust (NI) for continuing to support the work. Sincere thanks to all the organisations who participated in the research, to community representatives, community workers, community contacts and NGO representatives who assisted with the research. Because of the sensitivity of the work and our commitment to preserving anonymity we are not acknowledging you by name but our gratitude is no less heartfelt. Our colleagues at Queen’s, particularly the Childhood, Transition and Social Justice Initiative, have also been supportive as has the Queen’s publications team, in particular Andrew Norton. Our greatest debt, however, is to the children and young people who were so generous with their time. From those young people on The Prince’s Trust schemes who assisted with formulating the key research themes to those who attended focus groups and personal interviews, thank you so much. All who participated demonstrated insight, consideration and resolve in sharing their experiences and intimate stories. Their testimonies speak profoundly for a generation. They are voices that must not be silenced nor denied if Northern Ireland is to become an inclusive and peaceful society offering real opportunities for personal and political participation while effectively promoting and protecting the rights of children and young people. Phil Scraton, Siobhán McAlister and Deena Haydon Childhood, Transition and Social Justice Initiative Queen’s University Belfast October 2009 ABOUT THE AUTHORS 7

Deena Haydon is a Postgraduate Researcher within the Childhood, Transition and Social Justice Initiative at Queen’s University, Belfast. Her doctorate considers the potential of a rights-based agenda in addressing the issues faced by children identified as ‘at risk of offending’. Initially a primary school teacher, she became Senior Lecturer in Education and Early Childhood Studies and Head of Research in the School of Education at Edge Hill University. She was appointed Principal Officer for Research and Development at Barnardo’s and then worked as an independent research consultant in Northern Ireland. Her main research interests are: anti-discriminatory policy and practice; sex/ sexuality education; PSE and Citizenship; parenting and family support; youth justice; and children’s rights. Based on a commitment to linking research, theory and practice, her publications include reports, journal articles, book chapters, resources for children and practitioners, consultation responses, and submissions to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. She co-authored: The Illusions of Post-Feminism (Taylor and Francis); Getting Personal; Citizenship and PSHE; and Dealing with Issues (all Folens) and wrote the children’s version of the report Children’s Rights in Northern Ireland (NI Commissioner for Children and Young People). She is author of Developing a Manifesto for Youth Justice in Northern Ireland – Background Paper (Include Youth). Siobhán McAlister is a Research Fellow within the Childhood, Transition and Social Justice Initiative at Queen’s University Belfast. She worked and studied in Middlesbrough in the North-east of England until 2002, where she undertook her PhD research focusing on a critical ethnography of youth underclass and social exclusion theses. She was a member of the inter-disciplinary Queen’s University team researching the state of children’s rights in Northern Ireland for the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People. She was a researcher with Youth Action Northern Ireland examining the lives and experiences of young women and a researcher in the Institute of Child Care Research. She has co-authored academic articles and various research reports including: An Independent Analysis of Responses to the Department of Education’s ‘Priorities for Youth’ Consultation (Department of Education Northern Ireland); ‘Don’t be so formal, I’m normal’: A research report on the mental health of looked after children/care leavers in Northern Ireland (Voices of Young People in Care); Still Waiting: The stories behind the statistics of young women growing up in Northern Ireland (Youth Action Northern Ireland); Children’s Rights in Northern Ireland (Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People). Phil Scraton is Professor of Criminology in the Institute of Criminology and Criminal Justice, School of Law, Queen’s University, Belfast and Director of the Childhood, Transition and Social Justice Initiative. His postgraduate teaching includes: Children’s Rights; Comparative Youth Justice; Gender, Sexuality and Violence. His most recent books are: ‘Childhood’ in ‘Crisis’? (Routledge); Hillsborough: The Truth (Mainstream); Beyond September 11 (Pluto Press); Power, Conflict and Criminalisation (Routledge); The Violence of Incarceration (Routledge). The Incarceration of Women (Palgrave Macmillan) is in preparation. He edited a recent special issue of Current Issues in Criminal Justice on the criminalisation and punishment of children and young people. Recent co-authored research reports include: The Hurt Inside: The Imprisonment of Women and Girls in Northern Ireland and The Prison Within (NI Human Rights Commission); Children’s Rights in Northern Ireland (NI Commissioner for Children and Young People). His current research includes funded projects: Childhood, Transition and Social Justice and the international comparative project Children of Imprisoned Parents. He works closely with community- based initiatives and is Chair of the Board of Include Youth. PREFACE

A long history of conflict and political poverty line’ (Save the Children 2007: 2). violence has shaped Northern Ireland’s When compared to Great Britain, children political, economic and cultural landscape. in Northern Ireland are more likely to Several generations of children have been experience persistent poverty (Monteith et directly and/or indirectly exposed to the al. 2008: 3). Within the jurisdiction there consequences of pervasive sectarianism, are communities blighted by structural, violence, hostility and death. The legacy long-term material deprivation evident in of conflict has impacted severely on poor housing, high unemployment, low communities that have endured persistent wages, under-resourced social amenities violence, economic hardship and and diminished opportunities. Children of inadequate service provision. In research the unemployed, children of lone parents, conducted for the Northern Ireland children living in large families, children Commissioner for Children and Young living in households with a disabled People (NICCY), Children’s Rights in adult or a disabled child, and children Northern Ireland (Kilkelly et al. 2004), the living in the west of Northern Ireland are legacy of the Conflict was highlighted as particularly vulnerable to experiencing a significant cross-cutting theme. It noted poverty (Save the Children 2007: 7-10). the comment by Olara Otunno, Special Poverty affects children’s physical, social Representative of the United Nations and emotional development as well as Secretary-General for Children and Armed their educational, employment, social and Conflict who, in 2000, called on the economic opportunities. Children living Government: in poverty are more likely to live in areas experiencing multiple problems - such … to provide more support for families as general decline, rubbish, vandalism, and parents affected by violence, violent attacks- (ibid: 18). The number of living in segregated environments and conflict-related deaths and injuries has hampered in their own ability to build been greater in the most disadvantaged bridges with neighbouring communities. areas, illustrating the ‘strong, but complex, Educators and other members of civil relationship between poverty and conflict’ society working to encourage cross (Hillyard et al. 2005: xx). community links need to be given adequate and sustained support. (ibid: The priorities of most concern raised by xvi) the NICCY research focused on: failure to implement the UN Convention on the Poverty was another cross-cutting theme Rights of the Child and other international in the NICCY research. An analysis of human rights standards; family life and statistical data reveals that areas enduring alternative care; health, welfare and the most serious violence, death and material deprivation; education; leisure, injuries during the Conflict are also some play and recreation; policing and youth of the most economically deprived wards justice. The most significant issues raised in in Northern Ireland. Research reveals that this research included: one in three children in Northern Ireland ‘is going without basic necessities, such as - lack of safe social space and leisure healthy food, clothing and a decent home facilities and a failure by providers to because parents can’t afford them’, one in consider what ‘safe communities’ mean four ‘lives below the Government’s official for children Preface 9

- a common perception that children were affected directly by the violence playing together in public spaces posed associated with conflict, he urged all a threat within their communities and parties to ‘maintain children’s issues at the were engaged in anti-social behaviour forefront of political and public attention and action during the consolidation of - the poor quality of age-appropriate the peace process’. The appointment of a health care provision for children and Children’s Commissioner for Northern young people, particularly concerning Ireland gave wider recognition to the mental health needs special circumstances of children and, - the criminalisation of children, after a lengthy process, the Human discriminatory policing and Rights Commission incorporated punishments and exiling by paramilitary recommendations on children’s rights into groups its ‘advice’ to the UK Government: A Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland (NIHRC 2008). - failure to respect children’s views and privacy at home, in school, in care and Based on the experiences of the most in custody and their exclusion from marginalised and vulnerable children and decisions that affected their lives young people, Save the Children’s research, policy and consultation work over the last - the negative impact of religious ten years has identified the impact of the segregation in schools and between Conflict on all aspects of their lives. This communities. includes commissioned research into: how Criticisms voiced by children and those schools supported children in relation to who worked with them indicated serious the political conflict (Leitch and Kilpatrick under-resourcing - particularly in 1999); the reality of life for children appropriate mental health provision. The living in interface areas in North Belfast research also established that institutions (Leonard 2004); the impacts of poverty had failed to adopt appropriate strategies on children and their families (Monteith for change consistent with, and responsive and McLaughlin 2004; McLaughlin and to, international rights standards. There Monteith 2006; Save the Children 2007; was a lack of information available to Monteith et al. 2008; Horgan 2009); children to encourage participation in protecting children and young people’s decisions affecting their lives. Further, rights in the Bill of Rights for Northern there had been minimal progress towards Ireland (Horgan and Kilkelly 2005). The informed and inclusive consultation. Prince’s Trust has developed interventionist programmes in Northern Ireland with Otunnu was clear that ‘children’s voices young people considered the ‘hardest to must remain priority concerns throughout reach’ and most in need of support in their the building of peace and that the voices of transition from school to work. young people should be heard throughout the process’. He recommended that Given shared concern about the findings ‘children’s rights should be incorporated of the NICCY research, and the into the new Northern Ireland Bill of commitment of Save the Children and The Rights’. Concerned that children and Prince’s Trust to working with the most young people, as victims and perpetrators, marginalised children and young people, a partnership action research project was Preface 10

developed with Queen’s University Belfast. including discussion of key concepts and This aimed to: providing an overview of the research process. Chapter Two considers the current - draw on existing research and evidence political context in Northern Ireland, the regarding material deprivation, transition to ‘peace’, issues raised by other economic marginalisation and social contemporary research with children and exclusion young people and Government responses to - conduct primary research with children the children’s rights deficit. Chapters Three and young people affected by conflict to Eleven provide detailed accounts of the and identified as the most marginal primary research, drawing on interviews and excluded in urban and rural and focus groups in the six selected environments communities. The chapters reflect the overarching themes raised by the research: - conduct primary research with images of children and young people; community representatives working personal life and relationships; education with children and young people ‘at the and employment; community and margins’ policing; place and identity; segregation - identify positive outcomes in the and sectarianism; violence; services and delivery of operational programmes support; the ‘rights deficit’. The final established to identify and meet the chapter overviews the research findings and needs of marginalised children, young specifies key issues to be addressed. people and their families Phil Scraton, Siobhán McAlister and - explore the relationship between Deena Haydon economic marginalisation, social Research team: Understanding the Lives of exclusion and poor mental health. Children and Young People in the Context of The project, Understanding the Lives of Conflict and Marginalisation. Children and Young People in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation, set out to explore the conditions and circumstances specific to Northern Ireland regarding the legacy of conflict and transition to a ‘post-conflict’ society. It was committed to developing research with the most marginalised and ‘hard-to-reach’ children and young people - reflecting their concerns and aspirations about securing safer, inclusive and participatory communities. What follows are the findings of the project’s primary research, conducted in six communities across Northern Ireland during 2008. Chapter One sets the theoretical and methodological context to the research, CHAPTER 1

THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL CONTEXTS

Social constructions of While they have ‘minds of their own’, childhood and youth a powerful expectation is imposed on children to follow adult-prescribed Under internationally agreed standards, roles during their socially constructed including the UN Convention on the Rights ‘preparation’ for adulthood - reducing of the Child, all people under 18 years are childhood to something ‘less than’ ‘children’ afforded special protections and adulthood, regarding young people as rights. It is self-evident that, socially and ‘adults-in-waiting’. To quote Qvortrup culturally, ‘childhood’ and ‘adolescence’ (1994: 4), in this expectation of conformity are imprecise periods during which social and preparation for adulthood, children and intellectual developments progress are perceived as ‘human becomings’ rather alongside biological and physiological than ‘human beings’. Invariably, given the growth. Tracking, measuring, assessing powerful defining role of adults, children and ranking child development in terms are excluded from decisions and arenas of age-related expectations underpins through which the quality of their life is institutional policies and service provision. determined. Adults, it is assumed, know, Mayall (1994: 3) comments: ‘the notion understand and accomplish the ‘best that children are best understood as interests’ of the children for whom they incomplete, vulnerable beings progressing have responsibility. with adult help through stages needed to turn them into mature adults … has Central to child development is the great power both theoretically and as a vexed and complex issue of children’s force shaping children’s lives, through ‘competence’ and ability to act responsibly. the operation of health, welfare and legal Legislation imposes ages at which children policies and services’. It also appeals to are assumed to be able to make informed ‘common-sense’. decisions. The age at which they are generally assumed capable of accepting Significant adults (for example parents, personal and social responsibility is 16- teachers, clergy) are expected to 18 (for example, they are legally entitled guide and support children through to purchase alcohol at 18, vote at 18, give these developmental stages, steering sexual consent at 16). In contrast, the age of them towards ‘acceptable’ roles and criminal responsibility in the UK is much responsibilities. Socialisation maintains lower (10 in Northern Ireland, England and reproduces stability and social order. and Wales, 8 in Scotland). This illustrates Directly and indirectly, it accommodates a tension between viewing children as change, promotes conformity to established not having the fully developed capacity ‘norms’ and disciplines those who challenge to reason, as vulnerable and in need of authority. Conformity brings approval protection and perceptions of children as and failure to conform invites rejection. potentially wayward, in need of control Resistance to adult authority is rarely and professional intervention. That a child identified and celebrated as young people of 10 is presumed to have the capacity and taking control of their lives, or as evidence lived experience to premeditate dangerous of strength of character in challenging acts and foresee their consequences is power relations. Rather, it is considered questionable, especially when compared ‘risky’ or ‘problematic’ behaviour, requiring with the ages at which they are assumed to sanction or punishment. Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 12

be competent in other areas of their lives. What follows the images and assertions A low age of criminal responsibility also of ‘recent moral decline’ are calls for inflicts punishment via criminal justice tougher legislation and stronger regulation disposals, rather than providing necessary to combat a perceived trend in social support through adequate and appropriate policy and legislation towards leniency welfare interventions. for perpetrators at the expense of the interests of their victims. As Muncie and Public debate about childhood and youth Fitzgerald (1981: 422) state: ‘in times retains the constant theme that ‘today’s’ of rapid social change when traditional children and young people are more values are shaken up and disturbed, the rebellious, less disciplined, more antisocial, ensuing public disquiet is resolved by the less considerate than their predecessors. media identifying certain social groups Adults hark back to a ‘Golden Age’ – as scapegoats or folk devils’ - portrayed usually represented as their childhood and received as ‘visible symbols of what is – when children were compliant and wrong with society’. responsive, ‘knew their place’, ‘accepted responsibilities without question’ and In 1972, Cohen’s research into ‘mods’ were ‘seen and not heard’. In this period and ‘rockers’ showed how particular ‘authority’, meaning adult authority, was groups of young people had come to be obeyed without challenge. Communities labelled ‘deviant’ – the ‘folk devils’ of were served by formal agencies and their generation. Their style, language regulated through informal but consensual and behaviour were taken as evidence of arrangements. Childhood ‘innocence’ deviant behaviour, threatening discipline was protected while its potential wildness and order in their communities. Media (particularly in the phase defined as portrayals of such folk devils had become ‘adolescence’) was harnessed through the so powerful, the public outrage and imposition of non-negotiable disciplinary moral indignation so strong, that fact and codes plus the threat and use of physical reality were subsumed in the fiction and coercion. fantasy of sensationalist news reporting. Once the ‘folk devil’ was mobilised in The proposition that children’s an d young media and political debate, the process people’s involvement in ‘crime’, ‘deviance’ of amplification generated a broader and ‘anti-social behaviour’ is the result of ‘moral panic’ undermining the ‘values and a recent collapse in social, cultural and interests’ held dear in ‘society’ (Cohen moral values is not new. In researching 1972: 9). Thus ‘moral barricades’ were and writing a ‘history of respectable fears’, constructed and defended by ‘editors, Pearson (1983: 207) notes each generation’s bishops, politicians and other right- belief that their childhoods were better- thinking people’ while ‘socially accredited disciplined, safer and more respectful. experts pronounce their diagnoses and Such reminiscences amount to a ‘simple solutions’ (ibid). Cohen concluded that nostalgia’ for a lost way of life. In contrast, ‘stylised and stereotypical’ media folk he maps persistent myths of moral decline, devil representations institutionally carried particularly regarding the deviance and ‘serious and long-lasting’ repercussions for delinquency of children and young people. ‘legal and social policy or even in the way society conceives itself’ (ibid). Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 13

Moral panics bring hostile and ‘anti-social’ behaviour of children and disproportionate responses from within young people, the ‘breakdown’ of the state institutions leading to increased traditional family, the ‘collapse’ of school surveillance, containment and regulation of discipline, the ‘permissiveness’ of early sex targeted groups. They are both reactive and and the ‘violence’ of ‘feral’ youth. Muncie reactionary, resulting in concrete strategies, (1999: 3) notes how ‘emotive and troubling techniques and resources across a range images’ of youth ranged ‘from notions of of state institutions. In a wide-ranging uncontrolled freedom, irresponsibility, study, Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994: 31) vulgarity, rebellion and dangerousness to show how harsh institutional responses those of deficiency, vulnerability, neglect, gain public sympathy and acceptance in deprivation or immaturity’. According to a climate fuelled by ‘heightened emotion, right-wing US social scientist, Charles fear, dread, anxiety, hostility and a strong Murray, an ‘underclass’ had been created, sense of righteousness’. Behaviour is populated by the uneducated and the portrayed as seriously ‘wounding to the unteachable, typified by ‘lone mothers’, body social’, and individuals or groups ‘fatherless communities’, ‘joyriders’, ‘ram- publicly held responsible are condemned as raiders’, indiscriminate violence, drug and ‘evil’. The consequences are authoritarian alcohol abuse and base morality. ‘The New and punitive: ‘tougher or renewed Rabble’ had arrived and ‘dysfunctional’ rules, more intense public hostility and families were at its core (Murray 1994: 12). condemnation, more laws, longer sentences, Reflecting on the 1990s society inherited more police, more arrests and more prison by his Government, then Prime Minister, cells … a crackdown on offenders’ (ibid). Tony Blair (2002) commented: ‘crime Invariably, what follows are stronger was rising, there was escalating family ‘powers of state control … enabling law and breakdown, and social inequalities had order to be promoted without cognisance widened’. Neighbourhoods were ‘marked of the social divisions and conflicts which by vandalism, violent crime and the produce deviance and political dissent’ loss of civility’. Beyond the safety of (Muncie 1996: 55). The generation of the home, people were ‘confronted by fear, suspicion and hatred ‘triggered and abuse, vandalism, anti-social behaviour’. sustained by moral panics stigmatises, ‘Duty’ and ‘respect’ had diminished criminalises, ostracises and exiles the and the ‘moral fabric of community was “other”, the “outsider”, the “outlaw”’ unravelling’. It was a rhetoric of ‘social (Scraton 2007: 233). disintegration’ ill-served by an outmoded, By the early 1990s it was generally accepted slow-to-respond criminal justice system. that ‘an unprecedented crisis of public Inter-agency initiatives were neither morals’ prevailed with ‘fears’ expressed efficient nor effective and punishments ‘in a language … indistinguishable from no longer reflected the seriousness of that of generations which are long dead’ offences. A Government priority was a (Pearson 1993/4: 191). This view displayed ‘new, simpler and tougher approach to anti- an ‘extraordinary historical amnesia about social behaviour’ to combat ‘petty crime even the more recent past’ (ibid). Media and public nuisance that causes so much and political commentators had become distress’ and to address ‘vandalism, graffiti, obsessed with the ‘petty criminal’ and low-level aggression and violence’ (ibid). Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 14

One tangible outcome of New Labour’s disorder and anti-social behaviour’ law and order rhetoric was the 1998 (NIO 2002). The NIO’s account of the Crime and Disorder Act, emphasising introduction of Anti-social Behaviour discipline and regulation based on Orders in England and Wales, while community responsibility, multi-agency inaccurate, made clear its priority in early intervention and moral renewal. By extending them to Northern Ireland: targeting ‘anti-social behaviour’ through ‘ASBOs were introduced to meet a gap in coercive, zero-tolerance policing the net dealing with persistent unruly behaviour, of criminalisation was widened. These mainly by juveniles, and can be used against interventions soon exacerbated rather than any person aged 10 or over’ (NIO 2004: 4, eradicated social exclusion. Goldson (2000: emphasis added). The Anti-Social Behaviour 52) notes the shift towards regulatory (Northern Ireland) Order was introduced in interventions ‘promot[ing] prosecution’, August 2004. ‘violat[ing] rights’ thus ‘criminalis[ing] the The rhetoric connecting ‘crime’, ‘anti- most structurally vulnerable children’. social behaviour’ and the ‘prevention of In 2003 the Government White Paper, offending’, places considerable emphasis Respect and Responsibility – Taking a on children ‘at risk ’. As Wyn and White Stand Against Anti-Social Behaviour, listed (1997: 22) state, the term ‘at risk’ rests on six illustrative ‘activities’ constituting the assumption that ‘a majority of young ‘anti-social behaviour’: harassment and people are “on target”, making transitions intimidating behaviour; behaviour that towards adulthood in the appropriate ways’. causes alarm or fear; noisy neighbours; Further, they note, ‘the concept of youth drunken and abusive behaviour; vandalism, development provides a rationale for the graffiti and other deliberate damage to notion of a ‘mainstream’ and young people property; dumping rubbish or litter. While who ‘do not conform to the standards of applied to the behaviour of all people, this mainstream are identified as those regardless of age, it soon became apparent at risk, requiring specific attention to that in the existing climate of fear and bring them into line …’ (ibid: 51-52). intolerance children and young people were Constructions of ‘risk’ are powerful because disproportionately targeted. An essential they ‘lead to calls to do something about element of implementing the legislation it’ (Smith et al. 2007: 219) and provide was ‘naming and shaming’ those as young legitimacy for state intervention. as 10 served with Anti-social Behaviour Identifying children ‘at risk’ has an Orders (ASBOs). Had they been found established and controversial recent guilty of a criminal offence, their identity history. Reflecting on risk classification in would have been protected. US public education programmes, Kohl Northern Ireland has not been immune (1993: 231) presents the ‘labels’ adopted to debates about ‘problem youth’. Soon in associating risk and low educational after introduction in England and Wales, achievement: ‘disadvantaged, culturally social policies and new legislation are often deprived, underachiever, no n achiever, transferred. Thus, in 2002, the Northern low ability, slow learner, less able, low Ireland Office (NIO) identified the most socio-economic status, language impaired, significant community safety factors as drop-out-prone, alienated, marginalised, ‘street violence, low level neighbourhood disenfranchised, impoverished, Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 15

underprivileged, low-performing and economic circumstances of disadvantaged remedial’. What is clear from the communities. adoption of such labels, and evident in In keeping with the critique of a ‘Golden many youth justice interventions, is the Age’, the belief that there was a time focus on individual factors, deficits or in industrial societies when children maladjustments (France 2007). Responses made an easy and uncomplicated to these ‘problems’ prioritise changing transition to ‘adolescence’, followed by individuals’ behaviours rather than an equally straightforward transition challenging and adapting the institutional to adulthood, does not bear scrutiny. processes that contextualise the lives of While it is inappropriate to draw direct children and young people. parallels between different societies and Following the introduction of the 1998 communities, it is important to recognise Crime and Disorder Act in England and that, within societies and communities, Wales, the Government’s Social Exclusion cultures, subcultures and counter-cultures Unit established targets for measurable change over time. What is clear, however, reductions in anti-social behaviour. The is the persistent image of the ‘folk devil’ Youth Justice Board adopted a ‘Risk applied to young people who deviate from Factors Screening Tool’ (YJB/CYPU conformity, challenge authority and reject 2002), later developed into ‘Onset’ and aspirations not of their own making. Also ‘Asset’ assessment methods for young enduring are ‘moral panics’ associated with people at risk of offending or young this imagery and its negative consequences, people who have offended, respectively reflected in authoritarian policies and (YJB 2006). Research suggests that the legislation. assessment of risk focuses on individual This is not to deny that some children and behaviour and personal ‘choices’ rather young people can and do intimidate others, than considering the impact of social become involved in offending behaviour circumstances and material context on and commit acts of violence. On the street, the lives of children and young people in school, at home, the behaviour of some (Gray 2007). Within ‘early intervention’ is sometimes ‘anti-social’. What is not targeting those identified as ‘at risk’, so clear is the impact of perception and the priority is ‘prevention of offending’, social reaction. This Introduction proposes public protection and diversion from that the creation and reproduction of criminal activity. Reinforcing a ‘deficit’ children and young people as ‘folk devils’ model, individuals, their families and has a significant history. For those who communities are pathologised. Key issues experience marginalisation at several levels remain unaddressed, such as: identifying – through poverty, racism, sectarianism, economic, social, and educational need; sexism and homophobia – potential providing appropriate family support; criminalisation, demonisation, targeted ensuring that children and their families policing and regulation are ever-present access the health and support services they features of their daily lives. In defining, require; providing safe, age-appropriate assessing and responding to the assumed play and leisure facilities and youth ‘threatening’ and ‘anti-social behaviours’ of services; structural change in the social and children and young people, it is essential to locate understanding about their behaviour Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 16

within the social, cultural, political and establishing children under 18 as ‘rights- economic contexts which shape and delimit holders’ in all aspects of their lives. With their experiences. It is also important to other international standards, the UNCRC listen to the accounts given by children provides benchmarks against which and young people about their experiences legislation, policy and practice concerning of those contexts - of feeling and being children can be measured. Its standards socially excluded, of being labelled relate to how States should provide for and ‘delinquent’ or ‘anti-social’ and of being protect their children and how they should heavily regulated within and beyond their ensure children’s participation in all aspects communities. of their lives. The UK Government ratified The significance of rights the UNCRC on 16th December 1991 and it came into force on 15th January 1992. In definitions of rights, distinctions The UNCRC combines economic, are made between ‘legal’ and ‘moral’ social and cultural rights with civil and rights. A legal right is ‘an entitlement political rights. General principles include: … acknowledged by an existing law in a respecting children’s rights without specific state’ - legal rights are context- discrimination of any kind (Article 2); specific rights which are actually possessed ensuring that the best interests of the child (Franklin 2002: 20-21). A moral right are a primary consideration in all actions ‘enjoys no legal endorsement’ - commonly concerning the child and that the child termed human rights or natural rights, receives such protection and care as is such rights are claims for rights ‘which it necessary for her/his well-being (Article is believed … all human beings should 3); recognising that every child has the possess by virtue of their common inherent right to life, and that State parties humanity’ (ibid: 21). Not dependent on the ensure the survival and development of domestic law of particular States, human the child to the maximum extent possible rights are ‘a universal entitlement of human (Article 6); assuring to the child capable beings, without regard to their claims as of forming her/his own views the right to citizens to legal rights’ (ibid). ‘Human express these views freely in all matters rights’ principles include: ‘treating everyone affecting them, with their views being with respect and dignity; being fair and given due weight in accordance with the open when making decisions; working child’s age and maturity (Article 12). towards equality while valuing difference; ensuring everyone can reach his or her full Distinctions are often made between potential’ (Willow 2008: 191). ‘welfare rights’, which ‘p rioritise the provision for children’s welfare needs and In 1959 the United Nations Declaration on the protection of children even if this the Rights of the Child was introduced. It involves restricting children’s choices and stated that ‘the child, by reason of his [sic] behaviour’ (Franklin 2002: 21), and ‘liberty physical and mental immaturity, needs rights’ which ‘focus on children’s right special safeguards and care, including to self-determination’ and enjoyment of appropriate legal protection, before as well freedom in decision-making, even when as after birth’. It was followed thirty years this involves choices perceived not to be later by the United Nations Convention in the child’s best interests (ibid). Liberty on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), rights are often contested on the basis of Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 17

children’s capability, or ‘competence’, to useful tool to ensure achievement of certain make and exercise choice. In debates about goals for children’ (ibid: 18). Children’s children’s rights, there is a tension between rights: ‘offer a vehicle or a means to acknowledging children’s physical and articulate the needs of children while also emotional vulnerability and dependence articulating the corresponding obligations on adults to meet their basic needs or on duty-bearers to fulfil them’ (Kilkelly safeguard their welfare, and their structural 2008: 11). Rights are an ‘important vulnerability as a social group that has advocacy tool’, bringing ‘legitimacy to minority status. Although not all children pressure groups, lobbies, campaigns, have the same experience of ‘childhood’ - to both direct and indirect action, in as this is mediated through the contexts of particular to those who are disadvantaged their gender, sexuality, class, race, religion, or excluded’ (Freeman 2007: 8). culture, abilities, age and locality - they Researching in marginalised are consistently defined as different from, and subordinate to, adults. Generally and conflicted communities they are denied access to power, excluded Given the focus of the research – from decision-making processes, and understanding the lives of children in the deemed ‘incompetent’ at interpersonal and context of marginalisation and conflict – it institutional levels (in families, schools, was essential to develop an inclusive and health services). Because they are not able sensitive methodological approach. What to vote until they are 18 their views and follows is an overview of the empirical experiences have no direct impact on the work, demonstrating how the research democratic process. was conceptualised and conducted, and The role of the State in promoting and how the data was analysed. Apart from protecting children’s rights is another the qualitative methods used, as Chapter contentious issue. Within the UNCRC, the 2 demonstrates, a range of secondary State is expected to provide safeguards and documentary data was also analysed to set protect the rights of individual children. the empirical research in context. In the UK and Northern Ireland, however, Preliminary focus groups increased emphasis on the regulation of behaviour in public spaces has led to To place children and young people at the legislation inhibiting individual rights (such centre of the research, preliminary focus as the right to freedom of movement). Also, groups were carried out with 24 young there has been discussion about whether people aged between 16 and 25 years. All some UNCRC rights can be considered were unemployed and had underachieved ‘rights’ - they are more social ideas (about in education. Some had recently left care how children should be treated and what and some were young offenders or ex- they should be granted if governments took offenders. Their recent experiences of rights seriously) than individual moral and childhood and transition through youth legal rights. There is no ‘test’ providing into young adulthood were invaluable in guidance about what rights children have, shaping the focus of the research and in or should have (Fortin 2003: 17-18). identifying key themes to be explored in the main project. The preliminary focus Despite these limitations, Fortin argues groups also enabled the piloting of data that the language of rights ‘is a politically Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 18

collection methods. Ideas and stimulus the lack of research in smaller towns and material for data collection were developed, villages. altered or removed as a consequence of Community representatives responses in these groups. Through focus groups and personal Literacy difficulties and occasional low interviews, 65 adults across the six levels of concentration reinforced the value communities participated. Defined as of stimulus material and oral information ‘community representatives’, their work was recorded on a flip-chart, enabling in the communities included: generic and conversations to flow. There were no specialist youth and community work; constraints on participation and the health; child care and family support; participants were free to leave and re-join formal and informal education; youth the group, reinforcing an open and flexible training; community restorative justice; approach to data collection. While keen community development; criminal justice; to participate, some young people were community or resident forums. Some reluctant to give their names. The decision worked generically with children and was taken to use verbal consent in the young people, others focused specifically main phase of data collection and to assure on those deemed ‘at risk’, ‘in need’ and/ anonymity. or experiencing social exclusion. They Research sites were identified primarily through searches of local directories of community-based Selection of research sites was determined child and youth organisations. Letters by communities that were heavily affected introducing the research were accompanied by the Conflict and also ranked high by an information leaflet providing full on indicators of economic deprivation. details about the objectives of the study Through material deprivation indicators, and what their involvement would entail. area data, statistics on ‘Troubles-related A follow-up telephone call provided deaths’ (Fay et al. 1998) and discussions further information as required and, with those working in the community and where possible, a meeting was arranged. voluntary sector, twelve research sis te were Key issues covered in the meetings selected. The final sample was narrowed included: history and background to the to six communities, urban and rural, one area (specifically the impact of poverty in each of the six counties of Northern and the Conflict); their work (including Ireland. Five communities self-defined barriers and enablers); services for children and were recognised as predominantly and young people in the community ‘Catholic’ or predominantly ‘Protestant’. (including gaps in provision); issues facing Reflecting the main political allegiances children and young people growing up in of these communities, where appropriate the community; further contacts in the the terms ‘Republican/ Nationalist’ or community. ‘Loyalist/ Unionist’ are used throughout the report. One community was ‘mixed’, This was a lengthy process involving albeit segregated. It was decided that none numerous visits to each community over of the research sites would be in Belfast several months. Time in the communities because of the volume of research already provided a grounded understanding conducted in the City’s communities and of place and identity. It also provided Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 19

familiarisation with local provision, the contacts, relevant programmes and training layout of the area, internal (often invisible) events. tensions and divisions, places where young Discussions with community people ‘hung out’. During this time, representatives provided background trust and rapport was established and information, perspectives and contexts consolidated. Representatives who had relating to each community (particularly influence in the communities familiarised in relation to the impact and legacy of the the researchers with their local community, Conflict and gaps in services for children supported the research through vouching and families). Without the support and for its credibility, encouraged others to dedication of those working with and participate and facilitated meetings in for children and young people in each their premises. Planned interviews with community, access to children and young individuals often developed into meetings people would have been difficult. Some of with several people. This demonstrated the young people involved in the research interest in the research, commitment were particularly ‘difficult to reach’, and to children and young people in the securing the trust of their workers was community, and that these communities crucial to their participation. often felt excluded from research or consultations and were keen to have their Children and young people voices represented. In addition to the preliminary focus Relationships between the researchers groups, 196 children and young people and the community representatives also aged between 8 and 25 participated in reflected a commitment to reciprocity. the research. While recognising that The research team provided research the UNCRC defines all under-18s as papers and reports, deprivation statistics children, those involved in the research and area data that could be used by the distinguished between ‘children’ as under- community representatives in funding 13s and ‘young people’ as 13-25. The main proposals and documents about their focus on young people is the age range 13- work. Those organisations working 17. Table 1 (Appendix, page 157) provides directly with children and young people a breakdown of participants. were provided with an ‘information pack’ containing: information about children’s The li mitations of school-based research, rights; useful websites and resources; especially with children and young a poster of the UNCRC Articles to people labelled ‘difficult pupils’, is well- display in their building; copies of the established (see Punch 2002; France resources used by the researchers when et al. 2000; Tisdall et al. 2004). Thus working with children and young people; children and young people were accessed ‘certificates of participation’ for children through youth and community groups or and young people; ‘leaflets of help’ organisations. Community representatives containing information about local support also informed children and young people and information services. Community about the research and arranged some representatives were also alerted to calls for meetings. Access to all age groups in each funding and given information about useful community was not easily established. The relatively small number of older young Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 20

people (18-25 years) involved indicates the they asserted greater control over the difficulties in accessing this age group, discussions, defining issues on their given that they were no longer at school terms. The researcher acted as a facilitator, and were not generally involved in youth/ guiding rather than constraining the community provision (Geraghty et al. 1997; discussion. Haydon and McAlister 2009; McAlister Interaction and conversations within the et al. 2007; Youth Council for Northern groups allowed for issues not considered by Ireland 2004). the researchers to be raised. Disagreement A combination of methods was essential within groups often led some participants and included focus groups as well as one- to challenge the viewpoints of others. to-one interviews. Similar processes were This happened regularly in discussions used within each community to gain about children’s rights, ‘insiders’ and informed consent, ensure the comfort and ‘outsiders’, and poverty. Discussion and well-being of children and young people disagreement among participants led to and explore key themes. Prior to data a deeper understanding of issues than is collection, each child or young person possible in one-to-one interviews. Focus was given an information sheet outlining: groups also provided a useful means of the researchers and their contact details; exploring sensitive topics as participants the research and why it was being carried had the opportunity and space to explore out; the issues to be discussed and time such issues in a less threatening, group commitment; their right not to participate environment. Challenges and ethical and to withdraw at any stage; processes considerations concerning group dynamics, concerning data protection, anonymity confidentiality and privacy that might and confidentiality; how the information arise during focus group interaction were provided might be used. These issues were identified by the researchers and discussed discussed in detail within focus groups and thoroughly with each group. with individuals before discussions started In facilitating the focus groups, comfort and verbal consent was gained from each and refreshment breaks were agreed and individual. participants were free to come and go Focus groups ran between 45 minutes throughout. This was useful in ensuring and three hours (including breaks). As that consent was ongoing, and there was the research emphasised a participatory no pressure to request withdrawal. All approach and questions were open-ended, who did leave during discussions returned. focus groups provided an interactive Considerable attention was given to method of data collection, enabling developing ‘child-friendly’ methods of participants to define and prioritise data collection, and a range of interactive issues. They capitalised on the interaction tasks was compiled to stimulate focus within the groups and provided a means group discussion about specific topics. of breaking down some of the power Young people engaged primarily because imbalances inherent in social research the issues, rather than the methods, (see: Kitzinger 1995). In practice, the were meaningful and relevant to their participants talked openly and freely, lives. Those who were often described as interacting more with each other than ‘difficult to engage’ stayed for the duration, with the researcher. This ensured that Theoretical and Methodological Contexts 21

participating openly and freely. As one to be identified. This was followed by an young person noted: interpretive analysis through which data across all categories was read. This enabled “Sittin’ here now [in the focus group] we the identification of cross-cutting and have the right to be heard, we’re bein’ related themes, as well as underlying issues heard, but if this was out on the street pertinent to the experiences of all children and we were tryin’ to tell people, we and young people or specific groups. wouldn’t be heard.” The sensitivity of the research presented In addition to focus groups, interviews ethical issues regarding the presentation were also conducted with individual of data. To retain anonymity, many children and young people who were community representatives did not want not part of groups and had experienced to be identified by profession. Thus, the particular ‘vulnerabilities’. Asked questions generic term ‘community representative’ about the same topics as those in focus is used throughout the report. This is groups, they gave detailed personal imperative to ensure that those involved in accounts of life experiences that could not research are not harmed or placed at risk have been achieved through any other because of their participation. Particular method of data collection. concerns related to discussions about Following completion of the focus groups paramilitary or dissident activities in or one-to-one interviews, an information communities and criticisms of employers/ leaflet about local advice and support professions. Consequently, it was agreed services was provided for each participant. from the outset that communities would The research team contact details were not be named other than by County. In listed, should they require further help or drafting the report, however, it became information. Individuals were also given a evident that participants may be identified small poster listing the UNCRC Articles by their quotes or reference to specific and a Save the Childrenk boo let entitled events. Where this is the case, particularly Wise up on having your say: young people’s in discussions about violence, counties have right to be listened to. not been named. Data analysis and presentation of findings

Most interviews and focus group discussions were tape recorded, with participants’ consent, and transcribed verbatim. Where this was not possible, one of the research team took detailed notes. Transcripts were analysed to identify themes and a loose conceptual framework was developed. Each line, paragraph or section of text was coded, with new codes added and others merged until saturation was reached. Data analysis within each thematic category enabled key messages, commonalities and differences CHAPTER 2

NORTHERN IRELAND: TRANSITION FROM CONFLICT

Recent political context and impartial, free from partisan political control; accountable, both under the law Signed by the UK and Irish Governments, for its actions and to the community it the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement serves; representative of the society it (NIO 1998) provided the constitutional polices, and operat[ing] within a coherent foundation for devolution through a and cooperative criminal justice system, democratically elected Northern Ireland which conforms with human rights norms’ Assembly. According to Harvey (2003: (Patten 2000). In November 2001 the 1002) the Agreement was ‘complex’ and Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) ‘imaginative’, establishing a workable succeeded the Royal Ulster Constabulary ‘political framework’ in the context of (RUC). In 2007 Sinn Féin, the elected ‘an international agreement between Assembly’s second largest political party, the UK and Ireland … mapped onto formally agreed to participation in the domestic law and practice’. While governance of policing throughout safeguarding and promoting human Northern Ireland and to advocate an rights, it prioritised: sustainable economic acceptance of the PSNI in Nationalist and stability and growth; equality and social Republican communities. inclusion; normalisation of state security operations and practices; representative The impact and legacy and accountable civil policing; review of the Conflict of criminal justice; disarmament of all paramilitary organisations; the early release Between 1969 and 1999, 3,636 people of politically-motivated prisoners. died in the Conflict, 2,037 of whom were civilians (McKittrick et al. 1999: 1477). Following elections in 1998, and the During that period Northern Ireland’s establishment of full delegated powers in population was approximately 1.5 million. December 1999, the Assembly experienced A 2003 household survey on poverty and continual controversy (particularly social exclusion found that half of those regarding arms decommissioning by interviewed knew someone who had been paramilitary organisations). Consequently, killed. An estimated 88,000 households the Executive was suspended in October were affected by the loss of a close 2002 for the fourth time and UK relative, and 50,000 households contained Government direct rule was resumed. In at least one resident who was injured. October 2006, the St Andrews Agreement Approximately 28,000 people were forced (NIO 2006) led to the resumption of to leave work and 54,000 households were devolution seven months later and the compelled to relocate through intimidation, election of a four-party Executive of twelve threats or harassment (Hillyard et al. 2005: Ministers. The UK Secretary of State for 6). Approximately 80,000 men, women Northern Ireland retained responsibility for and young people were imprisoned (ibid: ‘excepted’ and ‘reserved’ matters, the latter 8). The impact of internment without trial including criminal justice and policing. and imprisonment during the Conflict An independent commission on policing was borne disproportionately in poor also emerged from the 1998 Agreement. communities. Incarceration had significant Its objective was to secure a police service consequences for families, especially ‘professional, effective and efficient, fair children, who experienced financial Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 23

hardship, mental ill-health, difficulties between 1988 and 2002, 496 young people maintaining relationships with imprisoned under the age of 20 received paramilitary parents, and problems adjusting to their punishment beatings and 388 were shot, parent’s release (Spence 2002; Jamieson usually through the knees or thighs - 24 and Grounds 2002). per cent of Loyalist punishment beatings and 32 per cent of Republican punishment While much has been written about the beatings were inflicted on young people impact of the Conflict on communities, under the age of 20 (ibid). Cessation whatever their cultural tradition or of punishment beatings and shootings location, scant attention has been paid to were part of the agreed withdrawal of children and young people. Smyth et al. paramilitary activity in communities. Yet (2004: 90) note that, of those killed, 40 police statistics reveal that between 1999 per cent were under 25. Between 1969 and 2009 there were 1,958 casualties and 2003, 274 children aged 17 or under from ‘paramilitary-style’ shootings and and 629 young people aged 18-21 lost assaults (PSNI 2009). These figures are their lives. Almost three quarters of those likely to under-estimate paramilitary under 18 killed were Catholic, a fifth were attacks given that only the most serious Protestant (ibid: 18-20). The majority lived are reported to the police. Further, threats in areas experiencing the highest levels and intimidation continue to be directed of deprivation and poverty. Children, towards children and young people accused particularly in Nationalist/ Republican of ‘anti-social behaviour’, particularly communities, witnessed house searches in economically deprived urban areas by the British Army, forced entry into associated with high levels of conflict- homes and arrests in the early hours of the related violence (Kilkelly et al. 2004; morning by armed police, imprisonment Smyth et al. 2004; Hansson 2005; Haydon of parents or parents going ‘on the run’, 2007; Roche 2008). violent confrontations and death on the streets. A community bereavement Smyth et al. (2004: 96-98) suggest that counsellor stated: ‘House raids are over to research, media reports and organisations a point and the physical harm is over; but responding to the effects of the the emotional harm is there and it’s not Conflict tended to focus on areas and recognised’ (Kilkelly et al. 2004: 243). Her neighbourhoods ‘relatively more exposed to concern was that, while severe forms of events in the Troubles than average’. This violence have lessened, children whose past led to infrequent experiences - being the trauma went unrecognised and untreated victim of a punishment attack, joyriding have become parents. or severe trauma - receiving widespread publicity. Routine events, such as being Within some communities children stopped and questioned by the police or regularly experienced the impact of injury, attacked on the way home from school and death and bereavement. Their fear of the pervasiveness of sectarianism, were violence extended to informal ‘policing’ ignored and unaddressed. Consequently, by paramilitaries who administered severe less dramatic but more prevalent physical punishments to those involved in experiences were ‘normalised’, resulting alleged ‘unacceptable’ behaviour in their in ‘chronic anger, lack of trust in adults, communities. Based on police statistics, isolation and feelings of marginalisation, Smyth et al. (2004: 88-89) note that Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 24

bitterness at the other community or at the When you’re raising mental health police, distrust of all authority, feelings of care for this generation, post-conflict, exclusion and marginalisation or lack of we’re dealing with a huge age range of contact with or knowledge of the “other” people who’ve been the bereaved, the community’ (ibid: 99). Vulnerability ‘is injured, been the children of those who not only experienced by individuals, but were killed. And another generation also by whole families and communities’. who are the children of the children Recognising the significance of trans- … the impact of the trauma, which generational trauma, Smyth et al. conclude they’re calling trans-generational trauma that ‘adults on whom children and young … it’s affecting children’s education, people could ordinarily turn to for support their mental health and their ability to or protection are more often than not participate in society (ibid: 243-4 ). exposed to the same traumatic events Speaking from direct experience, another that the children are, and are themselves health care professional concluded: traumatised and sometimes incapacitated – either in the short or long term’ (ibid: 109). Some of the most vulnerable young Health and well-being people in our society, children who have been exposed to indescribable levels of Since the initiation of the Peace Process trauma and abuse, are having decisions there has been an increase in the diagnosis made based on resource availability of conflict-related trauma: ‘it is only with rather than need … due to the crisis in the development of a peace process that the service, we can no longer keep them most people have been able to acknowledge safe. They may end up on the street their own personal traumatisation’ or another suicide … no-one is really (Gilligan 2006: 326). The ‘emotional effects listening. No-one is doing anything of the Conflict’ were particularly severe in (ibid: 113). economically deprived and under-resourced Across Northern Ireland, over 20 per cent communities. Yet, as noted in O’Rawe’s of children under 18 suffer significant (2003) audit of child and adolescent mental mental health problems (Chief Medical health provision, appropriate and adequate Officer 1999). According to Kilkelly et al. service provision were, and remain, (2004: 113), despite forming 25 per cent seriously deficient. Health professionals of the population, under-18s are allocated and community workers note ‘collateral less than 5 per cent of the mental health damage’ of the Conflict (Kilkelly et al. budget. O’Rawe (2003) notes that in 2001- 2004: 112), stating that among children 02, due to lack of discrete facilities, 130 and young people living in some of the children were admitted to adult mental most deprived communities there is health units. Proportionately, this was five evidence of ‘anxiety, depression, deliberate times the number for England and Wales. self harm and escalating suicide rates’. They In 2003-04 children occupied 2,386 bed identify the immediate need for mental days in adult psychiatric wards (DHSSPS health support - particularly for those 2005a) – settings noted by Inspection children and young people in conflict with teams to be unsuitable (DHSSPS 2005b: the law. A children’s caseworker stated: 13-14). The Bamford Review found that child and adolescent mental health services Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 25

were ‘wholly inadequate … characterised that lower per capita spending, higher by overwhelming need and chronic under- levels of child poverty and subsequent investment’ (McClelland 2006: 13). family difficulties, have resulted in a disproportionate allocation of resources to Between 1999 and 2003, the Northern statutory protection rather than investment Ireland suicide rate was higher than in in much-needed preventative interventions. England and Wales, and lower than Scotland and the Republic of Ireland Segregation and social divisions (DHSSPS 2006: 7). The figures for 1991-2004 show a rate twice as high Within and between communities, a range in economically deprived areas, and of general and specific cues are used to in communities that had suffered the categorise individuals according to religious highest levels of economic deprivation and identity - names, accent or dialect, school persistent violence throughout the Conflict uniform, football team affiliation, designer (DHSSPS 2006: 12-13). There was a label. Perceptions of difference and negative significant increase in recorded suicides attitudes towards the ‘other’ are based on from an average of 150 each year (2000- assumptions that the ‘other community’ is 2004) to 213 in 2005. The following year treated more favourably (Leonard 2004). 291 was the highest number of suicides Communities are demarcated by flags, recorded for any one year (Tomlinson murals and symbols in a display of identity, 2007). territory and control of space. Segregation, in public housing and schooling, remain Given the ‘post conflict’ rhetoric, a key defining features of social, political and issue has been failure to identify the long- cultural experiences and opportunities. term consequences of trans-generational trauma. Issues such as ‘difficulties in Approximately 95 per cent of Northern concentrating’ or ‘aggressive behaviour’ Ireland’s social housing is segregated are regularly ‘misinterpreted by others, by religious affiliation (NIHE 2006). being seen as deliberately disruptive According to the 2001 Census over half behaviour’ (Smyth et al. 2004: 43). The the population lives in exclusively Catholic inter-relationship of unaddressed conflict- or Protestant neighbourhoods. Recent related trauma, interpersonal violence figures from the Northern Ireland Office within families, continuing paramilitary indicate that there are 53 ‘peace lines/ intimidation, forced exiling, economic walls’ in four towns and cities (BBC News, marginalisation and social exclusion 1 July 2009), and this number has tripled constitute ‘special circumstances’ for since the ceasefires (The Guardian, 28 July children, young people, their families and 2009). In a 2003 survey, 72 per cent of communities in Northern Ireland. respondents with children or grandchildren under 19 years of age stated that they Additional difficulties include limited would choose an integrated school if access to high quality, age-appropriate there was one close to where they lived childcare and family support. This extends (Millward Brown 2003: 6-7). Yet, in 2007- to lone parents, families living in poverty, 08, only 6 per cent of the school population parents of older children, migrant workers was enrolled in integrated nursery, primary and parents of children with disabilities or post-primary schools (DENI 2008: 2). (Haydon 2008). Horgan (2005: 12) argues Leisure facilities and other services within Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 26

predominantly Catholic or Protestant hostility. While children generally communities are not accessed by children considered confrontations had calmed and young people living outside the - ‘less bombings and shootings’ - some community (Hansson 2005: 28; Byrne et sensed ‘more hatred than in the past’ al. 2005; Shirlow and Murtagh 2006). (Leonard 2004: 105). There was a ‘sense of inevitability and permanence about Almost half of those interviewed in the conflict’. All were ‘pessimistic about research exploring the impact of fear in the possibility for conflict resolution in Belfast interface communities, stated they Northern Ireland’ (ibid). Reflecting on would not travel through an area housing day-to-day negotiation of social space and the ‘other’ community during the day, possible cross-community interaction, rising to 88 per cent at night (Shirlow ‘peace … remained a distant vision’ (ibid: 2003: 86). One in eight respondents had 107). Likewise, young women living in a denied themselves, or younger family variety of urban and rural communities members, necessary healthcare because across Northern Ireland reported feeling the nearest health facilities were located disillusioned with the peace process and in areas outside their community (ibid). pessimistic about the promise of peace Actual and feared intimidation, abuse, (McAlister et al. 2007). verbal and physical violence remain key factors in sustaining exclusivity and While the 14-year-olds in Leonard’s study maintaining geographical boundaries. often found rioting exciting and an escape This is illustrated further in Shirlow’s from boredom, more profoundly it provided research which revealed that, of the 18-25 ‘a mechanism for demonstrating religious/ year olds surveyed in Belfast, 68 per cent sectarian identity … a way of emphasising reported they had never had ‘a meaningful the internal cohesiveness of the group’ conversation’ with anyone from the ‘other’ (Leonard 2004: 44). Smyth et al. (2004: community (nSu day Tribune, 28 August 104) consider such confrontations enabled 2005). Intimidation and fear reinforce the and reflected continued recruitment by legacy of ‘no-go areas’, where individuals paramilitaries. Leonard (2004: 7) also may be targeted because they are perceived notes the complexity of ‘territory’ and to belong to the ‘other’ community. its relationship to religious and political identity. The relatively small area of North Although there has been a significant Belfast ‘contains around 24 interfaces’ and reduction in violent sectarian incidents, ‘eight of the official Belfast peace lines’. children and young people living in Children identified ‘strong ties, family, ‘interface’ areas (those geographical points friends and neighbours’ as the most positive where segregated cultures meet) continue aspects of life in their neighbourhood. to be involved in sporadic outbreaks of In contrast, negative aspects included: violence or ‘disturbances’. These include the area’s appearance; lack of amenities; verbal attacks and throwing stones, bottles availability of alcohol and drugs; joy-riding; or fireworks (Hansson 2005). Leonard’s paramilitaries; rioting. ‘Fear of verbal research, with children and young people and physical intimidation and violence’ in Loyalist and Nationalist interface areas inhibited children’s freedom of movement of North Belfast, illustrates the durability and neighbourhoods ‘outside the children’s of sectarianism and the consolidation of immediate locality’ were ‘labelled as spaces physical boundaries marked by continuing Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 27

of risk and fear’ (ibid: 76; see Hansson of homes and the destruction of furniture. 2005). According to Smyth et al. (2004: 83), in Republican communities tensions between Despite teachers and pupils referring to dissident, anti-Agreement groups and the schools as places of safety, Leonard (2004) IRA were less significant, but recent events details how schools close to interfaces suggest this is changing. remained flashpoints for serious violence, including attacks on school buses, The dual impact of poverty vandalising or torching teachers’ cars, and and the legacy of the Conflict sectarian attacks in and close to school grounds. Children attended school behind Hillyard et al. (2005: xx) state that the locked gates under the supervision of ‘relationship between poverty and conflict’ security guards. Playgrounds were not used in Northern Ireland’s history is ‘strong’ because of stone-throwing over the high yet ‘complex’. The Conflict severely fences. Children moving between home undermined economic investment and and school were regularly verbally abused development, exacerbated child poverty, and spat on. While these experiences and contributed to high levels of mental ill- are more pronounced for those living in health resulting in impaired employment interface areas, they are not exclusive to opportunities (Horgan 2005: 13). Poverty these areas. Kilkelly et al. (2004) found in Northern Ireland is heavily concentrated. that children and young people in various In 2006, of 566 wards, 25 (4.4 per cent) locations across Northern Ireland reported recorded child poverty above 75 per cent sectarian abuse on their way to and from compared with 180 out of 10,000 (1.8 per school. cent) wards in Britain (McLaughlin and Monteith, 2006). Under-resourcing has In addition to inter-community conflict, been a long-term and institutionalised children and young people also experience issue. Magadi and Middleton (2007) found intra-community violence. Within some that one third of children in Northern Loyalist communities, exacerbated by a Ireland live in income poverty and one in protracted feud between two paramilitary ten live in severe poverty. In the period groups, forced exiling has led to children 2001-2004, 21 per cent of children were and families leaving their homes, schools trapped in persistent poverty, compared to and friends. Between August and October nine per cent in Britain (Monteith et al. 2000, for example, 263 families were 2008: 3). Lone parent families and couples exiled from one Loyalist community. They with children have relatively lower income included 269 children, 178 of whom were levels than those in Britain and low welfare aged 11 years or under. A community- benefit levels leave families below the UK based working group recorded that Government’s poverty threshold. Essential approximately 1,000 individuals were goods, food, clothing and services cost affected as ‘many families are not living more than in Britain, compounding income at home and are dispersed throughout deprivation. the area because of death threats made on their lives’ (Inter-Agency Working While children and young people under 18 Group on Displaced Families). Throughout receive free health care, families living in this displacement children witnessed poverty have unequal access to health care intimidation and assaults, the ransacking services and poorer health outcomes (Chief Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 28

Medical Officer 2007). Travellers and towards a new framework for policing minority ethnic families also experience that might address problems of power and direct discrimination, intimidation and accountability prevalent in Britain and assault. As discussed above, mental ill- other democratic states. Despite extensive health remains a major issue, particularly and ‘inclusive’ consultations conducted by in economically marginalised communities. Patten across communities in Northern The implications for children living in Ireland, and the high profile of a vibrant poverty in Northern Ireland are well- children’s sector, the most significant documented (see: Save the Children 2007; identifiable group in daily contact with Horgan 2009). They endure poor quality the police - children and young people - accommodation, often in environments was not consulted. This is not untypical. with high rates of crime and poor physical When ‘community groups’ or local conditions. They are subjected to higher residents’ associations meet with police accident rates, poor diet, parental stress, or community safety officers to discuss physical and mental ill-health and lower policing their neighbourhoods, children life expectancy. Educational attainment is and young people are rarely invited despite low. Poorer children report that they do their behaviour often being the main topic not receive the same quality of education as for discussion. those living in advantaged areas and their Issues raised by young people regarding experiences of school are ‘narrower and less their experiences of the police consistently rich’ (Horgan 2007: 1). In disadvantaged present disturbing alternative accounts to areas, boys as young as nine are already official commentaries. As Radford et al. disengaged from school (ibid). Further, (2005: 360) note, despite the wealth of they have limited access to safe play research on policing in Northern Ireland areas and public leisure facilities. Given ‘the relationship between the police and that poverty remains pervasive in areas young people has not been subject to most affected by the Conflict, children extensive consideration’. What follows is and young people living in these areas evidence drawn from key, independent experience multiple deprivation. This studies of young people and policing. affects their childhood opportunities, self- Hamilton et al. (2003) surveyed 1,163 esteem and relationships. young people aged 16 to 24 and held 31 The regulation and policing of focus groups. During the previous 12 children and young people months, 56 per cent of young men and 28 per cent of young women participants Since the mid-1990s numerous meetings, had contact with the police. Their consultations and conferences have experiences were predominantly negative, considered the ‘unfinished business’ of the with a quarter expressing a high level of past, attempting to identify and resolve dissatisfaction with the PSNI. They were political differences regarding policing. constantly stopped for questioning and Much debate has focused on the related frequently moved on; interventions they issues of operational policies, priorities perceived as intimidation and harassment. and practices within an ambiguous notion Targeting children and young people of ‘normalisation’. The Patten Report ‘included physical violence, a constant (2000), however, envisaged transition police presence and being watched, Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 29

confiscation of goods and verbal abuse’ ‘others, across the religious divide, have (ibid: 6). Fifty-eight per cent reported less demonstrably benefited from economic unacceptable behaviour by the police, advances … one cannot but suppose mainly in the form of disrespect and/or that tensions and distrust will linger impoliteness. longer in disadvantaged, socially isolated communities … exclusion and poverty Ellison (2001: 133) refers to these police facilitate the continuing control of such interventions as ‘adversary contact’ communities by criminal and paramilitary leading to police-community tensions. structures’ (Gil-Robles 2005: 50). He He found that males aged 14 to 17 were concluded: three times more likely to be stopped and searched than were 18 year-olds. Children All individuals have a right to be free from ‘socio-economically disadvantaged of such oppressive influence. Crime, areas’ were more than twice as likely to violence and parallel ‘community justice’ have been stopped and searched. There would appear, however, to remain low- was a marked difference in perceptions level cancers at the heart of Northern of the police between young Catholics Ireland’s poorest communities … and young Protestants: ‘92.6 per cent of tackling this phenomenon, through Catholic males who have been stopped both social and economic investment and questioned by the [then] RUC “too and effective policing, will necessarily many times to remember” believed this be a long and difficult process. It must, to constitute harassment, compared to however, remain a priority. 60.3 per cent of Protestant males’ (ibid: In the submission by the UK Children’s 133). Ellison’s research was conducted Commissioners to the UN Committee post-Patten. He notes significant support on the Rights of the Child, the Northern among young Catholics for change. While Ireland Commissioner noted that a fifth of Protestant young people agreed punishment beatings have ‘not been with slight reform, the majority supported traditionally dealt with as child abuse by the status quo. More recently, Ewart et al. the relevant authorities’. She considered (2004: 8) found that young people who that further action should ‘be taken identify as Catholic were more likely to by the police, social services and other consider police reforms had ‘not gone relevant agencies to protect children and far enough’, while those identifying as young people from abuse by adults within Protestant were more likely to consider their own community’ (UK Children’s reforms ‘went too far and discriminated Commissioners 2008: 16). against Protestants’. Responding to the civil policing deficit, Alvaro Gil-Robles, European community-based restorative justice Commissioner for Human Rights, raised schemes offer an alternative to community concerns about the relationship between punishments. Established in Loyalist and poverty, social exclusion and ‘community Republican communities, they deal with justice’ in Northern Ireland. He recognised alleged low-level crime and anti-social post-Peace Process improvements in quality behaviour by young people. This involves of life for many people while noting that negotiations within communities regarding paramilitary punishment beatings, Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 30

control of children’s movement within concluded of punishment attacks: ‘It’s seen communities, ‘naming and shaming’ of and represented as justice. It’s concrete and young people and their alleged offences. immediate … a quick fix. It doesn’t work. Their aims include: challenging and It’s brutal, inhuman and ineffective and reducing offending or harmful behaviour doesn’t challenge anti-social behaviour’ in communities, developing opportunities (Kilkelly et al. 2004: 229). The Northern for reconciliation of offenders and victims, Ireland Human Rights Commission and encouraging safe environments in a (NIHRC 2004: 8) noted: ‘Information context where there is lack of trust within regarding the identity, residence and communities relating to intervention activities of those subject to an order by statutory agencies. The positive [will] be in the public domain and could contribution of these schemes was lead to the breach of a right to life were acknowledged in 2006 by the Independent paramilitaries to act on that information’. Monitoring Commission as well as in an Community negotiations regarding independent evaluation of Community paramilitary and vigilante interventions in Restorative Justice Ireland (CRJI) and the lives of children and young people had Northern Ireland Alternatives (NIA) been initiated and were making progress. I (Mika 2006). was within this delicate climate of political and social transition that anti-social With children’s ‘anti-social behaviour’ behaviour legislation was imposed. receiving significant media coverage, Anti-social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs), In June 2005 European Human Rights controversially introduced in England Commissioner Alvaro Gil-Robles and Wales, were promoted politically as expressed ‘surprise’ at the Executive’s an effective alternative to criminal justice ‘enthusiasm’ for the ‘novel extension of civil interventions and punishment beatings in orders’, not least ‘particularly problematic’ Northern Ireland. Yet little recognition Anti-social Behaviour Orders (Gil- was given to the success of functioning Robles 2005: 34). He raised four principal community-based restorative justice concerns: ‘ease of obtaining such orders, the schemes. In its submission to the NIO broad range of prohibited behaviour, the consultation document, Measures to Tackle publicity surrounding their imposition and Anti-social Behaviour in Northern Ireland, a the serious consequences of breach’. Given young people’s organisation observed that the limiting form of conditions in many ASBOs had ‘the potential to demonise and cases, breach was ‘inevitable’. In effect, further exclude vulnerable children who ASBOs were ‘personalised penal codes, already find themselves on the margins of where non-criminal behaviour becomes society and the communities in which they criminal for individuals who have incurred live’ (Include Youth 2004: 5). Further, and the wrath of the community’. As the UK carrying potentially serious consequences, Government sought to defend its policies was the relationship of ASBOs to against such critiques, the Northern paramilitary punishments of children. Ireland Office published a consultation document on community safety seeking ASBOs and evictions were proposed in to expand, rather than reduce, the use of circumstances where naming, shaming, civil orders (NIO/CSU 2008). Proposals beatings, shootings and exiling persisted. included importing heavily criticised As a children’s NGO focus group Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 31

policies and legislation from England Children’s rights in and Wales – the introduction of dispersal Northern Ireland zones, ‘information sharing’, individual support orders, parental compensation Given the recent history of conflict and orders, parent support contracts, parenting on-going marginalisation of children support orders. and young people, the implementation of children’s rights and compliance with The severe criticisms levelled against these international standards is particularly policies include: a disproportionate focus significant. The first Northern Ireland on children, young people and families Commissioner for Children and Young living in economically deprived areas; People (NICCY) was appointed in 2003 increased pressure on ‘vulnerable families’; with the principal aim of safeguarding and added strain on child-parent relationships promoting the rights and best interests of (Donoghue 2008); deepening distrust children and young people. In 2006 the of the police; undermining relations Office of the First Minister and Deputy between young people, the police and First Minister (OFMDFM) produced a ten adults in the community (Crawford and year Strategy for Children and Young People. Lister 2007; Garrett 2007; Sadler 2008). It stated: ‘We are committed to respecting Again, the ‘special circumstances’ of and progressing the rights of children Northern Ireland appear to be ignored and young people in Northern Ireland in yet another example of policy transfer and will be guided and informed by the from England and Wales. Relationships UN Convention on the Rights of the Child’ between some communities and the ‘new (OFMDFM 2006a: 23). However, the police force’ remain strained, and the Strategy is not a plan for implementation dispersal of children and young people of the UNCRC as it does not include to the boundaries of the community will mechanisms to ensure compliance by all increase the potential of victimisation government departments with children’s through sectarian attack. Given the rights standards. media’s demonisation of children and you ng people, ‘fear of crime’ has been Northern Ireland does not have a Minister reinforced by an assumption that their for Children. Two Junior Ministers in presence on the streets causes public ‘alarm’ OFMDFM were given responsibility for or ‘distress’. Addressing public perception children and young people withinr thei of crime through designating specific portfolios in June 2007. In January 2008 streets as dispersal zones will exacerbate one stated: and encourage negative stereotyping and As champions for children we are increasingly punitive measures directed committed to ensuring that their towards children and young people. voices are heard and that we adopt an Rather than meeting the Community Safety integrated approach across government Strategy’s stated objective of focusing on in tackling the many issues which social inclusion, the likely outcome is face today’s youth. Child poverty is a increased exclusion, marginalisation and key priority for the Executive and we alienation within targeted communities. are committed to delivering excellent public services to improve children’s life chances and help break cycles of Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 32

deprivation as well as supporting parents OFMDFM has established a Participation so they can confidently guide their Network to support engagement with children through the various stages children and young people in decision- of life. (Northern Ireland Executive making processes by statutory agencies, 2008a). local government and government A Ministerial Sub-Committee for departments. Launching this initiative, one Children and Young People has identified of the Junior Ministers stated: key priorities, including: child poverty; Our children have a very positive and early years; vulnerable young people real contribution to make to our society. (looked after children, those engaged We value them, we want to listen to in anti-social behaviour and in contact them and we want to empower them with the criminal justice system, those to be able to change the world around experiencing mental health issues, children them. By finding new ways to consult with disabilities); safeguarding, including effectively and directly with them on support for parents, families and carers, issues affecting their lives, we hope to children with special educational needs. both improve the quality of their lives Each government Department has as well as ensuring we deliver services identified a ‘champion for children and that meet their needs (Northern Ireland young people’ at senior level. Within the Executive 2007b). Programme for Government 2008-2011, OFMDFM is responsible for driving In 2002 the Children and Young People’s a ‘programme across Government to Unit (CYPU) was established within reduce poverty, address inequality and OFMDFM: ‘to ensure that the rights disadvantage’ in which one of the targets and needs of children and young people is to ‘ensure the central role of the rights living in Northern Ireland are given a high of the child’ (OFMDFM 2008: 36). The priority’. The CYPU is responsible for Department of Health, Social Services overseeing implementation and evaluation and Public Safety (DHSSPS) has of the ten year Strategy For Children and responsibility for ensuring that ‘children Young People and supports the Junior are cared for, live in safety, are protected Ministers in their responsibilities relating from abuse, receive the support they need to children and young people’s issues. to achieve their full potential, become The Unit sponsors and monitors the more independent and grow into well- Commissioner for Children and Young adjusted adults, taking their place in the People, and co-ordinates responses on community’ (ibid: 24). DHSSPS also behalf of Northern Ireland government has responsibility for promoting healthy departments to the UN Committee on the lifestyles, addressing the causes of poor Rights of the Child and other treaty bodies health and well-being and achieving whose work relates specifically to children. reductions in health inequalities and Different government departments, preventable illnesses (ibid: 37). Objectives however, adopt different approaches for the Department of Education include concerning the status of UNCRC rights, helping children and young people achieve with limited co-ordination of legislation through education (ibid: 39) and raising and policy. There has been no audit of standards in schools (ibid: 49). existing legislation to ensure compliance Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 33

with the UNCRC. Nor has a framework The Committee was concerned that certain been developed to assess whether new groups of children ‘continue to experience legislation affects children’s rights. While discrimination and social stigmatisation’ the recent process of reporting to the UN (for example: Travellers; migrants, asylum- Committee on the Rights of the Child seekers and refugees; LGBT young people; provided an opportunity to monitor those belonging to minority groups) (ibid: implementation of the UNCRC, much of para 24). It was particularly concerned the data presented in the UK Government’s ‘at the general climate of intolerance and (2007) Report did not critically analyse the negative public attitudes towards children, impacts on children’s lives of legislation, especially adolescents, which appears to policy, strategies or allocation of funding. exist in the State party, including in the media, and may be often the underlying As part of the reporting process, a Northern cause of further infringements of their Ireland NGO Alternative Report (Haydon rights’ (ibid). The Committee regretted 2008) assessed the situation for children that the principle of the best interests of and young people. It noted a range of the child ‘is still not reflected as a primary significant issues affecting children and consideration in all legislative and policy young people as a social group, as well as matters affecting children’, especially in the rights violations experienced by specific juvenile justice, immigration and freedom groups such as children living in poverty; of movement and peaceful assembly (ibid: those from minority ethnic communities, para 26). In relation to respect for the views including Travellers; looked after children of the child, the Committee was concerned and care leavers; LGBT young people; ‘that there has been little progress in children and young people with disabilities; enshrining Article 12 in education law and children in conflict with the law. policy’ (ibid: para 32). Taking this and other submissions Further concerns relating to issues within into consideration, in its Concluding families (ibid: paras 40-50) included: failure Observations the UN Committee to explicitly prohibit corporal punishment (2008: paras 10-20) raised a number of in the home; lack of appropriate assistance, concerns relating to implementation of the notably for those in a crisis situation Convention in the UK: the Convention due to poverty; and high prevalence of has not been incorporated into domestic violence, abuse and neglect of children. law in the UK or Northern Ireland; it is Health-related concerns (ibid: paras 54- not used as a framework for development 62) included: inequalities in access to of strategies; the independence and powers health services; limited access to required of Children’s Commissioners are limited; treatment and care for young people with lack of budgetary analysis makes it difficult diagnosable mental health problems and to identify how much expenditure is that ‘in Northern Ireland – due to the allocated to children and whether this legacy of the conflict – the situation of serves to effectively implement legislation children in this respect is particularly and policies affecting them; low level of delicate’ (ibid: para 56); high rate of knowledge about the Convention amongst teenage pregnancies; incidence of alcohol, children, parents and professionals. drugs and other toxic-substance use by adolescents. The Committee expressed Northern Ireland: Transition from Conflict 34

concern that ‘poverty is a very serious an affirmation of their commitment to problem affecting all parts of the UK … children’s rights: and … is a particular concern in Northern We are committed to respecting and Ireland, where over 20 per cent of children progressing the rights of children and reportedly live in persistent poverty’ (ibid: young people here and will be guided para 64). and informed by the UN Convention The Committee’s concerns regarding on the Rights of the Child … The education (ibid: para 66) included: concluding observations can assist us persistence of inequalities in achievement in our continuous drive to improve the for children living with their parents in lives of children and young people and economic hardship; problems enrolling, help us identify the key issues affecting continuing or re-entering mainstream them. (Northern Ireland Executive education or alternative provision for some 2008b). groups (for example: Travellers, asylum- This response affirmed a cross-party seekers, ‘drop-outs’ and non-attendees, commitment in the Northern Ireland teenage mothers); inadequate participation Assembly to children’s rights consistent of children in all aspects of schooling; with international standards. The earlier bullying, which may hinder attendance and sections of this chapter established the learning; high numbers of permanent and complex social, cultural and political temporary exclusions; segregated education circumstances that contextualise transition and academic selection at the age of 11 in from conflict to peace. Devolution has Northern Ireland. The Committee was been a significant and contested element concerned that ‘the right to play and leisure during the early period of transition. The is not fully enjoyed by all children’ and that debates regarding the establishment of a reduction in playgrounds has the effect of a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland, pushing children into gathering in public alongside the Assembly’s obligations under open spaces – a behaviour that ‘may be human rights legislation and Conventions, seen as anti-social according to ASBOs’ remain unresolved. International (ibid: para 68). Commenting specifically standards, however, although subject to on ASBOs, the Committee raised concern interpretation are non-negotiable in terms about: ‘the ease of issuing such orders, the of implementation. The primary research broad range of prohibited behaviour and that follows raises crucial questions the fact that the breach of an order is a regarding the key principles of ‘best criminal offence with potentially serious interests of the child’, implementation, consequences’ (ibid: para 79a). It stated: non-discrimination, protection and ‘ASBOs, instead of being a measure in the participation. While Freeman (2000: 279- best interests of children, may in practice 80) notes that a ‘chasm’ exists ‘between contribute to their entry into contact with the [UN] Convention and practice’ he the criminal justice system’ (ibid: para 70b), also asserts that a ‘regime of rights is one noting that ‘most children subject to them of the weak’s greatest resources’. With this are from disadvantaged backgrounds’ (ibid: in mind, and the commitments made by para 79c). UK Government and Assembly Ministers The response of the two Junior Ministers to a rights agenda, the primary research to these Concluding Observations was explores whether the reality for children matches the political rhetoric. CHAPTER 3

IMAGES OF CHILDREN AND YOUNG PEOPLE

‘Angels’ and ‘demons’? phrase used by adults: “children should be seen and not heard”. They resented the Across the age groups it was generally assumption that they did not understand agreed that adults view and treat children issues solely because of their age. The most positively. This was reflected in the words commonly cited examples of negative terms and images used by adults: “adorable”, directed towards children were: “annoying”, “helpful”, “wee angels”, “cute”, “kind” and “a nuisance”, “loud”, “spoilt” and “a pain”. “loving”. Most young people believed that Contrary to the views of young people, adults thought children were “innocent” children also noted the various ways they and/or “vulnerable”. Adults, they were blamed and punished, including being commented, assumed that children were sent to their room, slapped or “hit with the “easily led”, “don’t understand” and “believe wooden spoon”. Hurtful comments made everything they’re told”. Consequently, by adults towards children included: children could “get away with anything” and the “blame” or responsibility for ‘bad “My mum tells me I’m ugly.” behaviour’ was always redirected to parents “My mum says: ‘One day I wish I could (inadequate discipline and supervision) or be proud of you’.” to teenagers (bad influence). Young people gave examples of the type of ‘anti-social’ “I wish that child wasn’t mine.” (Co. behaviour in which children were involved Antrim, aged 9-11) but for which they were rarely held There was recognition that some adults responsible: supported young people, understood “If somebody threw a brick or somethin’ their lives and their behaviour. Children at a winda and cracked a winda in the and young people in most communities shop or somethin’ and they came and reported that “some” adults viewed and blame youse and we say, ‘No it wasn’t treated young people well: us, it was your wee man there’. They’d “We’d nowhere to go and then other be like, ‘No that’s a wean [child], a wean neighbours that we woulda stood wouldn’t be doin’ that there, with all the beside their house woulda came out and age of him, he wouldn’t be able to do brought us plastic bags and say, ‘Any that there’.’’ (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) rubbish ye use, put it in that and just “They’re always [seen as] more positive keep the noise down, there’s weans in unless they’re with us, then they say bed’.” (Co. Derry, aged 22) we’re makin’ them do stuff to get into However, across the age groups it was trouble.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) agreed that adults generally considered When discussing the negative images or young people to be anti-social and attitudes held by adults about children, intimidating - young people were rarely young people used soft terms such as viewed positively. The many words “naughty” and “cheeky”. Children, however, and terms used by adults to describe disagreed. While young people stated that young people were those that featured adults held positive views of children, those prominently in the media: “hoodies”, “wee under 13 gave examples of negative views hoods”, “anti-social” or “ASBO kids”, and treatment, often noting the common “thugs”, “louts”, “hooligans”, “gangsters” Images of Children and Young People 36

and, more generally, “troublemakers”. their communities. Yet, they were often Children, in particular, associated images viewed as a problem and moved on: of young people with certain behaviours “If you stand around in groups on the - smoking, drinking, taking drugs and street or somethin’ they feel intimidated “acting hard”. Many children interviewed and they pick on you, even if you’re not shared adults’ negative perceptions of doin’ nothin’.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) young people. Indeed, some were so negative that when role-playing a children’s “If we were on the street they’d think rights exercise, they decided they would we were up to no good. But most of it’s ban young people aged 13-20 from their just standin’ at the shops, and ewe’r just community. A small number of children chattin’.” (Co. Derry, aged 21) felt intimidated by young people who hung around the streets or used, and often Some considered this to be age damaged, children’s play areas. discrimination, noting that when groups of adults stood on street corners they were In focus groups young people from all not treated with suspicion or disdain. One communities felt they were seen as a group who lived in a community with no persistent “problem” or threat. They were youth facilities, no football pitch and no “targets” for blame and resentment: park, and were hesitant to leave the area for fear of sectarian attack, considered that “They [adults] yap at ye if you’re doin’ their behaviour was misunderstood: anythin’, like kickin’ the ball outside their house.” (Co. Antrim, aged 15-20 “When we’re on the corners we’re just yrs) gettin’ together, havin’ a laugh. But straight away they see it as a threat “If you’re in a shop they’d be watchin’ ye … Anti-social behaviour is simply [and] kind of grip the handbag a wee bit congregatin’ in a group. Just bein’ tighter.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21 yrs) together with your pals is targeted “We’re gettin’ shouted at an’ all because as anti-social. You want to tell them they assume that we’re goin’ to be doin’ [police, older people] that you’re bein’ things.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17: their social, not anti-social. They wouldn’t get emphasis) it!” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) “They try to avoid you an’ they feel How young people were perceived had threatened just if we walk up to them clear implications for how they were or talk to them.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged treated and responded to by adults. They 13-15) felt shunned, ignored, avoided and feared. Adults constantly shouted at them and A minority of young people accepted they phoned the police, who moved them on: were “no angels” and occasionally they would “act up”. The majority, however, “ You can’t even stand about without suggested they were misunderstood and all bein’ moved on – ‘I’d like your address were “tarred with the same brush”. Given for breathing’. They’ll be askin’ for your the lack of available facilities and little blood group next!” (Co. Fermanagh, money, most young people spent their free aged 16-21) time with friends on the streets within Images of Children and Young People 37

In all communities, young people felt they “… if we’re standin’ on the streets with had no right to public space - their freedom hoodies an’ all, they think we’re goin’ of movement was regulated and restricted to batter old women.” (Co. Derry, aged because of their age and stereotyping. 16-17) They were identified as a ‘problem’ to be “Here people think that because you solved, rather than integral members of the dress in tracksuit bottoms you’re a community with particular needs. hooligan. But they don’t know you Discussions with young people personally, what you’re really like.” (Co. demonstrated how the media had fuelled Fermanagh, aged 16-21) assumptions about their behaviour. Groups One group suggested it was their lifestyle out on the streets were labelled ‘gangs’ and everything associated with ‘being or ‘gangsters’. Those wearing hooded young’ that caused concern and led to their tops were perceived to be a threat. Their demonisation: presence and style had become synonymous with crime and/or anti-social behaviour: YP1: “It’s just the look of us.” YP2: “It’s your appearance. It’s the way R: “Say there was a group of young you dress - wearin’ hoods, whereabouts people standin’ in the street, what do you hang about - street corners, the you think adults might think about types of things you’re into - like cars them?” and all this here. You know, they just YP1: “They’re gangsters.” automatically assume.” (Co. Derry, aged YP2: “Look at them wee hoodies.” (Co 15-19) Antrim, aged 10-13) Changing perceptions: from “If you’re wearin’ a hooded top and you always have your hood up, they think ‘childhood’ to ‘youth’ we’re up to mischief.” (Co. Derry, aged Among all young people interviewed there 15-19) was a strong belief that children were Children also adopted the language of treated more favourably and received more ‘hoodies’ and ‘gangsters’ when talking positive attention, love, care and protection: about young people in their communities: “Adults love wee people. They love wee “All the wee hoodies and gangsters came weans.” (Co. Derry, aged 12-15) into the park ”. They appeared to be unaware that soon they would be viewed “They [parents] didn’t smoke in front similarly. of ye cos ye were a wean, but now they smoke in front of ye.” (Co. Derry, aged Anti-social behaviour was part of everyday 8-14) language. Simply ‘standing around’ was deemed anti-social. Those considered most “Whenever you’re a child they tell likely to be associated with such behaviour you that they love you. But when you were identified by appearance and style. get older they just say, ‘Get out of my Young people discussed the judgements sight!’.” (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15) and assumptions, based on appearance, to which they were subjected: Their comments reflected personal experiences in their families. More broadly, Images of Children and Young People 38

in their communities and in wider society, asked to babysit. We have a life, but they they believed that children received more just make us watch their weans.” care, consideration and support. In part “When mummies have girls they expect this related to assumptions about childhood them to clean the house and help with ‘innocence’ and a perception that children the babies an’ all.” (Co. Derry, aged “get away with anything”. 8-14) Young people identified a time in their lives The perceived withdrawal of adult care and when adult responses changed, becoming support coincided with increased pressures less positive and supportive: “Adolescence”; and difficulties in young people’s lives. “When you hit teenage years”; “When you Many described the sudden transition from start high school”. This experience was feeling sheltered and protected to taking on often sudden and dramatic: onerous responsibilities and making life- “The wee ones get away with a lot more defining decisions. They were also expected and that’s goin’ up to the age of 11 or to ‘fit in’ while going through emotional 12. But once you hit 13, 14, 15 you’re a and physical changes, often without advice nightmare.” (Co. Derry, aged 22) or support: “When you hit your teenage years they “Going to high school you need to wise start goin’: ‘Oh they’re bound to be up to up – it happens too quickly. You had somethin!’” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) to be more mature. You’re trying to fit in. You start cursing and all that.” (Co. “There’s like this time when you go from Armagh, aged 9-15) bein’ thought of as a child that’s positive to bein’ a hood or a hooligan.” (Co. “Growin’ up too because when you’re a Fermanagh, aged 16-21) wean sometimes you play with dolls an’ all. Then you’re grown up and you have Young people were expected to “have to leave all these things behind because more sense” than children, to take people will think you’re weird cos you more responsibility for themselves and have to be into other things when you’re their families. Often this included an like 14 or somethin’. Ye have to learn expectation to be more independent and go to school, cos in primary school through paid work: ye do fun things.” (Co. Derry, aged “When you’re a younger wean and you 8-14) ask for money you get it. Now when Young women discussed the significance of you ask, you are told to get a job.” (Co. making friends to avoid being labelled “a Derry, aged 15-19) loner”. Isolation often led to bullying and Increased expectations on young women ‘image’ was crucial: within the home included shopping, “Not fittin’ in, with people sayin’ you’re cleaning and childcare, which limited their fat.” (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13) social life: “Some people, if they’ve strawberry “Adults will want ye to babysit … it’s blonde hair, they’re bullied or other wile annoying, like, because we get people mock them.” (Co. Derry, aged 14) Images of Children and Young People 39

“ Your hair had to be perfect, you had to R: “What types of things do young be skinny. You know, everybody woulda people find hard growing up here?” went on about their weight.” (Co. Derry, YP: “… all the changes you’re goin’ aged 21) through.” R: “Like physical and emotional The pressures to smoke, drink alcohol and changes? Is there people there that you have sex also related to ‘fitting in’. One can talk to about that?” group considered that image was specific: YP: “No, you’d be too showed, “What to wear, what the fashion is, embarrassed to talk to people.” what to drink and all that there.” (Co. YP: “When you’re a wean you get help.” Ty rone, aged 14-25) (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) Some young people stated that their Difficulties recounted by young people as decisions about sexual behaviour were not they moved from ‘childhood’ to ‘youth’ always fully informed, often reflecting coincided with intensifying pressures negotiation of identity in relation to their regarding their assumed disruptive or peers: anti-social behaviour. This complex mix of internalised turmoil, external expectations YP: “They think ‘If everybody else is and public condemnation inevitably doin’ it and I’m not doin’ it, then I’ll get resulted in feelings of hurt, sadness and low wile stick ’. Then they do it, then.” self-esteem. R: “Is there pressure about that?” All: “Aye.” Making sense of the YP: “Ye wanna be a lad don’t ye?” (Co. representation of youth Derry, aged 16-17) Children and young people identified ‘bad’ Responsibilities and expectations brought behaviour as the most significant influence concerns about the longer-term future: in shaping adults’ negative views of young “It’s hard to know what you’re goin’ to people: do in the future, about your work, what “They see some teenagers doing bad you’re go in’ to do and where you’re goin’ things.” (Co. Down, aged 9-10) to go - tryin’ to get a job and your own house and all.” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) Second, was stereotyping: Many felt that parents and adults offered “Once you have your hood up, you’re a little understanding, help or support: hood.” (Co. Derry, aged 12-15) “They don’t know what it’s like being Third, was the impact of media our age, in this year. Like, times representations of young people: change.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) “They see bad things in the newspapers Another group noted that, in contrast to or on the TV news.” (Co. Down, aged their childhoods, there was little support 9-10) for young people experiencing physical and “My granny would say, ‘Oh these young emotional changes: ones these days now, that’s all they do - drink and take drugs and get people Images of Children and Young People 40

pregnant’. That’s the way she would focusing on drinking, fighting and/or speak. I think it’s because of readin’ the gangs: newspaper.” (Co. Derry, aged 21) All: “Aww newspapers.” Fourth, were adults’ memories of their own YP1: “They write some shite.” childhoods: YP5: “Aye, when it snowed, they just like put them [young people] on the “Because they know from experience front page.” when they were younger.” (Co. Armagh, YP1: “Aye, for snowballin’ cars. I think aged 12-21) the papers can write whatever they “They did it when they were teenagers.” want. They blame children for takin’ (Co. Down, aged 10-11) drugs when they don’t.” YP5: “Hey tell her about the AK47 - the “They were picked on so they pick on us toy gun.” now.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) YP1: “There was some boy with a picture Finally, inter-generational power was of a toy gun, an AK47, on bebo and they significant: put it on the front page of the paper.” R: “Do they ever come and talk to you “Because we’re smaller than them and get your side of the story?” … we’re small and they’re big.” (Co. YP1: “No, ye just get scooped.” Armagh, aged 9-15) R: “Is there any good coverage about young people in your local newspaper?” “Because we’re smaller … more younger YP8: “Just sports.” than them … they have more power.” YP1: “Sure there was this big write-up (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) in the paper about flags along the road. While young people acknowledged that And we took them down an’ all, and the negative behaviour of some impacted there was never anything said.” on the image of all, children interviewed The story about the newspaper that were less likely to differentiate between featured an image of a young person with individual and group behaviour. They a gun, was also told - and believed - by a believed it was young people’s unacceptable group of adult community representatives. behaviour that resulted in negative They stated that “youths have taken over labelling. All ages, however, raised the this area … children have no respect for significance of stereotypes (although not anything or anyone”. This was contrasted necessarily using the word). Negative with their shared view that the area was perceptions related to how young people constantly in the media and that reporting dressed and where they ‘hung out’. All was always negative and often unfair: agreed that the media influenced widely- held negative views about young people. “The estate is constantly in the media. They noted that, with the exception Something bad happens here, it is of sport, positive stories about young instantly reported. But when similar people on the television news or in local things happen in other areas, there is newspapers were rare. Stories featuring no mention of it. Anything about the young people were predominantly negative, area is always negative, there is nothing about the good.” Images of Children and Young People 41

As noted above, young people also thing winning the award?” described their involvement in negotiations YP7: “It’s just like they don’t care.” to remove flags from the estate and the YP3: “We were the only youth group bordering main road. There had been in Northern Ireland that won and not considerable media coverage about the being recognised by your own politician problems associated with flags. Yet when but bein’ recognised by the Home the young people agreed to their removal, Secretary ...” there was no mention or acknowledgement YP2: “It was a bit of a disappointment of this response. like - they hadn’t even the respect to come into the office, and it’s round the Across the communities, there were corner from where they live, and say many examples of young people’s ‘God, you won this, well done’.” (Co. commitment to activities or schemes Ty rone, aged 14-25: their emphasis) with positive outcomes. However, the common perception of young people The programme co-ordinator commented: remained predominantly negative. In “That was a knock-back to the young one community, for example, a group of people. People don’t let them know that young people organised and facilitated they are important.” several community meetings about alcohol Young people were concerned that their awareness. They invited young people, behaviour was judged by adults’ personal parents, publicans and local councillors to experiences of growing up. Reflecting on develop a code of practice. While many their own past, however, appeared not young people attended, the initiative to give adults any deeper understanding received minimal support from parents. of young people’s realities and pressures. Only one publican and no local councillors There was considerable discussion about attended. Although the good work of this this failure or unwillingness to understand. youth group was recognised nationally, Instead, young people felt judged and and they were awarded a prestigious prize, treated negatively simply because they were there was no recognition within their identified as different, younger and without community: influence. In the words of one young YP1: “Sure the councillors that are in person: “They [adults] don’t know the [the area], no-one even knows who person inside … they see what they wanna they are. Like we invited one of the see” (Co. Down, aged 17-20). councillors down to that publican talk as The impact of negative well. Didn’t even come.” YP3: “Invited them to the openin’ of perceptions the drop-in, they were invited to go to Children and young people were “happy” London to watch us receive an award and felt “good about themselves” when and they didn’t even acknowledge that adults’ perceptions and responses were we’d won it, to say congratulations.” positive. They discussed the impact of YP1: “We writ them a letter and they perceptions on feelings of self-worth and never even writ a reply to say thanks for emotional well-being. When responses the offer.” were positive, they felt loved, cared for and R: “And how does that make you feel included: when that happens? Obviously, it’s a big Images of Children and Young People 42

“ You feel they [adults] really care about insecurity that leads to suicide.” (Co. you.” (Co. Down, aged 10-11) Fermanagh, aged 16-21) Affirmation from adults encouraged The most frequently cited response to positive responses: negative perceptions was “anger” because they were misjudged, “stereotyped” and “It would make them [children and “not given a chance”. Young people stated young people] want to do something that, because they were not respected, they more, like more good to make them lost respect for those who judged them and [adults] think they were good.” (Co. hit back in anger - thus reinforcing the Derry, aged 8-14) negative label: Negative perceptions and responses, “ You think ‘What’s the point in even however, led to “sad” feelings. Sadness tryin’ bein’ good if they [adults] only was used generally as a catch-all term and point out the bad points’.” (Co. Derry, included: “unhappy”; “upset”; “depressed”; aged 16-17) “hurt”; “insecure”; “paranoid”; “self- conscious”; “unloved”; “bad about yourself ”. “It just makes us do more … If they Those of all ages outlined how constant have a name, they may as well live up to negative perceptions impacted on their it.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21) emotional well-being. Some felt paranoid “People get drunk and wreck the place about how they were viewed, discussed and because of the way they’re treated.” (Co. stared at by adults in their communities Derry, aged 12-15) and in local shops, where they felt that there was an expectation they would “do “ You’re gonna be bad if you’re expected something wrong”. Others had lost self- to be bad … If the police are always confidence and self-esteem because they fuckin’ annoyin’ ya, you’re gonna be bad were constantly questioned and doubted. and you’re gonna hate the law.” (Co. Many linked negative perceptions and Fermanagh, aged 13-15) feelings to suicide: Many children and young people recounted “Suicidal – like you want to kill how they felt excluded, unloved and you rself.” (Co. Antrim, aged 9-11) unwanted. In some cases, this extended to feeling “hated” by adults within their “… it would make you wanna do communities: somethin’ like kill ourselves or somethin’.” (Co. Down, aged 10-11) “They just hate us.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) “They try to make you feel down all the time … It’s probably with some people “They think we’re scumbags.” (Co. the same type of thing [as what leads Armagh, aged 12-21) to suicide]. It puts them under a lot of pressure - instead of tryin’ to ignore it, “Not loved and not liked.” (Co. Derry, they do these things.” (Co. Derry, aged aged 9-11) 15-19) “As if you don’t belong in the world.” “It just gets to you all the time, (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13) undermines you. It’s feelings of Images of Children and Young People 43

The persistent experience of antagonism, about on the streets. This led to them being distrust and rejection by adults diminished questioned or “lifted” [arrested], and to young people’s self esteem. Without respect direct conflict with the police because they from adults within their communities, and felt unfairly targeted and harassed. While experiencing suspicion, some children and longer-term consequences were understood young people felt provoked to react: by young people, adults seemed not to understand: “ You make ways to get attention. You act up – even a bad response is a “They ring the police an’ they don’t response.” (Co. Armagh, aged 13-24) realise it affects our lives. We get into trouble with the cops an’, before you While some adult community know, it’s jail. An’ then it’s really hard to representatives and a few children get a job.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) considered young people were ambivalent about how they were perceived, this Alongside police targeting, some young was not reflected in the focus groups. people experienced the uncompromising Because they felt labelled, that they could threat of dissident paramilitaries who “do nothing right”, the enjoyment and continued to assert control through excitement of being young and growing up intimidation and punishment: was lost. This is reflected in the following “They [adults] blame us for stuff and exchange: we get a bad name for it … and there’s R: “How do you think that makes cops comin’ up round here and there’s young people feel [when it is always paramilitaries lookin’ round all the time thought that they are up to no good]?” and they blame ye.” (Co. Derry, aged YP1: “Angry. You’re not given a chance.” 15-19) YP2: “Like you can’t go out and have a Overall, children and young people laugh with your friends.” considered that the negative reputation YP3: “Always gettin’ the blame for imposed on young people was unfair everything.” [their emphasis]. and uninformed. The constant pressure R: “When you say everything, what do of rejection and exclusion, together with you mean?” direct threats of violence, undermined YP3: “Other people are always right. self-confidence and, simultaneously, We’re never right. We’re always wrong, provoked angry reactions. While some we’re always in the wrong.” turned in on themselves, indicated by YP1: “You feel like everyone feels they regular comments about suicide, others are superior to you.” (Co. Derry, aged responded through violence and anti- 16-17) social behaviour. Yet all agreed that In addition to the impacts emotionally and positive responses from adults within the on young people’s future actions, several - community drew positive reactions from particularly young men - were concerned young people. The experiences of one group that negative assumptions about their were so pronounced that they resolved to behaviour could lead to criminalisation. be different as ad ults and to treat the next They recalled instances of the police being generation differently: called because young people were hanging Images of Children and Young People 44

“Whenever we grow up, the way we’re A less subtle suggestion was: treated now, we’ll be able to say ‘Look “The children could show the adults at the way I was treated’. We’ll be able who’s boss, pick on them, see how they to treat them better and treat them like it.” (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13) with respect. We should treat the next generation the way we should have been Another group noted the difficulties in treated.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17: their improving social interaction: emphasis) “Change the attitudes of adults, try to Changing negative perceptions bring them into the club and get them to mix with the youngsters - but we’ve Most young people wanted adults to think tried that before and most of them aren’t differently about them, to understand their interested, they just want rid of the lives and realities, and not to perceive them weans [children].” (Co. Antrim, aged as a threat: 19-20) R: “Would you like adults to think Some community representatives from differently about young people?” the same area, however, had a similar YP: “Aye.” impression about young people as that R: “How would you like adults to think voiced by young people about adults: about young people?” “ Young people just aren’t interested - YP: “To think ‘Oh, they’re just playing, they prefer to hang about the streets and carrying on, being noisy’ … Most of terrorise residents”. them [young people] are ok, if you ask them to move on they do. They’re just Within the research sites there were noisy.” (Co. Derry, aged 13) positive examples and experiences of programmes involving both young people To promote a positive view of young and adults. These highlighted the potential people and better relations between young of intergenerational work, if it is sensitively people and adults, the groups offered organised and adequately funded. four suggestions. Most common was the encouragement of interaction and Central to children’s and young people’s communication be tween young people views about changing negative perceptions and adults. This would enable adults to was greater provision of activities and know and understand young people more facilities to constructively occupy their intimately, thus challenging negative time: “If we’re not about, they can’t blame assumptions. One group suggested that us” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19). They also young people should have the opportunity confirmed that some children and young to inform adults about the impact of people needed to improve their behaviour negative perceptions: and challenge prevailing negative stereotypes. While some groups suggested “They [young people] should tell them, that this could be done by “young people show them how they feel when they doing things round the community” (Co. [adults] do that and tell them what they Derry, aged 8-14), others commented that say can be hurtful.” (Co. Derry, aged their contributions to their community 8-14) were not recognised. They suggested that Images of Children and Young People 45

the media and community representatives Key Issues had a responsibility to report “the good things we do”. One group noted they - Children considered that they were respected were not inclined “to be out plantin’ trees and supported within their families and in people’s gardens” (Co. Fermanagh, communities. aged 13-15), especially if they were not - For many young people, rejection and recognised already for their positive exclusion by adults was a common contributions to community life. experience in their families and in their Many young people, particularly those communities. negatively labelled in their communities, - Expectations and responsibilities placed believed little could be done to change on young people in the home, school adults’ perceptions other than conforming and community, were not matched by to their demands and expectations: appropriate information, advice and “Stay in the house, then they couldn’t support. say nothin’.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13- - Young people experienced difficulties in the 15) transition from ‘childhood’ to ‘adolescence’ “Go to mass on Sunday, do chores and – a period of physical and emotional change do nice things … shop for other people and a perceived loss of adult protection and and then they’d all think you’re a wee support. goodie goodie.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) - Young people considered the labelling of These quotes suggested that acceptance their behaviour as ‘anti-social’ or ‘criminal’ could be achieved only by rejecting the by sections of the media to be unfair and excitement, adventure and enjoyment unfounded. This was deeply resented. associated with being a young person. One - In all focus groups conducted with children group suggested that, if they behaved as and young people, there was evidence of badly as their reputation implied, adults diminished self-esteem impacting on their would appreciate how mild they actually emotional well-being. While some young were: people responded through being hostile, “It would change if we went pure angry and volatile – often bolstered by [completely] bad like everywhere else do alcohol – others withdrew into themselves. … there’s somethin’ on [TV] last night - Well-conceived and adequately resourced about anti-social behaviour in England intergenerational initiatives challenged and they’re worse than us. People that negative reputations and stereotypes that come down from Belfast couldn’t believe prevailed within communities. how good we were, sayin’ there was no house breakin’, cars stolen and that.” - Promotion and protection of children’s (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) rights is central to development of positive interventions, opportunities to challenge discrimination and stereotyping, secure free association, promote participation and create conditions for good health and well-being. CHAPTER 4

PERSONAL LIFE AND RELATIONSHIPS

Being heard and taken seriously should be taken seriously because …’, the following are illustrative of issues raised Regarding involvement in decisions that around the theme of safety: impacted on their lives, children (under 13s) gave predominantly positive responses. “If there was any glass in the park, and Older groups, however, were less positive. the council didn’t listen, then children Children considered that adults were most could get hurt.” (Co. Down, aged 10-11) responsive when they needed help, advice, “Cos if somethin’s wrong then they’ll support, or when they were worried, hurt [children] say instead of coverin’ it up.” or in trouble: (Co. Derry, aged 14) “They listen when you’re worried, or if Regarding safety, one group stated that you fall.” (Co. Down, aged 9-10) adults had a responsibility to listen. “When sometimes somethin’s hurt them Another felt the necessity to “get it out of [children], like if somethin’s happened their head – you might be thinking it over in school or somethin’ and you look and over and over again – you could go upset, they would listen and tell ye what mental” (Co. Down, aged 9-10). to do.” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) One group of young people considered While these comments are not directly it a “right to express our views” (Co. about children’s voices in decision-making, Fermanagh, aged 16-21). While a group of they are important examples of being children thought that their contributions listened to and taken seriously. Others, were distinct and valuable as a direct however, felt that adults’ responsiveness consequence of their age: “Children can was dependent on their judgements about be more imaginative so could have better the ‘value’ of what was being said or the ideas” (Co. Down, aged 10-11). views of the individual: ‘Being listened to’ led to those interviewed “They listen when they think you’re feeling positive about themselves, cared for doin’ something good.” (Co. Derry, aged and taken seriously. For children it meant 8-14) they had less to worry about, felt safer, received more advice and support thus “They only listen to the good ones.” (Co. reducing the likelihood of “bad things” Derry, aged 12-15) happening to them. Young people framed “It depends, if they’re interested in what their responses around being ‘respected’ ye have to say, they will [listen].” (Co. by adults. Yet the majority of children and Derry, aged 15-19) young people considered that adults did not involve them in decisions, nor take their All age groups, across the communities, views seriously: explained the importance for children and young people of being consulted, included “They don’t listen when you tell tales and respected. Their priority was that an about when somebody hits you.” (Co. issue could be important and/or serious. Antrim, aged 7-10) Children, in particular, were concerned “Say when they’re busy, they’re too busy about issues of safety and protection. to listen.” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) Completing the sentence, ‘Children’s views Personal Life and Relationships 47

Children and young people often felt judged negatively and being treated equally pre-judged by adults, without having the and fairly: opportunity to voice their views. One “Speakin’ to people like you would like group agreed: to be spoken to.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14- “They [adults] think we are a joke and 25) just mess about … Adults brush over “ To be treated like an equal.” (Co. our ideas.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 12-25) Armagh, aged 13-24) When views were sought, young people Helping others and being helped by others considered that this was often tokenistic: as a reciprocal process was also significant. “It would make ye think that people, Many, across all age groups, identified they ask ye your opinion but don’t take listening as a key element of respect: any of it in - that it’s goin’ in one ear “They take everythin’ into consideration, and out the other and, ‘Sure, it’s only like what you’re sayin’ to them, and then a young person, they’ll probably be they give you respect and you give it standin’ at the corner at the weekend them back.” (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13) anyway’.” (Co. Derry, aged 22: her emphasis) “Listenin’ to what people have to say and takin’ into account what people say For children, the exclusion of their views …” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) by adults brought sadness and anger. Young people identified several consequences: Young people especially identified ‘trust’, “acting up” and “retaliation” to gain ‘listening’ and reciprocity as crucial to attention; experiencing disrespect and/or respect between themselves and adults. As insignificance: one group noted, “it’s about give and take” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17). There was clear “[Like] a waste of space.” (Co. recognition that respect had to be earned to Fermanagh, aged 13-15) be returned: “… you feel like you’ll get nowhere in “Be nice to us and we’ll be nice to you.” life. That nobody cares, and they don’t.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) (Co. Derry, aged 16-21) “If they don’t respect you, you don’t Asked to provide a definition of ‘respect’, respect them.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) there were some age-related differences. Children had difficulty defining respect. “ You help me, I help you.” (Co. Antrim, They offered examples of people “doing aged 18-20) things” for them or children being “mannerly and not bein’ cheeky” (Co. “If you don’t respect somebody, they’ll Derry, aged 14). Five prominent themes not respect you.” (Co. Armagh, aged emerged from the groups – positive 12-21) treatment, help and support, listening, However, there were contradictions. Some trust and reciprocity. The most frequently children felt that they should respect cited was “being treated well” and “treating all adults, irrespective of how they were others well”. This included “being given things”, not being discriminated against or Personal Life and Relationships 48

treated by them, as this was both expected “Like if somethin’ ever happened to ye, and appropriate: someone would always be there for you, to watch your back. They’d always be “ You show respect to those who respect there for ye … We talk to each other. you but you should respect other ones It’s better to tell people than to keep it [adults].” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14: their inside you, it messes your head up.” (Co. emphasis) Derry, aged 15-19) Groups of young people were less Children and young people regularly accommodating: identified an individual community/ “They’re [adults] always goin’ on about youth worker for whom they had respect respect, showin’ them respect, but and by whom they felt respected. ‘Trust’, where’s the respect for us? Don’t think ‘care’ and ‘understanding’ were central so!” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) to their accounts of those who “always have time for us” and who “understand When asked who respected them, they your problems”. The following quotes struggled to offer a response. Of those who demonstrate the meaning and value of did, children were more likely to identify a individual community/youth workers to family member and/or a professional (such children and young people: as the police or a health professional), while young people talked of friends and/or an YP1: “I respect [Name], I love her to individual community/youth worker. bits.” (All agree) When asked who they respected, more YP2: “I respect all the leaders.” examples emerged. Across all groups, R: “And why do you respect them?” responses (in order of frequency cited) YP3: “Cos they do stuff with us. It’s not included: friends; a community/youth just we come and sit, they play games worker; family members; individuals in with us.” the community. Friends were particularly YP2: “They don’t like just sit around important - for some, friends were the and watch ye and they’ve got a good only people they could trust, talk with discipline. Like, if somethin’ happens openly and rely on. In these relationships, they bar ye. But they don’t bar ye respect was identified as reciprocal. The forever.” significance and value of friends for R: “So they’re fair?” children and young people’s emotional YP2: “Aye, they’re fair.” well-being was considerable: YP3: “Sometimes if you’ve done “If they [friends] told me something somethin’ bad you would agree to get I’d be there for them. I’d think more of barred.” (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13) them because they asked for help.” (Co. It is clear from this short exchange that Derry, aged 9-11) youth workers, in contrast to other adults “We hang about in groups because we in their lives, are important because they respect each other and we can talk to negotiate and listen to children and young each other. We listen to each other.” people. The children noted that those (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) who break rules accept their ‘punishment’ Personal Life and Relationships 49

because it is fully discussed and considered and illustrated the importance of respectful fair. relationships (regardless of the actual project activities). Another group living in an area without youth provision, who felt shunned by The interviews revealed how most adults in their neighbourhood straightforward it can be to gain the and had particularly poor relations with respect of children and young people, and the police, spoke of the significance of how adults can have a positive impact their relationship with a community on their lives. Making time for children police officer who had initiated a youth and young people, and not judging them programme: unfairly, engendered respect and trust which was often lacking in their homes, R: “So what makes him different?” schools and communities. It also provided YP1: “Cos he does care about us, ye constructive relationships and support that know.” many did not have in their day-to-day life YP5: “He wouldn’t put the hands on experiences. [hit] ye or nothin’.” YP6: “He knows us.” The impact of poverty and YP2: “He done good stuff for us ya see.” the Conflict on families R: “So if someone does good stuff for you …” Poverty and/or the legacy of the Conflict YP9: “They get it back.” were dominant themes in interviews YP5: “They get respect.” with community representatives about YP1: “Sure [Name of officer] would even the family lives and circumstances of tell ya that himself. We always be good, children and young people. Indicators so we do. He stuck up for us against of deprivation, or need, were commonly [person] that didn’t like us and all, so he cited. These included: child poverty and didn’t have to.” limited circumstances created by low R: “What we’re tryin’ to look at here is incomes or insufficient benefits; prevalence what makes a good relationship with of child physical abuse and neglect; somebody and what doesn’t make a disproportionately high numbers of lone good relationship.” parent households and high numbers of YP6: “Respect.” children receiving free school meals. All: “Yeah.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13- The depth of poverty was starkly illustrated 15) by a former head-teacher who revealed The group no longer viewed this person that, in the 1990s, 91.4 per cent of children solely as a police officer because he did not in his school had received free school treat them as stereotypes of young people. meals. The area had the worst level of To them, he was a community worker DMF (decayed, missing, filled) teeth in rather than a police officer. He cared Northern Ireland. Another representative about them, understood them, defended from this community noted the high them and, ultimately, respected them. The number of children entering the care project was small-scale, with an uncertain system and a third commented on families future, yet its impact on a group for whom “surviving on nothing”: there was no other provision was profound Personal Life and Relationships 50

“Families cannot afford to put good aspirations and future life chances. In quality healthy food on the table. There particular, there was a clear understanding used to be kids who came to the Youth that poverty placed considerable pressures Club who had not had a proper meal … and demands on families, impacting on In some families basic needs are not met parents’ ability to cope. It was recognised – warmth and food.” that children were “traumatised by poverty” and “grow up accepting a poverty A primary school head-teacher in another perspective”. community revealed that 55 per cent of pupils received free school meals. Half were There was also considerable discussion registered as having Special Educational about the consequences of the Conflict for Needs and “as a school, we report high families. In one community, previously a incidence of head-lice and concerns about major site of recruitment by paramilitary hygiene. Nutrition too can be a cause for groups, “hundreds of young men from concern”. An after-school programme the area went to prison which had a in a third community negotiated with profound effect on family life and on the funders to finance healthy snacks and community”. Further, the community meals, recognising it was “the only dinner sustained a high number of Conflict- for some of the children”. In a fourth related deaths and injuries, bereavement community, a youth project also ran a and trauma. The impact on family life in healthy eating scheme: “For some kids, five terms of parental depression, alcoholism rounds of toast is their evening meal”. and intergenerational trauma was raised in the interviews. These issues were replicated These examples of poverty were neither in a number of other communities where isolated nor exceptional cases. In discussing experience of the Conflict was severe: poverty, the following comments were common: “[The Conflict] had a very traumatic impact and the psychological trauma on “… unemployment and benefit families was never addressed.” dependency is high. There are also a lot of single parents and second generation “There are hundreds of families here parents that don’t work.” and in other communities who are voiceless - the voiceless of the Conflict “Poverty is embedded, it is multi- - they don’t get involved or speak out generational poverty … There are three publicly. There are huge amounts of pain generations of unemployment in the area there and they are highly traumatised. and a low wage economy in the [region] The children of the Conflict seen their more generally.” parents medicated with tranquillisers - Multi-generational poverty resulted in they never told their story or had their organisations working with parents and, pain recognised.” eventually, with their children when they There was a belief that families who had became parents. It was widely recognised “buried” their pain were beginning to that the impact of poverty was far reaching acknowledge its impact, and that children - affecting the physical and emotional had inherited the trauma of their parents. health of both parents and children as Some community representatives spoke well as children’s educational experiences, Personal Life and Relationships 51

of “the secrecy” that had contextualised “Mental health is a big problem. There family life in Northern Ireland, including are mothers of children in the school “an acceptable level of violence” which with depression and this rubs off on often started in the home: children … There is no resilience, no bounce-back among people living here. “There is an undercurrent of acceptance Parents can’t work through it and then of violence in our communities [and] this affects the children.” … hidden levels of domestic violence in many communities … young people are There was an understanding of the context still dealing with these issues in silence.” of the problems experienced by families in all communities, although some recognised “It [domestic violence] still happens, far the impacts of poverty and the legacy more than people will say or admit. It’s of the Conflict more fully than others. part of the culture, part of a way of life.” In one community, the predominant Representatives across several communities view was that “parents don’t care”, that expressed concern about “aggressive “parental discipline, control and support is parenting”. Some related this to parental lacking”, that there were “poor parenting stress, while others felt that young parents skills” and that services were used as “a were often inhibited by the trauma, babysitting service”. In contrast, discussions bereavement and depression suffered by in another community focused on parents’ their parents: difficulties in coping and the need for adequate family support. The child and “The issues are things people are afraid family support services offered in the first to say – nurturing and loving children. community were statutory, while the latter Low self-esteem is bred into children community had an established history in these communities. It is forceful of community/voluntary based child and personalities that survive. Teachers family support services. This demonstrates feel it is not their role to nurture and the frustrations and difficulties faced by love children. Parents don’t learn how workers in communities where community- to, because they have not had it. So it’s based statutory services are relatively recent endemic.” and where parents are resistant to help Whether related to poverty, to the (or perceived interference) in the private Conflict, or a combination of both, domain of their homes, particularly if representatives in three communities this is considered to be based on a deficit reported high levels of alcoholism, parental model. depression and dependency on prescription Children and young people’s drugs. They noted how this impacted on experiences of home life parents’ ability to adequately parent and on children’s emotional well-being: The following experiences elaborate the “If parents are depressed or have low points made by community representatives self-esteem their ability to deal with regarding the impacts of parental their child is restricted. Thus, children alcoholism and violence on the lives of are not getting support from their own some young people. While not illustrative family and they cannot access services.” of all children and young people in these communities, the issues raised are Personal Life and Relationships 52

more widespread than is often assumed, Danny was enrolled on a training course and demonstrate, from young people’s and had aspirations to become a youth perspectives, the impact on their lives. worker. He was one of a small group of Danny: violence in the home young men with whom a trusted, local youth worker was undertaking an intensive During a focus group involving young men personal development programme. As whom he had known for many years and part of this, they had completed an trusted implicitly, Danny recounted the exercise in which they reflected on their violence he had experienced while growing lives, identifying a point when things had up and his violent response. Danny began begun to change. This enabled Danny by talking about his own violence towards to understand the context of and need to his father and discussed how this was a manage, his anger. In the extract, Danny response to his father’s controlling and recognised and admitted his violence violent behaviour: towards his father but it was when the issue was explored further that he acknowledged Danny: “I was violent with me Da, I its context. Young people often do not was always violent with me Da. I really identify the context of their behaviour, didn’t like me Da, I was always violent particularly when it is behaviour that is with him. I just couldn’t stand him.” individualised and pathologised. Without R: “Was he violent with you?” this understanding, self-blame damages Danny: “Yes.” their mental health. R: “Did you feel that the violence you showed him was because you’d been Danny talked candidly about how he was getting it from him?” aware that this anger was a recurrent issue, Danny: “Yeah, say on like a Saturday that he had “a short wire” and “anything night or somethin’, he’d want me in at all and I just kick off straight away”. at nine o’clock and you’d land in at Yet through the support of his youth five past nine, he’d go mad. You know worker, and his involvement as a young just small things, he’d go mad on ye, leader, he was developing self-control and shoutin’ at ye. Ye’d get hit, ye’d get establishing new opportunities. grounded and all that there … I just let Sadie: alcoholism in the home it all bottle up and bottle up, and one day I just snapped and lost the plot, like, Sadie was 21 at the time of interview. I just went mad … Started wreckin’ the She worked part-time and lived with her house, started throwin’ hammers at him. boyfriend and three year old daughter. She I was goin’ mad, got all my stuff and just talked openly about her difficult childhood threw it outta the door, put it in a taxi and, from a young age, her violence, and that was the end of it.” sexual relations, drug and alcohol use. R: “How did you feel after that?” She was committed to making a different Danny: “In a way you feel relieved, like, life for her daughter. Involved with social that you let it out cos ye let it bottle up services from the age of five due to her and bottle up and it has to come out mother’s alcoholism, she took primary care some way, like.” responsibility for herself, her mother and her younger sister. She felt that she had missed out on her childhood: Personal Life and Relationships 53

“I was only 13 and I had troubles like just all the time … I was grand for the an adult on me shoulders, you know, first while and then the next day and lookin’ after me Mammy. And at the that I could just see myself gettin’ sliced. same time I didn’t have a childhood, I Blood, oh Jesus, it was bad. I dream wasn’t allowed to be a wean. I wasn’t about it. I have nightmares, wakin’ up allowed to be a wee girl, to do what a sweatin’ in the middle of the night and wee girl has to do … I had to grow up all. I still get it like, not as bad, but I very quick.” still get it … and I always say after, ‘It was a flashback, oh please’. Because Sadie spoke of her anger - directed towards I really do think that somethin’ did everyone, including those who tried to happen to me and I’m not lettin’ it come help. She had struggled to understand: out, and I don’t know why I’m not lettin’ “I had a wile, wile temper, I mean it was it come out.” outrageous … I was a really angry wee girl. Just angry and I didn’t know what I was Sadie continued to suffer from anxiety angry for”. Yet every aspect of her life was as a result of this experience. Becoming difficult and, to an extent, out of control: pregnant, and the support of staff at an NGO, were crucial to sustaining her efforts “School was wile bad and then in the to change her situation. This particular house too. And even in the community, organisation had been central several when I was runnin’ about with people, times throughout her life. When she was I would have been sexually active or I younger, she had attended their residential would have been lettin’ anyone walk centre which “was a wee bit ’a respite … I over the top of me. Just fights and could be a wean down there, I could carry different things. Every part of me life on, have a laugh”. She also identified her was all sort of difficult things.” (her relationship with a key worker as more emphasis) positive than that with her social worker. After moving out and returning to the Without this organisation’s support she family home on several occasions, at 16 considered she would have been placed in Sadie went to sheltered accommodation care: in an attempt to relieve the pressures “ You don’t know how to thank them, do from home and “to see if it would calm you know what I mean? You don’t know me down”. She suffered a miscarriage and how to say to them ‘Really, you were “went on the drink”, returning to some of there for me when I was goin’ through the behaviours that she had struggled so all this bad crap, like’.” hard to abandon. She moved from sheltered accommodation, living with her boyfriend Sadie’s hope for the future was to ensure between friends’ houses. During this time that her daughter had the childhood she she had a frightening experience with had missed: drugs, which continued to impact on her “I just want her to have a normal baby but also was the catalyst to change: childhood to say, ‘Oh I remember when “That’s when I had me bad experience I was six and me Mammy took me here’. and I couldn’t trust anybody around me I can’t say nothin’ like that. All I can say and I felt all weird and panicky. It was Personal Life and Relationships 54

is I saw me own Mammy lyin’ blocked [the area], no other hostel … so there’s with a bottle of vodka in her hand.” not many places to go.” Mikey: housing options Mikey recalled the difficulties, after prison, in finding a job or even a suitable training Mikey was 21 at the time of interview and course and going “on the dole”. At the reticent to share the full details about his time of the interview, he was on a work family life. He identified a critical moment placement in a supermarket through New in his childhood: “the Brits comin’ up to Deal and hoped he would be given a job. the house and wreckin’ it”, and he recalled He had received little support following being in “children’s homes”. At 16, Mikey release from prison - “I was just left to get moved from the family home into sheltered on with it” - but identified the value of his accommodation. After six months he relationship with a worker with whom he was ‘thrown out’ for fighting and had no had maintained contact through earlier option but to return to his mother’s house. links with an NGO. The worker had since His account reveals the lack of options left that organisation, but continued to available for young people and how limited meet Mikey weekly. Mikey considered involvement in decision-making can affect that this voluntary involvement showed the their experiences: commitment, care and respect of his former Mikey: “I moved into [sheltered key worker towards him. accommodation] when I was 16 … I Common experiences only stayed there about six months. I went back to me mother’s, then I went The experiences of Danny, Sadie and to prison and then back out to [same Mikey are typical illustrations of the sheltered accommodation] and now I’m daily realities for children and young back in the house again.” people growing up in difficult family R: “Sixteen is young to be livin’ on your circumstances. Their shared experiences own. How did you find it?” included living through chaotic periods as Mikey: “It was alright like. It’s not as a consequence of family situations, early if it was hard livin’ on me own but housing transitions and limited housing [pause] just I got threw outta [sheltered options. Each internalised their feelings, accommodation] for fightin’ with the manifested externally in violence and/or security guard. He’s a wile cheeky man, risky sexual behaviours. They continued so both times he said the right thing to struggle with anger, anxiety and/or and I got threw out twice.” depression, yet still emphasised positive R: “And were you given a chance to aspects of their lives and hopes for the explain? Is there a warning system or future. But they were aware that some of anything?” their friends continued to struggle. As Mikey: “No, you’re just out.” another care-experienced young woman R: “And where did you go from there, stated: then?” “I would have more than enough friends Mikey: “I just had to go back home … who’ve been through stuff, maybe the There’s boys who got threw outta there, exact same as me, but have turned out to they’re livin’ on the streets. They can’t be alcoholics or drug users, standin’ on go back home. There’s no other place in Personal Life and Relationships 55

the street corners - nowhere to live, no the house?” friends, or turn out the worst people on YP: “They never want you out of the earth whenever they’re not bad people.” house, they want you in the house so (Mel, aged 22, her emphasis) they know what you’re doin’.” R: “And you want to be out of the She understood her friends’ behaviour house?” because she recognised their circumstances YP: “Yeah, out bein’ the numpty, as similar to her own. spreadin’ sexually transmitted diseases! Danny, Sadie and Mikey had each That’s what they think we’re doin’, but developed strong relationships with we’re not. We just go and play football significant, respected and trusted adults and chill with the lads.” (Co. Derry, who had compensated for what several aged 16-17: his emphasis) community representatives defined as the Many young people did not feel trusted by “poverty of relationships” within some their parents and consequently did not talk families. Other children and young people openly with them: interviewed, even those who felt ignored or unfairly treated at home, thought they YP1: “I wouldn’t tell them [parents] were respected by their families. Younger anythin’. They don’t even like me, don’t children were more likely to ‘have a say’ listen and they wouldn’t understand. in family decisions, particularly regarding More like they wouldn’t even try to holidays, family outings and activities. understand.” Many noted, however, that “sometimes” YP2: “That’s right. Some of us will tell adults did not listen, unless concerned our friends stuff rather than our parents about homework, school or the child’s because we have more trust between us safety: than we do with our parents.” YP1: “Yeah, I’d never trust my parents. “They ask, ‘Where are you going? What I’d trust them with nothin’. (Co. are you doin’? Who are you with? Phone Fermanagh, aged 16-21) me, text me’.” (Co. Derry, aged 13) Although the home was where children Some appreciated parental concern about and young people reported significant their safety, while others resented this: interaction, as they grew up their “I don’t want them to ask me, it’s nosey.” participation in family decisions often (Co. Down, aged 9-10) decreased and their experiences of control and suspicion increased. Contrary to some community representatives’ comments that “parents While children and young people were don’t care”, children and young people not interviewed directly about intimate reported that parents were likely to relations within their families the discipline and control them. Some were discussions quoted above, together with particularly critical of what they perceived the specific examples, provide evidence of as their parents’ lack of trust: the significance of personal relationships in their daily lives. ‘Respect’ was a theme YP: “They [parents] always think we’re running through all interviews and focus lookin’ to do stuff we shouldn’t be doin’.” groups, particularly respect from family R: “Do you think they want you around Personal Life and Relationships 56

members and other ‘significant’ adults. - Difficult circumstances experienced It was presented, however, as a two-way during childhood often led to individuals process. If respect was not shown by adults, displaying violent and/or risky behaviours. it would not be returned. Adults who gave For these young people, developing strong support to those children and young people relationships with respected and trusted who felt disrespected in their families, or adults compensated for lack of family who lacked parental support, frequently support. became mentors and important sources of - Community representatives noted the dual support. impact of poverty and the legacy of the Key Issues Conflict on families. ‘Transgenerational trauma’, low incomes and ‘multi- - Children, more than young people, felt that generational poverty’, poor health and well- adults were likely to listen to and respect being each impacted on parents’ ability to their views. cope and form positive relationships with - In their families and communities young their children. people often felt pre-judged by adults, - It was not unusual for support services without having the opportunity to to work with adults whose parents they have their views or accounts taken into had supported previously, illustrating the consideration. significance of transgenerational trauma - Children felt it was important to be and multi-generational poverty. consulted to ensure their safety. Young people believed they should be consulted because their views were as valid as those of adults. - When children and young people were consulted and included in decision-making processes they felt respected, cared for and positive about themselves. Lack of consultation led to feelings of disrespect, exclusion, sadness and anger. - Young people often explained negative or anti-social behaviour by some young people as a response to feelings of exclusion and rejection within their communities. This view was shared by a number of community representatives. - Children and young people regularly identified an individual community or youth worker with whom they shared mutual respect. ‘Trust’, ‘care’ and ‘understanding’ were central to these relationships. CHAPTER 5

EDUCATION AND EMPLOYMENT

Poverty, aspirations aspirations. These include social issues and experiences and the political situation.”

The impact of poverty and the legacy Inhibitions on attainment included: lack of the Conflict featured prominently in of appropriate resources - “a lot of parents community representatives’ discussions here couldn’t afford a computer and the about the education and employment internet”; the low value placed on education opportunities and aspirations of children in some families and communities; poor and young people. In three communities quality vocational education/training; the view was that particular schools were limited job opportunities. While noting “bad” and “failing children”. Others the impact of poverty on education, considered that local schools faced difficult Horgan (2007) recently highlighted the circumstances and that many factors family and community as key factors that impacted on attainment levels, including: shape children’s educational experiences lack of funding, large class sizes and and aspirations. significant numbers of children with Community representatives considered statements of Special Educational Need. In deficiencies in parental support for comparison to secondary schools, primary education to be a ‘cultural’ issue. education was considered to be under- Consequently, it was perceived that schools resourced in terms of ability to respond to “worked in a vacuum”, with the school the needs of all children. curriculum unsupported in the home. The majority of community representatives However, some community representatives interviewed considered the 11-plus recognised that parents themselves may system divisive and stressful for children, experience low literacy and numeracy impacting negatively on child-parent skills and a profound lack of confidence. relationships and children’s self worth. The following responses regarding the They cited examples of effects including influence of the family and community on bed-wetting, sleep-walking and educational aspirations were typical: parent-child conflict. One community “Some [parents] are better off on representative stated: benefits than working. Even if they don’t “70 per cent [of children] are told that want to sit in the house and want to be they’re failures at 11, so why are we out at work they have no choice as they surprised when they feel failures at 17?” would loose too much in benefits if they worked. The result is two-fold: poverty The significance of poverty on educational leads to health issues and young people attainment and the aspirations of children have it in their heads ‘Why bother, as and young people was also raised as an my parents never bothered?’ ” important issue: “Young people spend a lot of time in “The most stark impact of poverty their own community and surrounding on children is on their educational estates. They live here, go to school here, attainment – there are huge variations in spend their free time here. Young people GCSE and A Level attainment across feel that it is ok to give up, they feel they communities. There are underlying issues on ability to learn and upon Education and Employment 58

won’t achieve as no-one around them economic recovery had not happened. In has achieved.” many of the communities, young people attended schemes and courses with limited The under-valuing of education was employment prospects: considered by some to be a reflection of embedded working class (male) culture, “A lot of local women have now which has historically placed physical achieved a certain standard [of strength before academic achievement. education] and are going to work in care As explained by one community homes or the VG supermarket.” representative: Given that many children and young “Education was never greatly valued in people struggle with formal education, this community. Young men left school and consider it irrelevant to their future at 15 and it was strength rather than prospects, many community representatives brains that got them a job. There is a suggested that schools should adapt the legacy of this around job opportunities curriculum. This would include greater now, where young men aspire to accessibility and relevance beyond the informal work in building sites or taxis.” narrow focus on academic qualifications. It was suggested that young people in school Linked to family and community should be supported to identify skills that background are the employment aspirations might open up job opportunities rather and outcomes of children and young than “leaving school at 15/16 to a life of people. It was noted across all communities schemes”. that: Struggles with school: “Those in jobs are often in the lower school culture, teaching bracket of earnings as they think this is all there is and all that they can methods and aspirations achieve.” Approximately half of those interviewed Young people with limited qualifications “hated” school, did not attend regularly have few options in a youth labour market and/or considered school “irrelevant”. that revolves around “low paid shift Their rejection focused primarily on work in the service community”. In rural school culture, teaching methods and communities, options were generally even the perceived lack of significance of their more restricted, and employment outside studies. A young man who ‘self-excluded’ the local area brought additional problems: stated that it was, “the whole place, I hate everythin’ about school: teachers, subjects, “ To work outside the area, public rules, everythin’.” (Co. Antrim, aged 15- transport and buying a car are expensive 20). Another left school prematurely for – it’s not worth their while [working], low-paid employment because any job especially if they’re on the minimum was preferable to school. For him and his wage.” friends, formal education was unnecessary Small rural villages heavily affected by for the jobs to which they aspired and the Conflict had experienced a reduction which were available: in public services and the loss of many jobs. Despite some investment, full Education and Employment 59

“I went to [school] and it was a pure research, jobs were available irrespective of hole … I left in fourth year and never qualifications. This secured an income and went back … I already had a job so enabled young people to live locally: didn’t need to go back.” (Co. Antrim, “A lot take the easy way out and just go aged 18-20) to [the factory]. It’s the easy way out, Within the context of many young people’s nearly anyone could get a job there.” lives, formal education was stifling and (Co. Antrim, aged 19-20) irrelevant. There were few job opportunities While economic inequality and relative and their desire to leave school for any deprivation have been the long-term reality form of paid employment was inevitable. within these communities, they have also They did not accept that ‘staying on’ to gain embedded low aspirations. The issue of qualifications would necessarily improve educational relevance has been important their employment options. Many simply in consolidating inequalities - many young maintained that school did not prepare people complained that school was too them for their future lives or the jobs to focused on writing, listening, exams and which they aspired. As one young woman the regurgitation of information: indicated, they had a clear understanding of their ‘place’ in wider society: “Everybody hates school. It’s boring, all you ever do is write and listen.” (Co. “For certain people that want to go to Derry, aged 13) university, that want big jobs, big high paid big jobs, they probably need school. “They just give you work and mark it, But a person like me, who doesn’t want that’s it.” (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15) all that, doesn’t need school … You see people that want to be high class, I Interactive classes, taught through exercises call them pushy ones. See the ones that and discussions, were considered more wanna do somethin’ with their lives, let relevant: them have the school if they want the “If you’re playin’ games and things like pressure. See the ones that don’t want that, and talkin’ about different things pressure, leave them alone.” (Co. Derry, instead of all written, they’re all about aged 21) learnin’. But ye see when you’re writin’ Such views and beliefs have been informed all the time, you can’t actually learn and internalised over generations within nothin’. I’ve found that if you’re writin’ marginalised communities. Beyond the all the time you don’t learn nothin’.” issue of an acceptance of a specific class (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) position, young people showed a clear School as preparation for life? understanding of the local labour market: “There’s nothing here, just work in the Many young people reflected on how little shop or the pub” (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15). they had learned in school that prepared Aspirations beyond what was available them for further education, employment or meant leaving their community. One group their personal development: noted that many young people within “I left school with nothin’, nothin’ … I their community moved from school to had no interest and I ended up comin’ work in a local factory. At the time of the out of school with nothin’ … I’ve got Education and Employment 60

all my results since I’ve left school, ’cos more opportunities for this throughout there was nothin’ at school for me.” (Co. their time at school: Derry, aged 22) YP1: “That’s another way that young “Advice and information. How are people are gettin’ treated unfairly - we expected to handle ourselves and they’re tellin’ us that we need to choose take decisions an’ all if we don’t have our career path at such a young age but information? We get nothing like that they don’t give us any help. They’re just from schools, nothing that matters to throwin’ ye in at the deep end, like.” our lives.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) (YP’s emphasis) YP3: “Work experience in our school’s Information provision, even within the not until seventh year … you already same community, varied between schools. have your choices made by, then so Discussing careers advice, for example, a what if ye go and don’t like your work group of young women stated: experience? It should be done in fifth “… it was good. It was all about how to year.” get a job and you talk to a careers officer. YP7: “And what about those that They also give you information on other leave in fifth year, they don’t get no training schemes that they might not do experience?” in college.” (Co. Antrim, aged 19-20) YP3: “Exactly, they’re just thrown out to the Tech to do a trade.” (Co. Ty rone, Yet a group of young men who had aged 14-25) attended a different school within the same community considered their advice Young people also noted a lack of “a disgrace” - “it told you nothin’”. The consistency and appropriate information group agreed with one young man who regarding sex and sexuality education. commented, “I had no idea what I was Many stated that sex education was going to do when I left [school]” (Co. confined to the first or second year at Antrim, aged 18-20). secondary school. It was delivered by a teacher, often a science teacher. Young In one focus group, a range of provision women in particular were critical that the was described. Some attended weekly teacher was often male, the class was not career classes with careers advisors and engaged and sex education in mixed groups other external contributors, or yearly was embarrassing: blocks of lessons about ‘Preparation for Employment’ or ‘Learning for Life “I would have been more comfortable and Work ’. Others received one-off if it was a female teacher for girls and sessions early on in school or in their a male teacher for boys.” (Co. Antrim, fifth year. A few described how their aged 19-20) school surveyed students’ interests using Sex education delivered by a science a ‘traffic light system’ (red - minimal teacher, or within biology classes, “was knowledge of career aspirations; green – too scientific” – “you get it in chapter 7 considerable knowledge). Despite their Biology [book]” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25). different experiences, all agreed that work It was suggested that classes should be experience was valuable and recommended delivered by external specialists. For many, Education and Employment 61

restricting sex education to the early years were critical of such lessons because those of post-primary education was insufficient: delivering the classes failed to engage with young people or to relate the issues to “It talked about pregnancy and young people’s lives. They considered a peer contraception, and sure you never even education approach to be potentially more think of pregnancy at that age. I didn’t effective: even understand half the stuff they were talking about - different contraceptions “It’s like adults runnin’ somethin’ that and that. I still don’t.” (Co. Antrim, they don’t know nothin’ about. If it was aged 19-20). peer tutorin’, like somebody your own age come in, it might make more sense. The consensus was that sex education At least you can say ‘Oh you understand should be taught throughout school, more about it cos you’re the same age’. recognising different developmental stages But adults just assume everythin’s the and responding to young people becoming way they think it is, the way it was sexually active at different times. As one whenever they were the same age as us.” group said: (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) “ You need it at our age too, cos they’re Teachers all at it like rabbits. It’s true like, it’s all the craze.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) Teachers regularly bare the brunt of school students’ and parents’ frustrations, Others considered that the information sometimes concerning matters over which they had received about sex was inadequate: they have little personal control – the “Aye you done all that, like [sex curriculum, the school ethos and the education in school]. But the most I was school culture. They work under difficult taught about it, ye heard it on the street circumstances, often with children and … I read about it first, read about what young people who experience multiple I was doin’, what can happen to you. problems and pressures. Children were That’s how I learned about sex.” (Co. considerably more favourable about their Der ry, aged 21) relationships with teachers than young people. Most reported that teachers “ You would of known it well before [it listened to and respected children. Young was covered in school] anyway.” (Co. people considered that most teachers did Fermanagh, aged 13-15) not listen to or respect their students. While there is value in young people Although children complained that learning from peers, there are obviously teachers asked too many questions and issues of accuracy and adequacy concerning sometimes failed to listen, they felt that this information. their teachers would listen and were approachable if the issue was serious: A minority of those interviewed had covered mental health, emotions and “ Teachers listen when you tell them feelings in school lessons. Most considered about bullying. They put the person in these classes particularly important because detention.” (Co. Antrim, aged 7-10) “there’s a wile lot of people depressed Some discussed the value of a ‘worry box’. and sad” (Co. Derry, aged 14). Others Of concern, however, was the suggestion Education and Employment 62

that what children posted was occasionally where many young people considered some ignored: teachers to be patronising, condescending and disrespectful: “Sometimes you put your name in but it never comes out and you never hear “… whenever you went into the older about it again. I put a note in but [name school you’re still treated like … a of pastoral care teacher] hasn’t spoken child.” (Co. Derry, aged 22) to me about it yet and that was two “They [teachers] think they’re better months ago.” (Co. Down, aged 9-10) than us.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) The power imbalance between teachers “… she [class teacher] wouldn’t speak and pupils, and its impact on daily school to ye in the corridor if she seen ye … life, was the site of most complaints. They’d stick their nose up and walk on. Fundamentally, adults have institutional It’s like ‘Who do ye think ye are?’ … It’s power in schools. Several groups reported just they look down on young people.” that “teachers are always right” and, (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) consequently, it was pointless to challenge their authority: Many believed that teachers were uninterested, did not care about pupils’ “ Teachers always have to be right, no welfare and were “only in it for the job”: matter what. If you try and prove them wrong, you keep yourself barred.” (Co. “They don’t care about young people. Derry, aged 15-19) They think ‘Get the job done and get them out’.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21) This also connects to the power of punishment, either formally or informally. A small but significant number of young Staying away from school (in the form of people discussed how teachers used their “keeping yourself barred”) amounted to power to embarrass, humiliate, threaten exclusion by feeling unwelcome. There and/or put pupils down. They provided was a common belief that teachers had examples of individual young people being the authority to make decisions in schools sworn at, called names and threatened by without acknowledging the potentially teachers. Generally, it was teachers’ power valuable input of children and young to embarrass, often through flippant asides, people. A young woman stated: that young people found memorable: “… ‘Do this. Do that’. It’s boring … YP5: “You see our teacher that was Like in PE, the class could pick a takin’ us for careers, he said somethin’ different thing every week instead of the to my friend and she went all red and teacher saying, ‘You’re doing this, you’re he said ‘Aw look at ye, I made ya all red doing that’ … teachers telling you what haven’t I?’ and everyone started laughin’ to do all the time.” (Co. Derry, aged 13) at her and she was wile embarrassed.” YP3: “Like, it’s hateful.” Many primary school children reported YP6: “Embarrassin’.” that teachers consulted them about YP2 : “It’s disrespectful.” decisions, often in relation to suggestions (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) for school trips or play activities. This was not the case in post-primary schools Education and Employment 63

A further example of embarrassment response to such humiliation gave the and humiliation related to being publicly appearance of not caring but, as many compared with peers: examples in the focus groups demonstrated, this was a defence mechanism against YP: “… you’re threw into a class and public shaming. Second, was the negative there’s times you’re gettin’ results impact on a young person who was and you’re at the bottom and you’re already struggling, who either continues gettin’ pulled for bein’ at the bottom in silence or gives up completely. Finally, of the class. And they’re sayin ‘If you was the damage to her self-esteem, school bothered…’, which knocks ye. It knocks experience and educational achievements. ye further back than what ye were … An all-male group stated that they stopped and they’re sittin’ maybe in a full class, attending school because of their negative fulla people readin’ out the results and treatment by teachers. One young man you’re goin’ like, ‘There’s 26 other people stated: “Just don’t go to school, then you in here and you just told them what don’t get blamed on nothin’. I never go to everybody has got’. And then maybe school” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19). the ones with the lower mark would be thinkin’ ‘Oh jeez, I did bad’. But ye The groups did, however, often identify make a joke of it and get by and it’s a bit teachers who were different. Some of those of craic anyway. But when you go home who reported particularly difficult home and actually sit and think about it, then lives identified a supportive teacher or you’re not great …” principal. Many identified one teacher who R: “What impact does that have on they could approach. One group considered young people?” that newly appointed teachers were more YP: “With me it would make me worse, approachable: I would tend to do nothin’ then. What’s “Some of the new teachers now, you the point in tryin’ whenever they’ve know the ones comin’ outta Uni an’ all, already knocked ye down in front of they’re gettin’ a bit better ’cos they know 26 other people? So there’s no point in what it is like, so they do. There was you sittin’ gonna try much more than one there in the [school] before I left … what you already were to just get the she’d talk away to ye. Ye’d come in after same result and know what you’re goin’ the weekend and she’s like, ‘What’s the to get. So it lowers your confidence craic?’ It’s teachers like that there that because then you’re put in the lower really make ye feel better about going to class. And you always know which class school, like.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) is the lower class, which I don’t think is fair neither …” (Co. Derry, aged 22: her ‘Good teachers’ were identified in the emphasis) following ways: This example includes a number of key “ You feel comfortable talking to them.” issues. First, was the embarrassment of experiencing public humiliation in “Someone who’s always kind to ye.” front of a class. Instead of showing this “They don’t look down on ye.” embarrassment, thus making herself more vulnerable, the young woman laughed “They talk to you on your own level.” it off until she was alone. Her outward Education and Employment 64

“ Ye can have a bit ’a craic with them.” “One teacher would be sayin’, then another teacher would know, and it just “Having respect for ye and bein’ there gets about. So you don’t bother sayin’ to for ye.” nobody in school, cos no matter what “They care about ye.” you say it’ll get passed around, like.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) “Give ye praise.” While young people trusted school “They’re nice to ye.” counsellors more than teachers, they “Understand ye.” remained doubtful about confidentiality. Many retold stories concerning friends who ‘Good teachers’ were those who listened had been to the school counsellor and had to and cared for their pupils. ‘Trust’ their confidentiality compromised: and ‘understanding’ were particularly significant, and ‘respect’ was central to YP1: “I wouldn’t trust a counsellor in positive pupil-teacher relations. case they told.” YP2: “My friend went to them. It was Support in schools: counsellors between her and her Da and they told and pastoral care her Ma an’ all, and they put her on to a wee scheme an’ all.” While children in primary schools had no YP3: “It was the same with my friend. knowledge of school counsellors, many felt She told them ’cos she didn’t want the there was someone they could approach teacher to know. But they told the when they had a worry or concern. Some teacher.” schools utilised ‘Worry Boxes’, others had a R: “How does that impact on other named teacher with responsibility for child people in the school who might want to protection or pastoral care. Most identified go to the counsellor?” their class teacher as the person with whom YP2: “You don’t wanna go in case they they would talk if they had concerns. talk to someone else about it.” (Co. This was in marked contrast to secondary Derry, aged 8-14) schools, where young people were hesitant about talking to a school counsellor or a While there are issues that counsellors designated teacher for pastoral care because cannot keep confidential and have a they felt that confidentiality would be duty to report, disclosure should be fully breached: discussed with pupils. Although breaches of confidence may not be as extensive as “ Teachers would take your stuff young people reported, the assumption that [business] into school … Teachers confidentiality would be breached means talk about you to other teachers.” (Co. that most would not discuss problems with Armagh, aged 13-24) their school-based counsellor: “Everythin’ you tell them, you hear the “… they’re touts … Like, we have a next day in class. They tell ye that ye can school nurse who’s meant to be our trust them, but ye can’t.” (Co. Armagh, school counsellor and they tout about aged 12-21) everythin’. Like, we have sick beds, an’ I was lyin’ one time and she thought I Education and Employment 65

was sleepin’ and you could hear them changes as a consequence of the school talkin’ about, ‘Oh that there wee girl, council, including: benches in the oh my God that happened, aye’. And playground; decisions about school trips; you’re like, oh my God they talk about changes to the uniform. The value of everythin’. Then I told everybody and having their voices heard through this now nobody talks to them anymore.” mechanism, and the positive impact of (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) consultation, is illustrated in the following example: Some young people were concerned that the decision to talk with school counsellors “We got new toilets – mirrors in our was not voluntary. Several reported being toilets. We asked if we could design sent to the counsellor because it was felt them ourselves and we got to do it then. there was ‘something wrong’. Others It’s better when you design it yourself, considered that attending a counselling you’d keep it cleaner.” (Co. Derry, aged session had become a form of punishment: 8-14) “If you get detention in our school, Despite identifying some positives, the the school actually forces you to go to a majority of young people considered that counsellor.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21: school councils had little power and, their emphasis) therefore, minimal impact - although offering some student representation, there Not all views about counsellors were was no guarantee that decisions would be negative. A few young people believed that followed through. Young people reported school counsellors were important. While repeatedly raising issues and not receiving a others agreed in principle, they would need response: reassurance that their confidentiality would not be compromised before accessing such “It wasn’t mentioned again when we a service. mentioned it about three times.” (Co. Locating children and young Fermanagh, aged 13-15) people’s voices in schools “The teachers wouldn’t really listen anyway.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) While primary school children had no knowledge about school councils, they “They say they’ll listen to whatever you were more likely than those in secondary say, but they don’t.” (Co. Armagh, aged schools to state that they participated in 15-24) school decisions, albeit limited to decisions While it may be difficult for schools to concerning play and school trips. Many respond to all the issues and suggestions in secondary schools confirmed that their raised by pupils, those interviewed schools had councils. One group noted: complained that there was minimal “We have one in our school but no-one feedback and no explanation about rejected knows. It’s just there.” (Co. Ty rone, aged suggestions. They felt ignored, which led 14-25) to a rejection of the process as tokenistic. In theory, young people were ‘given a Views and experiences of school councils voice’, but in practice they had no influence were mixed. A few young people reported regarding decisions. One young man was various consultations and subsequent Education and Employment 66

convinced that the school council in his and the smart people” (Co. Armagh, school was a public relations exercise: aged 13-24). Those in another group felt that some young people used the council “School council, that’s good! It’s only for as a means of furthering their academic the image of the school, like in all their prospects, with little real interest in the leaflets: ‘We have a student council, issues raised by their peers: they do everything that the students tell them’. It’s just for the image of the “The girls who are on the student school.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) council, they look brilliant on their UCAS forms for college. It’s the only Pupils from three different schools reason they’re on it - they’re not on it to participated in this focus group and all help anybody.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25) were negative about their school council. A young man from another community noted Most young people supported the the selectivity of topics discussed: principle of school councils, but found them ineffective and limited. Ultimately, “… when you were talkin’ about the decisions remained with teachers while behaviour and all it wasn’t really taken councils were used to present the image serious. If you brought up activities and that consultation and participation were that, they would do somethin’ about it. part of school life. Few young people felt But see when it came to talkin’ about their views were adequately represented or this year group doin’ what wrong, you taken into account by their school council. couldn’t defend it, they wouldn’t listen to ye. It was like nine of them onto one Post-16 opportunities of you, so you couldn’t really fight your and experiences cause.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) While some of the children interviewed While positive about the idea of school had higher education aspirations, relatively councils, he felt that their powers were few of the young people had considered limited and their ability to deal with key university as an option. Those who had issues was restricted. left school were in paid employment, A further complaint focused on the involved in training programmes or unrepresentative membership of school undertaking vocational courses. Training councils: “… it would be better if they or further education were considered more asked the whole class ’cos them people interesting, engaging and relaxed than [council representatives] could be wantin’ school. Tutors were more respectful, the somethin’ what we don’t want” (Co. teaching methods and college environment Antrim, aged 10-13). An older group were more accommodating and inspired agreed that: greater self-confidence. A young woman commented: “… you need to get the whole school involved, go round and get everybody’s “ You’ve got more respect, you’ve more point of view.” (Co. Antrim, aged 19-20) … it’s not even attention, it’s you’ve more advice. You can ask for advice Some young people believed that easier than what ye can [in school], even ‘representatives’ had been selected by though there’s still the same amount teachers: “It’s always the popular people Education and Employment 67

of people in the class. Ye can still ask nothin’. If you don’t work, there’s not for advice without feelin’ ... ‘Oh I’m a lot of opportunities out there. You’re not fit for this class, I need to be in the stuck with goin’ to … a certain buildin’ rompers’ class’.” (Co. Derry, aged 22) that has maybe courses that ye don’t want to do. Or else you’re left sittin’ Again, this demonstrates how the school with nothin’ to do seven days a week.” experience can damage young people’s (Co. Derry, aged 22: her emphasis) self-esteem, learning potential and, consequently, their future options. Both examples reveal the reality of ‘choice’ available to many young people – to Several young people identified lack of undertake any training/educational course post-16 opportunities and minimal options or be unemployed. Marginalised, they – few jobs and inadequate local training or are moved between courses and schemes, educational courses - as an issue in their with no effective identification of their lives: skills or options before leaving school. “Our lives are far from sorted an’ we’re Their ‘failure’ becomes individualised. It is lookin’ for something to do. Like the young people who have been in care, trainin’ for jobs - for good jobs, not who have criminal records, whose family crap jobs. A training centre - there’s cannot offer financial support, or who lack nothing to do around this area.” (Co. academic qualifications, that are most in Fermanagh, aged 16-21) need of appropriate and relevant post-16 training and education. As Ken Robert’s Some had been unable to access courses (1995) research indicates, their experience in which they were interested and had amounts to a form of ‘warehousing’, in to settle for whatever was available. which young people are ‘kept occupied’ - Consequently, they had little motivation. invisible in unemployment statistics until One young man stated: they enter the labour market. “I went on to do mechanics. After a Those interviewed rejected and resented couple of weeks they were supposed to portrayal of their situation as one of get me a placement. But they couldn’t ‘choosing’ to be unemployed. Many get one, so I had to give the mechanics had taken jobs, or enrolled on schemes, up and sign on the dole.” (Co. Derry, that involved hard work for low wages. aged 21) For those who were unemployed, their Eventually he was given a New Deal experience of lack of money, boredom placement working in a supermarket. and low self-esteem were demoralising. While he hoped the placement would lead The meaning and value attached to work to a job, his preference was to train as a was clearly evident in their discussions of bricklayer and he feared unemployment. A training and employment, which gave them young woman from the same community a purpose, a status and a sense of emotional noted the paucity of available training: well-being: “If the course you wanna do is finished, “I wasn’t workin’ there for a while and I or taken up, or it’s not runnin’, then went back into ma depression, because I you’re threw into IT or somethin’ that would get wile depressed really easily. It you’ve no interest in … I know there’s [working] brings my self esteem back up …” (Co. Derry, aged 21) Education and Employment 68

Despite their efforts to progress to explore emotions and feelings in a safe employment opportunities, the reality for and trusting environment. many was moving from scheme to scheme, - Children were considerably more positive or course to course, with diminishing about their relationships with teachers than prospects of gaining desirable or young people. interesting work. They accepted the limited possibilities of what was available, but - Young people often felt powerless in school, would prefer more extensive and rewarding believing that they were silenced, judged and opportunities. Given these experiences it is misunderstood by teachers. difficult to be optimistic regarding positive long-term employment opportunities - Many young people had experience of school for young people at a time of growing councils, but recorded a range of limitations, economic recession. As this chapter has including: minimal influence and impact; shown, the formal education system has tokenism; poor feedback about decisions; failed many of those from economically some issues being defined as ‘off-limits’; disadvantaged communities. Even during teachers having the ‘final say’; selective economic growth, job opportunities were representation of pupils. limited, short-term and poorly paid. As - Despite the presence of school counsellors or demonstrated in the interviews and focus pastoral care teams, many young people were groups, this process of marginalisation reticent to share information with these staff undermines aspiration and diminishes self- because they believed their confidentiality worth. would be compromised. Key Issues - On completion of compulsory education, many young people attended schemes and - Family and community were identified as courses with limited employment prospects. key factors in shaping children’s educational Employment opportunities were more experiences and aspirations. restricted in rural communities. - Identified inhibitions on attainment - Employment aspirations and outcomes were included: lack of appropriate resources; the generally low and related to whatever jobs low value placed on education in some were available in local communities. Formal families and communities; poor quality education was not considered necessary for vocational education/training; limited job most locally available work opportunities. opportunities within local areas. - Approximately half of the children and young people interviewed disliked school or considered it irrelevant. Their ‘rejection’ of school focused on school culture, teaching methods and the perceived lack of relavance of subjects studied. - Many felt that school did not adequately prepare them for adult life. They were particularly critical of careers advice, sex and relationships education, lack of opportunities CHAPTER 6

COMMUNITY AND POLICING

Communities in transition developed an ethos of community support. The community was policed from within Each community was affected significantly and, for safety, a culture of secrecy by the Conflict, although in different ways emerged: “you keep your mouth shut”. depending on its location. The communities The deficit in State policing meant that included relocation housing for families offending and offensive behaviour was exiled from their homes, residential regulated and punished locally. Within locations for police or security forces and these communities, young people learned recruitment sites for paramilitary groups. to fear punishment, distrust the police and Some had experienced disproportionate have pride in their cultural identity. The numbers of deaths and injuries, and the community representatives interviewed threat of violence was so persistent that considered that the Peace Agreements had several were gated at night. The volume failed to recognise these key elements. They of bombings, shootings and other attacks felt that the assumption of ‘change’ - in during the height of the Conflict had beliefs, behaviours and expectations - was constantly disrupted everyday life. For sudden and unrealistic for communities “at example, in one area it was reported that the coal-face of the Conflict”. Frustrations a bombing or shooting had occurred across all the communities were palpable: every week. Another had experienced regular battles between the army, police “With the likes of the Good Friday and paramilitaries on its streets. A third Agreement, nobody looked at what reported “eight bombs on one night … the needed to be put in place in the long- whole town was on fire at one point.” term to support communities through this time of transition – the focus was Some of the communities had been always about getting the Assembly heavily fortified, with large police or going …” (Co. Armagh, Republican/ army bases centrally located and security Nationalist) forces a permanent feature on their streets. Many re ported experiences of regular “On the streets in the community, you house raids, daily intrusions into their don’t see any benefits from the peace privacy and constant harassment by the process at all. Despair is still there …” security forces as they walked the streets (Co. Derry, Republican/ Nationalist) of their neighbourhoods. A high level “There have been changes in of resentment remained evident in the Government but not on the ground, interviews in these communities, which they don’t care what’s happening on the were frequently described by community ground … you can’t clear up the conflict representatives as “closed” and suspicious of in a few years.” (Co. Antrim, Loyalist/ outsiders. In Republican/ Nationalist areas Unionist) particularly, alienation from the police and security forces was so strong, “we felt the “The peace process has made no IRA were here to protect us, they were on difference. In fact, it hasn’t helped.” (Co. our side as the police were not”. Fermanagh, Loyalist/ Unionist) Consequently, some areas had become All communities involved in the research, isolated and introspective. With public to varying degrees, considered there had services withdrawn or reduced, they been little progress. In fact, regression was Community and Policing 70

noted by some. A comment made in one taken away and nothing has replaced it. meeting was repeated in all: They were something in the past and now they’re not.” “[The area] has improved in some ways but has deteriorated in others. There is Joining the paramilitaries was no more violence post-conflict, people don’t longer a readily available option. Young feel safe in this community when they men’s identity and place within their always did in the past.” communities were no longer unambiguous. It was felt that they were “disillusioned There were increasing concerns about the and alienated from community life”, and behaviour of children and young people that some responded to this dramatic in all areas and a shared belief that young change through violence - asserting their people were “disconnected from the masculinity and sectarianism to defend a community”. This was contextualised and culture they felt was under threat. In some understood in some communities better communities, powerful adults fuelled such than others. Many considered that young fears: people, and young men in particular, experienced confusion as a consequence of “… to some young adults there is no the transition from conflict. They had been hope. They believe the system isn’t brought up with a strong cultural identity working for them – ‘Fuck the peace - to fight for and defend that identity, process, it hasn’t done anything for us’ – sometimes through playing a part in the and they are attracted to the dissidents.” Conflict. Yet, past expectations had been (Republican/ Nationalist) reversed: “It’s hard to keep them not wanting “There are confusing messages for young to join the paramilitaries … The people. Now adults are saying don’t do paramilitaries have created something that [support ‘the cause’], when in the that just can’t go away, it’s going to past they were told to do it.” be so hard to take it away.” (Loyalist/ Unionist) “Now young people aged 20-21 are in a vacuum. They were told in the past that A more visible presence of young people it was OK to do certain things and now on the streets had emerged, causing they are told it isn’t.” concern in all communities. Their physical presence, often combined with heavy For working class young men with drinking, occasionally spilled over into an unambiguous, strong cultural and violent behaviour. The general view was community identity, there was a collective that the communities were no longer safe sense of loss – there were no jobs, places. There was nostalgia for a somewhat education was not valued and there was idyllic past, when parents controlled their no alternative. A view echoed across the children and paramilitaries “policed, for communities was that: the most pa rt, with compassion”. The “It was always in the heads of these reality, however, was that in the past many young men, ‘We’re tough, we’re from children and young people did not leave [name of area]’. They had an image, now their homes because they feared for their they’re not allowed that. It has been Community and Policing 71

safety and paramilitaries were often far “There is much confusion among people from compassionate. in these communities – they can’t trust the police and they can’t trust the men All communities expressed concern that in their own communities. So they are there were no longer effective controls on left in a no-man’s land.” young people, that there was a ‘policing vacuum’ and that the ‘protectors’ of the Former ‘protectors’ were no longer visibly community had ‘retired’. The police were active in Loyalist/ Unionist communities. either unwilling to intervene or unwelcome. There was a reticence to involve the police Whether or not the behaviour of children for fear of reprisals and it was felt that the and young people was as extreme as some police did not have the powers necessary believed, the key issue was that community to deal with young people. This, some representatives felt communities had been suggested, was because children had been left without support. Ty pical comments “given” too many rights: regarding the behaviour of young people “Human rights has taken over. The and experience of a ‘policing vacuum’ police regulated in the past but can’t do included: it now, they can’t break up a group of “The police are not there and the lads [standing on the street].” paramilitaries will do nothin’ about “The police can’t do anything. They have it. Young people have no fear so they no powers.” behave as they like.” Fears about young people’s ‘anti-social’ “If something happens now, you feel you and ‘criminal’ behaviour had spiralled, have nowhere to go.” often amplified by sensationalist “From when the paramilitaries moved newspaper reporting. Many community on it is like a free for all here … the days representatives had an understanding of of running to someone and getting it the difficulties faced by children and young sorted are gone.” people - that drugs, alcohol, violence and suicide were constituent elements of Among some, there was a level of their marginalisation. As one community resentment towards the past ‘protectors’ representative noted: of the community whom many held responsible for a situation in which “… everyone washes their hands of these previous control within the community young people – there is a paralysis in (accompanied by active discouragement dealing with young people.” from working alongside the police) had While it was noted that children and been withdrawn. young people needed to be “better In Republican/ Nationalist communities connected to community life”, there were there was a continuing reticence to report few examples of efforts to ensure that this the ‘anti-social behaviour’ of young people happened. In fact, community development to dissident paramilitaries as it was felt work often did not include children and that they punished too heavily. Yet a lack young people. of trust in the police remained. As such, a Analysis of the often contradictory views “policing void” had consolidated: of community representatives regarding Community and Policing 72

the position of children and young people group had experience of consultation about within the six communities revealed a community facilities. One gave examples of generation excluded from, and neglected recent changes within its community about by, the Peace Process. A generation with which opinions had not been sought. little explained to them but much expected In one community planning exercise, a of them, pulled in opposing directions young man and a young woman sat on by politicians and ‘hardliners’ in their the Neighbourhood Renewal Committee communities. A generation struggling to established to develop new play and leisure retain or reclaim an identity now feared facilities. This was considered to have been and shunned by many in their own worthwhile, especially as it resulted in the neighbourhoods: provision of good facilities. However, once “Nothing was ever explained to young that part of the initiative was completed people - policing was never explained, they were no longer invited to the change was never explained.” Committee, despite expressing an interest Locating children and in future developments. Such Committees and meetings are not generally young- young people’s voices people friendly, and young people often in the community lack the confidence or skills to participate fully and effectively. Despite children and young people feeling distrusted, disrespected and Two other groups discussed consultations disliked within their communities, most about play facilities. They considered that community representatives were aware of their views had no impact and they did not the need to be inclusive. Yet no resident or receive feedback: community forums included young people’s “They asked us what did we want and representatives, and their involvement in we said, ‘Monkey swings an’ all’, and community projects tended to be limited to they said ‘Yeah we’ll get that’ and we’re one-off events or programmes and services. still waitin’ on it. I think they were just The assumption and expectation was that sayin’ that to us …” (Co. Armagh, aged specific youth programmes/ services were 9-15) provided where young people were located in the community. Little thought was given Most children and young people had never to including young people in wi der, more been consulted, nor did they expect to be. general community-based programmes Adults showed no interest in, or respect for, and decision-making. Although many their views: young people made a significant, vibrant “They think they know what’s best for and defining contribution to specific local us, so they just do it.” (Co. Derry, aged youth projects, the progressive ethos of 16-17) these projects was not reflected more broadly in their communities. This was “Most of them just aren’t interested in clearly articulated by those interviewed what young people want or think. They across all age groups and in all areas. Some never ask.” (Co. Antrim, aged 19-20) gave instances of consultation in decisions about community events, but only one “If one of us went in, they wouldn’t respect our views. But if we sent an Community and Policing 73

older person in, then they’d respect YP2: “It’s not fair - they have meetings them.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) about us, but we’re not allowed to be there to defend ourselves.” The consequence of exclusion from R: “How do you feel about that?” decision-making was inevitable. Within YP1: “Powerless.” one community a new centre opened yet YP2: “They have a say, we don’t.” (Co. few of those interviewed were aware of its Derry, aged 15-19) purpose: YP1: “It’s ok for them. Adults speak “We’re not goin’ to want to go, we’re for themselves and can speak for not goin’ to want to get involved. So themselves. They have their community they’re goin’ to lose out on the young meetings and we’re left out.” people comin’ into it … they put that YP2: “Yeah, how can you get a word in [centre] up there, like … it’s been there if they have private meetings?” two years and I’ve never been in it.” (Co. R: “How do you feel when that Derry, aged 16-17) happens?” Yet this group, and others, emphasised the YP1: “You’re made to feel excluded. need for community facilities that appealed Younger ones need to be given a to young people. Most significantly, their chance.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) exclusion extended to community and To young people, this was a clear indication residents’ forums - no children and young that their views were inconsequential, people interviewed had been invited to that adults were unwilling to listen to participate in such forums. While one their concerns or explanations, and that residents’ group argued that young people they were not viewed as important. Their were apathetic and showed no interest, the frustrations surfaced when they stated that group’s most recent leaflet (delivered to they were unwanted in a community that households throughout the area) invited was ‘theirs’: residents aged “over 18” to its meetings - the message was unambiguous! Children “People aren’t bothered with us. They and young people in four communities just want us out of their area. But it’s our voiced annoyance about their exclusion area as well. It’s not their place, we’ve from meetings, particularly when people been reared here too … We should from outside the community (such as have more say. Most of the things they councillors and police officers) attended. complain about we complain about as They felt that they were the main topic of well. You know, like dog poo and the discussion, but that their views were not state of the estate. And there’s nothing sought or heard. One group had listened for us.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) at the door of a meeting, and wanted to While tensions and contradictions emerged make their case, but to have entered would from these competing accounts, there have fuelled negative opinions about them. was an undercurrent of agreement – that Exclusion and secrecy were significant in children and young people did not feel young people’s accounts: fully included or integrated within their YP1: “They talk about the young ones own communities. but you don’t get to give your side.” Community and Policing 74

Attitudes towards the police police, either for fear of reprisals or because people assumed that the police would not Those interviewed across all communities respond. Consequently, crime figures were were disillusioned with the police. Many falsely low and this led to continued under- felt that the police were unwilling, unable resourcing. or ill-equipped to deal with an increase in crime and anti-social behaviour. Police Children’s and young people’s responses tactics had failed to gain the trust of the were similar to those of adults. While communities. In one area, where there had their attitudes were informed by adults, been recent problems with stone-throwing, they also reflected personal experiences. a community group had invited the police Within some communities, historical to a local meeting. The police reacted the resistance to the police, past experience of following night by sending three or four discriminatory policing and heavy-handed police landrovers into the neighbourhood. tactics, had been passed down. None of the A community representative stated, “the young people interviewed in Republican/ police just fuelled the problem by this Nationalist communities trusted the police. response”. A community representative stated: Some Republican/ Nationalist “As teenagers we hated the police communities, until recently heavily policed, and some families had more reason were concerned that a ‘policing void’ had to hate them than others because of emerged. Community representatives what happened to them. This history stated that local police stations were has followed through to young people under-resourced and that the police today … [it is] an ongoing legacy of the were unwilling to become involved in Conflict. It has been handed down and community issues. In one community, young people know the stories of the they complained that the police had past.” failed to respond to a recent spate of While young people across all the joyriding. Local people believed that the communities were negative about the consequences were obvious: police, this view was not universally “[It] legitimises people’s view of the shared by the children interviewed. Those police based on past experience. If it had in predominately Loyalist/ Unionist of been an IRA man in [the area], the communities expressed a relatively positive place would have been swarming with view, particularly regarding safety: police. The message this gives now [is “I don’t feel safe when there is no police” that] people feel the police are ignoring (Co. Antrim, aged 7-10) community problems.” In predominantly Republican/ Nationalist Among community representatives in communities, however, of all 9 to 11 year- Republican/ Nationalist and Loyalist/ olds interviewed, only one child equated Unionist areas, there was no rejection of the police with feelings of safety: “You the PSNI per se, but a shared assumption are safe because police come up at the that the communities were not policed weekend” (Co. Down, aged 10). All others effectively. They also believed that there associated the police with rioting. Those was a reluctance to report crime to the interviewed in one area recounted recent Community and Policing 75

instances when the police had entered the YP: “As soon as they hear, they start community at weekends because young throwing stones as the police come up.” people were drinking on the streets. This R: “So if the police weren’t to come up, had resulted in conflict in which the police would it be quiet enough or would there were attacked with bricks and left without be fighting anyway because people are resolving the situation. The children in drinking?” this area did not feel safe when the police YP: “No, it would be quiet enough if the arrived: police weren’t there.” (Co. Derry, aged 14) “There’s sofas on the roads and all … yeah burnin’ them on the middle of the Likewise, another group commented: road so the police can’t get past … it’s “They [the police] are the problem. It’s like a road block.” them that leads to people petrol bombin’ “They [young people] brick them [the and all that, and then they just destroy police] and they always drive away the place.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21) again.” (Co. Down, aged 10-11) Such views do not simply reflect culturally In this community, the initial police reproduced, negative attitudes towards response had led to a pattern each the police within these communities, weekend: young people congregated on but are derived in events witnessed and/ the streets, the police arrived to move or experienced by children and young them, the police were ‘bricked’, young people in their communities. Responding people were chased and the police left. to a questions about trusting the police, This interchange had become a form of the overwhelming response was negative. entertainment, providing interest and Across the age ranges the following excitement on otherwise drab evenings comments were typical: when little else happened. A ten-year- “The police don’t do anything when old girl commented that one of the ‘good they come up. They don’t sort out the things’ about living in the area was the problems.” (Co. Down, aged 9-10) police presence. Asked if it made her feel safe, she replied: “the police always come “The response to the police ’round here up and they always get hit with stones and is no-one will phone them as they don’t you get a chase.” do anything. They’re not very helpful in this area.” (Co. Derry, aged 19) In several communities, the presence of the police had become synonymous with In some communities, a culture of secrecy rioting. A young woman described the persisted among young people who feared situation as follows: reprisals: R: “Would there be many police in the R: “If something happened, would you area?” contact the police?” YP: “Loads, they start from about 8.00 YP1: “Yeah, if somethin’ happened to at night.” ya, if someone hurt ya.” R: “Is there ever any trouble?” YP2: “No you wouldn’t! You’d just move YP: “Aye, a wile lot of riots.” to a different country and not come R: “So how do these riots start?” back.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21) Community and Policing 76

Young people understood and expressed necessary, in the transition towards peace, the view that rioting and their relations others felt that Catholics had benefited and with the police were embedded within that the Protestant community had been the social, cultural and political context ‘sold out’: of their lives. They grew up in families “… these people in politics they tell ye and communities that never trusted the ‘Aw, trust the police - they do this, they police and had directly experienced abuse do that’. But it’s like strangers comin’ or intimidation by police officers. These into your area and invadin’ your space” deep-seated memories and experiences had (Co. Derry, aged 22: her emphasis) not been erased by a change in the name, badge or training of the police force. As a YP5: “Sure look at [Catholic area] they young woman stated: have their flags up all year and we’re not allowed any.” “The younger ones is just bargin’ the R: “How does it make you feel when police ’cos they don’t know what’s right one area is allowed that and yours isn’t?” and what’s wrong. They just see the YP1: “Hatred to the police.” police as bad because we’re never taught All: “Favourin’. Bias.” any different.” (Co. Derry, aged 22) YP1: “Sinn Féin win everythin’.” Community representatives within (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) Republican/ Nationalist communities Experiencing the police considered that communities had not been prepared for the emerging police presence. Most young people did not feel respected Negative attitudes towards the police by the police. While they accepted that were not restricted to children and young the behaviour of some young people was people. There was evidence that in some offensive and required a police response, communities powerful and influential they believed there was a tendency to adults encouraged violence towards the view all young people as ‘problems’. On police. “Armchair paramilitaries”, as they the streets, young people were constantly were defined in one community, used ‘moved on’, although they had done young people to initiate violence. Yet they nothing wrong: accepted no responsibility, stating publicly “… you can’t really walk anywhere that they were no longer ‘active’. without them [the police] saying Young people from different community something. They’re like, ‘Move on, move backgrounds had negative views of the on!’. You just can’t stand about anywhere police. Some living in Loyalist/ Unionist in the town without them tellin’ ye to areas considered they were policed more move.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) heavily than their Republican/ Nationalist “When we were kickin’ the ball at the counterparts and vice-versa. Those in bottom of the street, he [police officer] Republican/ Nationalist areas expressed pulls up and is like, ‘Here, wouldn’t ye difficulties in respecting a ‘new’ force after take that there ball away or you’re gonna years of inherent hostility. While some lose it’ … Sure we don’t even have young people in Loyalist/ Unionist areas no football pitch to play on, so where believed that changes in policing were Community and Policing 77

do they expect us to play like?” (Co. the police had pre-determined ideas about Fermanagh, aged 13-15) young people: Such interactions diminished young “… they don’t care what you say, they people’s respect towards the police. They don’t listen to what you say.” (Co. Derry, felt that, compared to adults, the police aged 9-11) viewed and treated children and young “The police never changed. They always people differently. It was also stated that, pick on the young ones, always” (Co. even when young people attempted to Derry, 15-19: his emphasis) positively engage with the police, they were treated disrespectfully and with suspicion: These views were compounded for some by their direct experience of police responses: “If they do come in and the young ones talk to them, they tell them to go away.” “If you hit the police [with a stone] and (Co. Derry, aged 19) they catch you, they always hit you with their baton.” (Co. Down, aged 10-11) In one community, all groups interviewed stated that the police regularly threatened “I’ve seen it, some wee wean of seven young people with Anti-social Behaviour years old down [name of road] - they Orders (ASBOs). While no ASBOs had were hittin’ him with a baton. Alright been issued, some children and young he had a paint bomb, like. But they still people had received warning letters for hit him with a baton and he was about behaviour they did not consider to be seven.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) anti-social. ASBOs, they argued, were used to threaten young people, based on Although the behaviour of children the assumption that ‘hanging about’ was a involved in stone-throwing and paint- precursor to anti-social behaviour: bombing is unacceptable, it is not without context. The police responses as described “Police hate the sight of you. We’re told are unlawful. They also confer legitimacy we’ll get an ASBO.” (Co. Armagh, aged on the use of violence and confirm 13-24) the negative reputation of the police. Intimidation, harassment and violence were “ You don’t feel respected by the police themes which arose in five focus groups … they say ‘I’m going to put an Order and were alluded to by others. One group on you wee girl, wee boy.” (Co. Armagh, noted: aged 9-15) “They think they’re lethal, they actually In the experience of these young people, do, bringin’ out their batons to us. ASBOs had become another tool to They’d say and all to ye, ‘We would regulate and control their behaviour - never lift our hands to young ones, we behaviour that involved merely standing never do this, we’re not allowed to’ - but or sitting in groups within their own when there’s no cameras around they neighbourhoods. On many occasions they kick the shite out of ye.” (Co. Derry, 16- were moved under the threat of an ASBO. 17) Yet there were no safe, local alternatives. Young people in two groups recounted Young people considered the threatened personal experiences of police beatings use of ASBOs to be further evidence that Community and Policing 78

or described how their friends had been R: “And what was that about?” assaulted. They stated that the police YP3: “The same, they try to egg ya with deliberately goaded young people, knowing your name and all.” they would react: R: “And how do you respond to that?” YP3: “I threw a brick at them.” (Co. “Beepin’ the horns at ye when you’re just Derry, aged 15-19) sittin’ there.” This young man stated that he was then hit “And they come in your face and just by the police: “I got hit right there [pointed keep talkin’ to ye. Ye don’t wanna take to his side] with a baton”. His friend was them on, you don’t talk to them. And also ‘lifted’ and beaten inside the police they’re still in your ears. Then they make land rover. Young people in several of the ye roar at them and tell them to get focus groups gave similar accounts. outta your face. And then they threaten you.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) Overall, young people considered they were an ‘easy target’ for the police, who Goading invariably ended in violent used their powers to discriminate against confrontation: them. From the interviews it appeared that “Well, if the police are always fuckin’ they considered age discrimination was annoyin’ ya you’re gonna be bad a more serious issue than discrimination and you’re gonna hate the law.” (Co. on religious grounds. Two groups living Fermanagh, aged 13-15) in a Loyalist/ Unionist community also experienced constant police harassment, “They wind you up because they know often for little more than playing football you’re gonna retaliate, you’re just gonna on the streets or gathering on the street. start throwin’ stuff or start riotin’ or One group stated that some officers “think start somethin’.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) they’re Robocop”: This group recalled similar experiences YP1: “… this boy, didn’t he think he was when they had been ‘lifted’ [arrested]: the commando? Come up with his wee YP1: “They come up to your street and goatee and his skinhead. And he was start doin’ hand signals and all, like all, like, he was wild like. He was real ‘Come on, come on’. So we go over to mustard. He come up and he said …” them ones and it all starts.” YP8: “‘Well girls’.” YP2: “They shout abuse at ye, they egg YP1: “‘Well girls’ and not one woman you on. Then you get mad. Then you do there!” somethin’. Then they lift ye. Then they R: “What happens when someone does put the blame on you. Then it goes on that? What’s your attitude?” record.” YP3: “Fuck ‘em!” R: “Have any of you been lifted in that YP1: “If you’re gonna get arrested for way?” disorderly behaviour, so be it.” YP2: “I have.” YP3: “He just kept on with that shite. R: “How many times?” He made us line up across the fence and YP2: “Twice.” give our names and addresses.” (Co. R: “Anyone else?” Fermanagh, aged 13-15) YP3: “Aye.” Community and Policing 79

Across the groups interviewed, many young people and the police. This day children and young people gave examples had encouraged direct and positive of being treated disrespectfully by the engagement, in which all of those involved police. They felt demeaned and humiliated, in the community had an opportunity to which sustained a climate of mistrust and mix. confrontation. Instructively, some of the In a community without accessible or safe strongest criticisms came from a group provision for young people a programme involved in a police youth project. While had been facilitated by a small number of their experiences with police officers police officers and volunteers. Described involved in the project were positive, the as “a diversionary scheme put in place due actions of other officers undermined the to local concerns about the behaviour of progressive community work of their young people in the area and the fact that colleagues. ‘normal policing’ was not working”, its aims The future of policing? were to build more positive relationships between young people and the police and Asked about the potential for change in to decrease anti-social behaviour. The police-community relations, the groups programme was novel, but short-term and believed that the police would continue under-funded. Yet it operated one evening to discriminate against young people. a week and on occasional weekends, Community representatives and a few engaging primarily boys and young men young people, however, made suggestions identified as a ‘problem group’ within the for progress. Across the communities community. Over time strong relationships, there was an identified need to build based on mutual trust and respect, had positive relationships between the police developed and were sustained. Initially the and the community. While the majority programme focused on soccer. Emerging of those interviewed considered this the from the initiative of the participants, responsibility of the police, young people the programme developed other elements also considered that they had a role to play including cross-community soccer matches; and put forward suggestions for progressing exploration of their culture; visits to relations. cultural sites outside the area; negotiations Community representatives in one area to remove flags from the area; consultations raised the issue of the high turnover with formal bodies and agencies. of community police officers - within It was a demanding programme for a month, three different community facilitators with no background or training police officers had worked in the area in this type of work, and the police officers which undermined the possibility of involved had to overcome much scepticism building positive relationships and trust. of those involved. Yet they showed a A consistent and sustained approach was commitment to the programme and had called for, alongside appropriate training undertaken a number of training courses for police officers in how to communicate over time. The programme developed effectively with young people. Young respectful relationships, although several people considered that this was possible. barriers and difficulties remained. For example, a fun day held in one Funding was precarious and there were community had involved adults, children, no local initiatives into which young Community and Policing 80

people could progress. The attitudes and developed gradually to build confidence responses of police officers not involved – ten to fifteen minutes a day in in the programme towards young people different parts of the estate.” could potentially undermine the positive Although young people within relationships developed. The sense was that Republican/ Nationalist communities were such officers did not value the programme. less convinced, there was no evidence of an Further, ‘balancing’ roles, particularly outright rejection of the police. police officers working as quasi-youth workers, was a challenge. Asked if there In two communities, young people was anything they would change about the suggested that people from the local programme, the workers suggested greater community should join the police as they recognition for the young people involved: understood local issues: “ Young people are not getting the credit “There should be local police and they deserve for the things they’ve done. customs - the lads that knows what’s They’ve come a long way. It’s hard for goin’ on, rather than the lads that them to work with the police or with couldn’t care less.” (Co. Armagh, aged the boys across the town.” 12-21) While such examples have the potential This group wanted a more visible police for establishing better police-community presence in their community because they relations, different communities are at felt unprotected. They could not turn to the different stages in their acceptance of the PSNI for fear of reprisals, nor to former police. Yet, within neighbourhoods which paramilitaries as often they were involved have traditionally been hostile to the in intimidation. They felt that another form police, some of those interviewed felt that of policing – neutral and trusted – would the police should gradually build relations. potentially help the situation: One young woman suggested that the police, like the fire service and health “There’d be no lads on the streets that professionals, should organise sessions would stop ye and stuff. There should be within schools explaining their role and local police patrollin’ the streets more what constitutes anti-social or disorderly often, ’cos if somethin’ happens to ye behaviour. Community representatives now ye have to handle it yourself. Like, considered it important for the police who are ye goin’ to ring?” (Co. Armagh, to have a more positive presence - not aged 12-21) coming into communities only in response Increased recruitment to the PSNI from to problems. There was a keen awareness these communities, however, was not of the difficulties faced by the police, considered likely to happen in the near particularly in Republican/ Nationalist future: areas, but a belief that these would be overcome in time: “Sure there was a Catholic one joined the cops and he got shot … the more “There is no foot patrol in the area. Catholics that do join the more rights Politically this is not possible – if people we’re probably goin’ to get. I think there know they are going to be there, they should be more Catholic cops. But I will target the police. But it could be can’t see many joining.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) Community and Policing 81

Across all communities, the issue of police social opportunities, and their lack of respect for the community and for children status, through violence. They asserted their and young people was paramount. Despite sectarian identity to defend a culture they more neighbourhood policing, it was believed was under threat. agreed that that the police do not have - Children and young people believed appropriate or effective training concerning they were purposefully excluded and working with young people and fail to marginalised in their communities. They communicate effectively. The focus groups were not invited to community forums or and interviews indicated that, while they meetings and were not consulted in decision- did not consider the police were ‘doing making processes. a good job’ in their communities, adults were more accepting than young people of - Young people expressed frustration about the police. Young people reported being feeling ‘unwanted’ in ‘their’ communities. moved on, verbally abused, scrutinised and targeted far more frequently than adults. - Community representatives believed The shared view among children and there was a ‘policing vacuum’, particularly young people was that differential policing regarding the challenging behaviour of some towards them continued. young people. Key Issues - Community representatives and young people expressed disillusionment with the - Many community representatives and police, who were considered unwilling, young people expressed frustration that unable or ill-equipped to deal with the Peace Agreements had not brought community concerns. significant change. They believed that the - Police tactics had done little to generate impact and legacy of the Conflict had been trust or respect. Young people reported ignored, and that communities have been being ‘moved on’, ‘goaded’, ‘threatened’ and left without necessary economic and social ‘harassed’ - sustaining a climate of mistrust support. and confrontation. - It was recognised by young people and - Young people across all six communities community representatives that many young were united in the view that they were people were confused about their cultural policed differentially and unfairly because of identities and did not understand the their age. implications of transition from conflict. - For working class young men with an unambiguous, strong cultural and community identity, there was a collective sense of loss – formal education was not valued, local work opportunities were declining with few alternatives, and their cultural identities were felt to be under- valued. - Some young men responded to these dramatic changes in employment and CHAPTER 7

PLACE AND IDENTITY

Meanings and perceptions of movement. Many of those interviewed of place: positives, negatives also labelled other areas negatively - as and suggestions for change ‘problem areas’ with assumed high levels of crime and violence. These were ‘no- ‘Place’ and ‘space’ are key elements go areas’ demarcated by walls, gates and of people’s lives, central to a sense of symbols. belonging and personal/community While not agreeing with negative identity. While noting the potentially assumptions about their communities, limiting aspect of communities, Henderson children and young people discussed the (2007: 129) states that they constitute ‘an problems associated with where they lived. important source of social recognition for There was consistency in the issues raised individuals, providing a tangible sense of across the six communities, but discernable connection and identity: knowing who differences across age ranges. The main you are and where you belong’. Given issues/concerns in their communities for the politicisation of space, residential children and young people were, in order of segregation and religious/national divisions priority: the nature of play/leisure facilities; in Northern Ireland, it is important to street fighting/violence; alcohol use; the consider how local, internal divisions general state of the area. impact on the lives of children and young people. Many assumptions are made about While all age groups raised the lack or specific, identifiable communities from inadequate state of play and leisure facilities the outside. The meaning of place, for as a major deficit in their communities, those living within communities, is often children under 13 tended to focus on the markedly different to external perceptions. poor condition of available play facilities: Community members have intimate “Our playgrounds get wrecked.” (Co. experience, knowledge and understanding Down, aged 10-11) of local history and current tensions. Depending on how long they have lived in “The parks are all broken up.” (Co. a place, they are ‘insiders’. Derry, aged 9-11) Many children and young people “See [the] park, people broke the swings interviewed were aware of the often off and everything.” (Co. Antrim, aged negative perceptions of their communities. 10-13) While perhaps not fully understanding the consequences, such as impacts on Older age groups focused on lack of service provision, they demonstrated how appropriate leisure facilities in their perceptions of their communities affected communities. They identified potential sites their lives. In areas with a long history of for provision but believed that politicians political violence, for example, concerns and policy-makers failed to recognise the over safety placed limitations on friendships value of such investment. One group that and movement. Communities labelled played football on the streets because of a ‘problem areas’ were stigmatised, with lack of alternative sites stated: people ‘badged by the spaces they occupy’ “Like, there’s loads of fields around us - (Byrne 1999: 21). This has consequences for if the Government bought them and put self esteem, social interaction and patterns a couple of things in … They think that Place and Identity 83

if they put somethin’ in we’ll probably “Most time they [people in the area] vandalise it.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13- fight and then you’re scared you’re gonna 15) get hit when they’re fighting.” (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13) Many groups commented that nothing was available: “There’s lots of fights … when you’re not vandalisin’ and just walkin’ round you “There’s nothin’ to do … for adults could get hit or hurt.” (Co. Derry, aged there’s six pubs and what’s there for us? 8-14) Sweet FA!” (Co. Armagh, aged 13-24) Children did not relate alcohol and violence “It’s [the area] a shitehole, there’s fuck specifically to young people’s behaviour. all to do.” (Co. Antrim, aged 15-20) Several emphasised that adults were Lack of leisure facilities for young people responsible for drunkenness and violence, was an issue across all the research areas, contributing to a climate of intimidation in but it was particularly pertinent in rural their communities. areas - intensified by limited access to local Young people, on the other hand, made a alternatives: direct connection between high levels of “… we always have to travel to other alcohol use and violence. They were more towns to do these things.” (Co. Ty rone, likely than children to view themselves as aged 12-15) potential victims of violence. They were regularly on the streets at night and at “If we go anywhere we need to get a lift weekends when there was more reported … buses go only at certain times.” (Co. violence. They consumed alcohol and Armagh, aged 9-15) had witnessed or experienced violence as Further concerns within their communities a consequence. Unlike children, young for children and young people were people viewed alcohol and violence perceived high levels of alcohol use, street specifically as a ‘youth problem’ rather than fighting and violence. While young people as a ‘community problem’. Many made a viewed these issues as intricately linked, direct link between the three main issues children considered them separately. they identified as impacting on their lives – Children focused on the nuisance cad use lack of youth facilities, violence and alcohol by noise at night-time or weekends. use. “Nothing to do” and “nowhere to go”, They were frightened and intimidated by they suggested, led to boredom, which led “drunk people”. Under-13s also identified to alcohol use, which led to the potential “fighting” as a regular event within their for violence: communities. This caused considerable “The best night’s when you’re out with concern, primarily because of its regularity your friends, and [then] ye get slapped rather than out of fear that they would be on the back of the head. Say people’s harmed, although children within two drinkin’ around ye, you’d be afraid communities recognised the potential of somebody’s gonna turn on ye and you’d becoming unintended victims of physical get a wile beatin’.” (Co. Derry, aged 16- violence: 17) Place and Identity 84

What was reported as high levels of opportunities for participation in activities violence, fighting and alcohol use impacted outside their communities. on young people’s safety. Consequently, In making recommendations, few they regulated their movements and mentioned violence and alcohol use, employed specific techniques to maximise despite these being major concerns. their safety while on their neighbourhood’s “Less violence” and “less drunk people” streets. For example, children avoided were suggested by five groups, all aged parks at certain times and often remained under 13. Possibly, for young people in close to their own streets. Young people particular, alcohol use and violence have would remain in groups, vigilant and been ‘normalised’ – they are an everyday prepared, rarely letting their guard down. feature of community life. Given that The general environment or state of the young people made a connection between neighbourhood was raised by children in lack of activities, alcohol use and violence, discussions about litter and rubbish on however, their primary suggestion of more the streets, graffiti, dog fouling and the leisure facilities and opportunities reflected consequent ‘smell’. They were concerned what they identified as the root cause of that the general appearance of their other concerns - more age-appropriate, communities was drab and unkempt. better resourced leisure facilities and Suggested improvements by one boy were: opportunities would lead to a decline in “flowers to grow” (Co. Antrim, aged 7). alcohol use and reduce violence. Young people living in rural areas The upside of community life identified lack of privacy and “getting a All children interviewed had positive name for yourself” as issues - because their experiences of their communities and some communities were small and close-knit, had no criticisms. Many young people “everybody knows your business”. This had felt they lived in “a good community”. long-term consequences when a yo ung Across all age groups, five positives person misbehaved as it was felt that local emerged: local recreation facilities; friends; employers would not give jobs to those familiarity with the people and place; the with negative reputations. area being safe and quiet;l loca shops. Unsurprisingly, many suggestions for Overwhelmingly, children noted local improvements reflected complaints about recreation facilities as a positive aspect of neighbourhoods. Children focused on the their communities. Rather than focus on need for reconstruction, maintenance and child or youth facilities as a whole, they security of parks (which they felt should be focused on specific facilities such as local locked at night and supervised throughout parks or football pitches. Young people the day). Those who complained about who identified local facilities as a positive the local environment wanted “poo bins”, aspect tended to refer to a specific youth “more public bins” and to “get the estate club or programme they were attending. cleaned up and stop the vandalism”. Young One group stated that such a club was the people desired more facilities, improved only “good thing” in their community: choice and diversity, with youth clubs open “This place is made for old people … in the evenings and at weekends. Some of We have the club every Wednesday for the older age groups recommended more Place and Identity 85

one hour but there’s nothing else to do.” A small yet significant number of young (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15) people were concerned that they would be compelled to leave their community due to Proximity of friends was raised as a positive rising house prices and minimal availability aspect of their community by all age of social housing. Some communities where groups: there had previously been a housing surplus “ You get lots of children to play with (with houses boarded-up or derelict), now and lots of friends.” (Co. Down, aged had long waiting lists. In one area there 9-10) was a waiting list of approximately 700 families. Despite recent regeneration, there “It’s good craic and you can socialise was a downside, as one young woman with your friends.” (Co. Derry, aged 12- explained: 15) “A couple of years ago there would have “All my mates live here.” (Co. Antrim, been loads of houses ’cos of the bad aged 15-20) name of the place. But they knocked Some of the older groups, particularly them all down, which was a waste really those living in rural areas, noted that the ’cos they were good houses. Now you “only thing we like about the community can’t get one.” (Co. Antrim, aged 18-20) is young people and the craic” (Co. With such changes occurring, the long- Armagh, aged 13-24). Familiarity with the established closeness of extended family community and its people was also noted trends within these communities may well as positive. For children this was limited diminish. This would have consequences to recognition of “friendly people”. Older for young people, particularly those living groups linked knowing people and being in poverty, as practical support such as known with feeling “comfortable” in the child-care by extended family members community and a sense of belonging: could be lost. “I don’t know, just I was from [the area] ‘Safety’ as a positive aspect of their … My mum lived [in the area] when I community was raised primarily by was born, then we moved to [another younger age groups: area], then we dmove back … when I lived in [the other area] I didn’t feel as “It’s quiet, you are safe.” (Co. Down, secure and safe as I did when we lived in aged 10-11) [the first area]. It’s that thing inside your “It’s safe living here. It’s quiet, there’s no heart. Just, your home is where your break-ins.” (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15) heart is.” (Co. Derry, aged 21) A few children discussed the importance of Others liked their community because they having local shops within walking distance had lived there all their lives, with family of their homes. In one group of older young and friends close by. Even though often people, a ne w shopping centre on the estate critical of their communities, they wanted was noted as the “only good thing” about to remain because it was familiar and they the community because this provided local knew people: “I was brought up here … job opportunities and goods at competitive you get used to it, so it’s ok.” (Co. Antrim, prices. aged 15-20) Place and Identity 86

Overall, the focus group discussions clearly Internal divisions: demonstrated children and young people’s history and impact attachment to their communities, based on familiarity and relationships which Five of the six communities involved in had been established and maintained over the research were single-identity areas. time. Contrary to the views of some adult Yet, internal divisions occurred in most: community representatives, children and divisions between two sides of a single- young people showed a definite attachment identity estate or between particular to, and care for, their communities and a streets (intra-community); between a desire to improve facilities for all residents. small single-identity rural community and similar, local areas; between small, adjacent The meaning of neighbourhoods within the same area. community: local identity There were also internal divisions based and internal divisions on religion/ national identity within the ‘mixed community’. The children and young people interviewed Children and young people commented tended to stay within their communities. on, but were unable to explain, divisions They lived there, played there and went within their communities. Community to school there. While the latter was representatives in two communities stated particularly true of primary school that some houses in their community had children, many in secondary education also been provided for families exiled from their attended schools within their community. homes elsewhere. It was assumed that these Those from rural areas considered that the families were politically affiliated. Further, bus journey to school offered a change of they were not local and were considered scenery and place. “outsiders”. Resentment was expressed Where children and young people about “blow ins” who came to the area, spent their free time and used facilities occupied housing built for local people and defined what they considered to be ‘their “acted as if they owned the place”. community’ and their identity. Knowledge A third community experienced similar of the local area, and perceptions about but different divisions. Community places or spaces within the area, impacted representatives suggested there were on their sense of self, their feelings of “different moralities” and cultures in safety and their movements. different parts of the estate. They referred While there has been debate in Northern to a Republican and Sinn Féin ethos that Ireland about the politicisation of space and impacted on the organisation of, and divisions between places as a consequence attendance at, particular programmes or of residential segregation, ‘peace lines’ events in one part of the estate. It was and other symbolic markers of inclusion/ considered that this area had “more social exclusion, minimal consideration has been disruption and dysfunction”. Certainly it given to local divisions within places and was under-resourced in comparison with their impact on everyday life and identity. other areas within the estate. Place and Identity 87

Representatives in two rural communities traditions had mixed. Since then housing noted divisions between adjacent, same- policy and population movement had identity communities. They interpreted this resulted in residential segregation, with as ‘parochialism’, with each community one side of the area defined as Catholic having strong local bonds and identities. and the other as Protestant. Shops and Often defined as “football territories”, bars were locally defined as belonging divisions were created as a result of to one community or the other. Most allegiances to particular Gaelic football children and young people attended the clubs. Community representatives local Catholic or Protestant schools and explained: single-identity youth provision. Within this relatively small community, there were “Football has done a lot for this few opportunities to mix. The only mixed [parochialism], everyone is a bit sticking youth project - a recent initiative in the with their own. There is a lot of rivalry area - experienced opposition from parents between clubs and this has stopped and constant battles for funding. young people from mixing. They don’t tend to go to other areas and this is Within the communities particular another barrier to service use.” neighbourhoods or clusters of streets had developed distinct identities and “There is no religious divide but a Gaelic reputations. Divisions, therefore, were more football divide. Community relations is often perceptual than physical. Yet this had about more than Catholic or Protestant clearly evident consequences for individual … There are territorial issues in [the and collective identity. The claiming of area]. People won’t go to other areas. different and separate identities in specific Young people are separated after school. neighbourhoods affected the positioning This is about identity issues not based and use of local services. Within some on religion … Young people from small communities, play parks and local shops rural areas will often never meet because were only utilised by those from one side of of football rivalries.” an estate or one part of a neighbourhood. Age-related housing segregation was also Newer, generic services were positioned discussed. Reflecting a concentration carefully to ensure that they were not of older residents living in particular viewed as belonging to one area. These parts of an estate, this was believed to tended to be located at the centre, between “breed isolation, insulation and a lack of different estates or neighbourhoods on tolerance”. As a consequence, older people what many termed “neutral ground”. felt threatened by young people. Failure to find ‘neutral ground’, however, led to under-use or under-provision of There was also evidence of serious levels facilities due to spatial divisions. of division within what was viewed as a ‘mixed community’. Internal divisions Across th e communities, because children within the community were based and young people did not access youth on religious/national divisions. Those facilities outside their neighbourhoods, interviewed considered this was a direct mobile services had been established. consequence of the Conflict - prior to civil Alternatively, funding had been received unrest in the 1970s, the different cultural to set up specific programmes in different parts of the community, in recognition Place and Identity 88

of the fact that only certain people Some community representatives suggested would attend particular clubs because that this had resulted in young people’s lack of their history or physical location. of pride in their own community. In one community, adult community Positioning the self: local representatives working in separate youth facilities noted that young people divisions and the lives of who attended their provision did not children and young people attend other local provision. Another While children and young people group of community representatives was did not demonstrate a comprehensive acutely aware that their provision had an understanding of the divisions within their established reputation based on the local communities, they took clear positions. historical context: When asked about ‘their community’ “The centre is associated with the they frequently asked for clarification. Provisionals … we had to work hard to Their responses focused on where they get the community to realise we are not lived - “my street”, “around my part of the linked to paramilitaries.” community”. Consciously, they positioned themselves according to known divisions While the group had attempted to break within the community. this link with the past, some young people remained reticent to utilise the service While divisions originated in housing because of its reputation. policies and population movement at the height of the Conflict, these have These very local, complex and deeply remained. In children’s and young people’s rooted meanings and assumptions attached accounts they connected to ‘reputation’. to space created further difficulties for These included perceptions about the ‘good’ service providers. For those in rural areas and ‘bad’ side of the estate, the ‘rough’ the impact was particularly pronounced. and the ‘respectable’, the ‘quiet’ and the There was generally a lack of local provision ‘trouble orientated’, the ‘poor’ and the ‘more and what existed was centralised in affluent’. Adult community representatives particular towns. A widely distributed, in two different areas stated: sparse population, inadequate public transport and divisions between areas “There is an invisible divide in the area led to “people … not coming together to … Locally, if you live in [one part of the share resources”. The central positioning of area] you are seen as posh, if you live in services created resentment and increased [the other] you are seen as a hood.” feelings of exclusion among young people “The areas are all separate and the who considered “they get nothing or no- people living there have graded one cares about their area”. Psychological themselves in social rank. The road acts barriers exacerbated physical difficulties like a river, like a natural divide. People and the centralising of resources had won’t mix.” exacerbated local perceptions of difference. Young people in areas lacking services In communities that had marked (yet not and resources believed that they were less always clearly visible) internal divisions, important than those living in the nearby an identifiable part of the estate was town or village where these were located. often associated with ‘trouble’, high levels Place and Identity 89

of disorder, ‘social problems’, lack of YP1: “It looks like a shit hole.” facilities and services, and a poor physical YP2: “The [one part] doesn’t look like a environment: shit hole.” YP1: “I’m talkin’ about up here [the “I’m not trying to say that [the other other part].” part of the area] is bad or anythin’. But YP2: “Aye well, I don’t live up there. I [where I live] would be tidier than bits don’t care what people say, I’m not livin’ of [the other part] and, like, there’s not in poverty!” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) as many bad people in [my part] than what there is in [the other part]”. (Co. While the first young person showed a Antrim, aged 10-13) deeper understanding of local divisions and the differences they represent, poverty is a However, in the focus groups there was negative label resisted by the second young considerable disagreement about local person. divisions: Internal community divisions impact on YP1: “I don’t like it [Area B].” children and young people in various ways. R: “Any reason you don’t like it?” First, they demonstrate that children and YP1: “Yeah, it’s got nothin’ to do.” young people within the same locality often YP2: “Sure there’s nothing to do in have very different experiences. Where [Area A].” they live and play in the neighbourhood YP1: “Play rounders.” affects what they witness and experience YP2: “Whooo, sure you can do that in at a personal level. For example, when [Area B].” discussing violence in a community, one YP3: “I come from [Area A] and I feel young person stated: “it just depends what safe there because there’s more places to street you’d be in” while others reported go, it’s bigger than [Area B].” high levels of fighting on one side of the YP2: “The [Area A] crew!” (giggles estate: “there’s more fightin’ over there”. sarcastically) (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13) Those in another community argued that While this exchange reflects apparently recent “problems” were restricted to one petty differences, it shows a local particular neighbourhood. The following defensiveness of ‘their’ place. While the brief interchange illustrates differential young women whose neighbourhood had experience within the same community: been negatively earlier labelled had been R: “Is drugs a big issue?” critical of it themselves, they were loyal YP1: “Aye, around [here] it is.” to their community when the criticism YP2: “Aye, it’s in the community.” came from ‘outside’ and resisted negative YP3: “I’ve never come across drugs labelling. Defending identity against a around my part of the community.” negative label is evident in the following: YP2: “Well I have.” (Co. Derry, aged R: “What are some of the main issues 16-17) and problems living here?” A second issue related to use of local YP1: “Poverty. It’s a white ghetto.” facilities. Community representatives YP2 “Not poverty! He lives in [name of stated their commitment to setting up area], you get stabbed walkin’ about the facilities in different locations within the streets. Where I live isn’t like a ghetto!” Place and Identity 90

community. Despite these approaches, weirdo”. Similarly, children and young many children commented that their free- people living in rural communities would time and play was restricted to the street in not use youth services in nearby villages: which they lived as this was where they felt “We wouldn’t be welcome down there safe. Reflecting on why she would not use because everyone stays in the one place” services in a particular community centre, (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15). one young woman explained: As particular facilities had become “ You wouldn’t have went into [the synonymous with particular groups, those centre] because that was all the boys, ‘not belonging’ were excluded. They had the RA and like Sinn Féin and all that no sense of ownership. However, the there. So you wouldn’t have went in choices that children and young people there.” (Co. Derry, aged 21) made about use of existing provision were not necessarily informed. They learned While much has been done to change the ‘rules’ of their area quickly, including reputations, progress has been gradual. ‘differences’ within their communities The physical location of some facilities also and estates, which extended to where they connected them to a particular ‘type’ or should and should not go. This constituted group, leaving those from other parts of the identity formation at a very local level. community reluctant to use them: As one community representative stated, “… it’s like all the one gang that goes to decisions about attending clubs were it, which means there’s other gangs in “as much about culture as about what [the area] won’t go to it … they would programmes are on offer”. have all the kind of tough boys among Further, the attitudes of those working in them which means a lot of the younger, clubs and other facilities often compounded the quieter ones … wouldn’t go near it established assumptions. Some of those … if ye go into the community centres interviewed who were involved in youth you would never see one of the people provision were negative about counterparts from [one centre] down at [the other offering alternative provision within the centre].” (Co. Derry, aged 22) local area. Explicitly or otherwise, such Community representatives and young messages were likely to be passed on to people noted that the location of services the younge peopl with whom they worked. and who ‘ran them’ affected who used Thus, there was evidence that existing local them. Subtle and local nuances meant that divisions were perpetuated by some of some young people were excluded from those working directly with children and local services. A form of territoriality had young people. consolidated, with facilities located in ‘their Divisions within communities were not end of the estate’ and run by people living sectarian but based on perceived status there perceived to be ‘safe’. They knew the differences, rooted in the conflict-related background of, and trusted, the organisers history of Northern Ireland. Such divisions and many others who attended lived in had a number of consequences for children the same streets or part of the community. and young people, including negative Others, however, knew that they “wouldn’t labelling, development of personal and fit in” and would be made to “feel like a collective identities, selective use of local Place and Identity 91

facilities, restricted social movements and - Over time, housing policies and population concerns about safety. It was clear from movement had given neighbourhoods or the focus groups that children and young clusters of streets distinct identities and people living in parts of a community reputations. Children and young people associated with negative labelling found positioned themselves according to such it difficult to avoid the pressures of local known divisions within communities, often tradition. They considered that entering drawing distinctions between ‘rough’ and community facilities where they felt ‘respectable’ neighbourhoods or streets. they did not belong placed them in risky - Those living in the same locality had situations. Their local understanding distinctive and contrasting experiences as of place, invisible and often unspoken a consequence of internal divisions within divisions, and the meanings attached to communities. specific spaces, enabled them to negotiate their movements and negotiate local - The location and management of services, space safely. It also emphasised, however, even in communities with a shared cultural the hidden limitations placed on their identity, affected take-up - leading to movements through the legacy of the experiences of exclusion or marginalisation Conflict – both outside and within their amongst those who felt that ‘their’ local area communities. had not been appropriately resourced. Key Issues

- The problems identified in all six communities centred on lack of adequate play and leisure facilities, street fighting/ violence, alcohol use and the general condition of the local area. - Those in rural areas experienced exclusion from play and leisure services due to remote location and inadequate, affordable transport. - For children, positive aspects of their communities included play facilities, friendships and feeling safe. - For young people, positive aspects of their communities included familiarity with the place and proximity to family and friends. - Older young people expressed concern that they would be forced to leave their communities to find employment, ending the availability of extended family support for those making the transition to independent living. CHAPTER 8

SEGREGATION AND SECTARIANISM

Segregation and everyday Some children living in Republican/ life: physical divisions Nationalist communities, for example, and social identifiers spoke negatively about the police and “the Brits”, talking about “getting the Brits Some community representatives expressed and the police out” of their communities. concern that young people’s social Community representatives from different networking sites had become vehicles for communities relayed stories of very young sectarianism, glorification of death and children “chanting IRA songs” and the Conflict, and actual threats against “singing Loyalist songs on a bus trip”. ‘the other community’. They had difficulty Young people, through travelling to school understanding such hostility, given that and social events, were more aware of these young people were supposedly ‘the segregation, difference and sectarianism. ceasefire generation’ who had witnessed or Divisions between communities were more experienced little of the Conflict. Others visible than those within communities noted the persistence of division and through demarcation of territory with segregation in everyday life. Most of the ‘cultural symbols’ such as flags, murals children and young people interviewed and memorials. These signified a grew up in single-identity communities, community’s tradition, who was welcome were educated in either Catholic or and unwelcome, and who was ‘safe’. One Protestant schools and socialised primarily group, in a mixed but highly segregated with those of the same religion. As community, stated: discussed in the previous chapter, due to limited finances and fears for their safety, “ Ye can tell from the old flags hangin’ many remained within their communities on the posts - wherever that’s outside, and there were few opportunities for cross- that’s that territory.” (Co. Ty rone, aged community contact. They were aware of the 14-25) connection between religion and national Young people living in a Loyalist/ Unionist identity. While they could wear what they community commented that the flags wanted and, to a degree, walk freely around positioned on the road leading into their their communities, they felt there were eestat were an outward expression of their restrictions on expressing their identity cultural identity. To some adults in the and on their movements outside their own community these flags marked territory neighbourhoods. - a visual reminder, or threat: “this is our Children and young people from all the street, no-one is coming down our street”. communities considered sectarianism to Some likened their use to “dogs peeing up be an issue that affected their lives. Where against lampposts”. they lived, their school, their uniform and Children and young people identified sporting activities defined them within religion and sectarianism as central their cultural tradition. While children issues in their lives. Those living within expressed fewer experiences and less a mixed but segregated community, for knowledge of sectarianism, effectively example, detailed the divisions and how ‘cocooned’ (Roche 2008), they expressed these often generated sectarian clashes or views closely related to their cultural violence. Young people generally attended identity. In some cases these were sectarian. Segregation and Sectarianism 93

single-identity youth provision and adults YP5: “Sure they had to change the time frequented pubs associated with their own of the schools.” identity in particular parts of the town. YP6: “They had to change the times Community representatives stated that that the schools were allowed to leave “entertainment” was divided: “There’s because they were fightin’ in the middle no question of young people socialising of the town. So one school leaves at, together”. Young people agreed: “the whole like, ten past …” town’s divided, like, except for here [a YP7: “Like, the Catholic school’s right cross-community drop-in centre].” They beside the Protestant part, where they attended the only mixed religion youth all live, and then when the Catholics provision within the community - provision would be walkin’ round the Protestants set up despite local resistance. Given the would be comin’ home from school and contribution this project made within the it would just be causing fights when they community, its increasing membership, met.” its valuable courses, its late opening at YP2: “So they get out at different times.” weekends and its participative framework, While this community is often defined as it was surprising that the initiative had no mixed, experiences of division and hostility statutory funding and was under threat of regarding religion and national identity closure at the time that the fieldwork was were deep and constant. conducted. The significance of “a neutral programme in a neutral location” was not Hall et al. (1999: 509) note that “knowing recognised by local councillors or funding where others are from makes it possible bodies. to place them” (their emphasis). Being ‘placed’ as Loyalist or Republican Maintaining segregation in this created risk of attack outside community community had reinforced and exacerbated boundaries. Young people, regardless of difference, resulting in much unrest. As their acceptance of cultural identity, were Shirlow (2001: 67) notes: “separation is the clear that there were places they would instrument through which animosity and not visit. For example, young people the reproduction of mistrust and division living in a small Protestant community best manifest themselves.” Segregated associated with strong Loyalism described social activities, local facilities and schools feeling imprisoned. They identified their were stark reminders of the extent of community as the only safe space. It had no religious division. Because social contact youth or recreation facilities and they did with ‘the other’ was so limited, when it not access those nearby because they feared happened, it was potentially dangerous: for their safety. They did not use the local R: “Would there be, like, clashes then football pitch or snooker hall because: between Catholics and Protestants, “… you wouldn’t be long in gettin’ an would there be fighting or …?” auld crutch in the face if you used it [Laughter among the group] … if you walk up yourself then you YP1: “You’re in [name of community]!” wouldn’t be seen comin’ back out.” (Co. YP2: “It’s like, when they get outta the Fermanagh, aged 13-15) pubs late at night, they all kinda mix.” YP3: “It used to be wile bad.” YP4: “It still is.” Segregation and Sectarianism 94

This was an illustration of how fear of “When you’re off the estate you’re being identified as ‘the other’ limited the always lookin’ where the trouble might opportunities available to young people. It come from. Always lookin’ over your was an experience shared by young people shoulder … you always have to be in living in Republican/ Nationalist areas, numbers. No way would I walk off the demonstrating the connection between estate on my own.” (Co. Fermanagh, identity and territory. Those living in aged 16-21) the Loyalist community discussed above Children and young people were were emphatic that they would not accept susceptible to attack partly because towns people from other cultures living in their are small, but also because visual cues community. Acceptance was granted to connect to cultural identity. Most obvious “people who move in, good people who is school uniform, and also football shirts, think like you, are loyal like you”. Those caps, scarves and jewellery. One young rejected and driven out by force were “not woman from a Republican/ Nationalist part of your culture” (Co. Fermanagh, community had experienced sectarian aged 16-25). For some young people in abuse the previous day because she wore a Nationalist communities also, those of “the Gaelic football jersey: other religion” would not be welcome: “I was called yesterday goin’ to a match YP: “I know boys that know Protestants and had an ice pop thrown at the car, loads, but if they were seen near the called a Fenian B.” (Co. Derry, aged 16- Protestant side they’d get hit.” 17) R: “And what about the other way round?” A child who had been playing with YP: “Aye, if ye seen one [a Protestant] friends on the edge of their estate had walkin’ about here yod u’ take a swipe at been “chased by Catholics … we had to him.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) run through nettles and all”. This had happened “because one of them [the boys Clear physical divisions and symbolic in her group] was wearin’ a Rangers top” markers of ownership map territory which (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13). Children and is defended against ‘the other’: “Local turf young people managed or disguised their is controlled and formed as a safe haven identities when outside their communities, for members of the community” (Kuusisto particularly by altering their dress. When 2001: 59). Thus, cultural identity remains attacks happened, however, the response ‘clean’ and ‘uncontaminated’, providing was usually retaliation by family, friends or long-standing culturally reproduced community members - leading to ‘tit-for- reasons for local defensiveness of space. tat’ attacks across the religious divide. The threat of attack in one community was Social networking sites have emerged as significantly pronounced. Even in more significant, with sectarianism on Bebo or ‘neutral spaces’, such as the town centre, Facebook pages increasing the potential for young people were often the victims of conflict: sectarian abuse or attack and moved around in groups. This had become normalised as “ Young people would have always “the way it is”: had conflict with the other religion but this was not to the same extent as Segregation and Sectarianism 95

today because access to each other was Attempts to move young people ‘off the different. Now, with the likes of Bebo streets’ within their communities fail to sites, abuse and conflict is constant.” recognise that young people find safety in groups, or that moving them beyond the Many individual and local band pages relative safety of their communities may display overt sectarianism. While such compromise this and increase the risk of sites can be closed and accessed only by sectarian abuse or attack. invited or agreed friends, many young people leave them accessible. Young people Making sense of sectarianism: within one community identified these culture and tradition sites as leading to easy identification. Even on sites which were not openly Young people in three communities raised sectarian, information and pictures the issue of sectarianism and conflict provided clear identifiers (background of during focus group discussions. Others, football clubs, links to music or videos of however, focused on clashes not between marches, commemorative events) as well as different religious groups but between photographs of young people: members of their community and the police. As one group noted: “Everyone knows everybody in this town and ye see Bebo, if there’s one wee “If the police come into the area there’s site which says Northern Ireland, you’re riots an’ all. Boys start throwin’ stones at dead.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) the Brits.” (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15) Clearly, regulation of sites could be Many of the young people interviewed improved and young people better considered that sectarianism was derived in informed about the potential consequences religious differences - a historical ‘fact’ that of leaving their pages open. It is unlikely had become normalised as part of daily life. that the possible consequences of the Perceptions of difference had been formed information they post on these sites is fully long before they had been exposed to ‘the appreciated or understood. other religion’. While sectarian views are learnt in subtle ways through social Given the unambiguous symbols of institutions - family, school, community, religious difference in Northern Ireland, media - this was not obvious to young most of those interviewed had a clear people. Many considered sectarianism as understanding of their identity in a divided self-evident - some people were Catholics, society. Young men, in particular, protected others were Protestants. They had different themselves by staying in groups, being and mutually hostile cultural traditions. vigilant and/or prepared for attack. This Growing up with this notion of difference, extended to adopting a ‘hard man’ persona, but not being fully aware of its origin, is prepared to retaliate. This form of identity evident in a Protestant young woman’s management was an open expression and account of her first meeting with Catholics: assertion of identity, rather than a disguise. “Like, see, before you even meet them While all were aware of the pervasiveness they’re always gonna have a different of sectarianism, some were personally opinion of, like, what you are … a long affected more than others. For a few, time ago, before I met them, I would it pervaded every aspect of their lives. Segregation and Sectarianism 96

think I would hate them an’ all and I Derry, aged 15-19). Some also noted the would always argue with them. But difficulties associated with breaking away then, when you meet up, they’re really from the attitudes of parents and older dead on and then, like, ye get to know members of the community: them and then, ye know like, they’re just “Like, sectarianism, ok it’s bad. But it’s the same as ye.” (Co. Antrim, aged 13) like the parents are the worst culprits of Notions of difference were perpetuated and it because if young people were allowed exacerbated by a lack of inter-community to do what they wanted, it wouldn’t be contact. Most communities were as bad as it is. It’s the older people that relatively isolated, offering few informal are makin’ it so bad, like … what ye opportunities to meet other than through have passed down, like, it just stays with formal cross-community programmes or, ye sorta thing.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 14- eventually, through jobs or further/higher 25) education: Young people discussed how constant “ Young people from here can grow reminders of the past - through stories up, go to school, socialise and have a passed down in families and communities, family in their community and never images in the form of murals and knowingly meet a Protestant. This is the remembrance events - fed sectarianism and reality of isolation and polarisation.” perpetuated conflict: Social isolation impacted on the “At the end of the day, we’re goin’ by opportunities and aspirations of young what our grannies and granddads are people as well as their attitudes and tellin’ us. And they’re puttin’ it on the feelings towards others. Limited exposure news and they’re makin’ films about to those outside their community, and it. And what are we supposed to think strong beliefs within communities, when they make a film about Bloody consolidated negative attitudes about ‘the Sunday or they make a film about the other’ that were passed down through the bombings and what-not? … So of course generations. While they expressed loyalty young one’s are goin’ to fight back – to ‘their own’, they articulated mistrust and ‘Oh, you did this to my one’ – you know, hostility towards ‘the other’. As noted by war stories you could say it is.” (Co. one community representative, and echoed Derry, aged 21) by others across different communities, A representative from another community “there are first, second, third generation stated: “Young people now can’t escape it attitudes of not trusting the other side yet”. [the Conflict]. They had parents, friends or Many young people and adults identified grandparents who were involved, or who families and communities as the primary were killed or injured.” influences on their own and the ‘other’ While acknowledging how these factors religion or culture. These were the impact on the socialisation of children and sites where sectarian attitudes were young people, it is important to place them reproduced. One young man stated: “It in context. These communities were among comes from your family background, your the worst affected by sustained political whole behaviour and your beliefs” (Co. violence over three decades, and violence Segregation and Sectarianism 97

persists. Many living residents, including Within the different communities, young people, had direct experience of concerns were expressed about influential relatives and neighbours being imprisoned, adults who perpetuated and actively injured or killed. They had experienced encouraged this mentality and the discrimination and/or disruption to their continuation of violence. Fear, mistrust, lives and had lived with the constant hostility, inequalities and confusion threat of violence. Marking events and remained within the communities and memorialising the past was important susceptible young people were influenced and their intention was not to feed by the sectarian attitudes of significant sectarianism. adults. As one community representative stated: Some community representatives discussed the significance of ‘war stories’. While “If we are going to say that young young people were told the Conflict had people today are very sectarian we need ended and that sectarian violence was no to think about why that is and where longer acceptable, there was a feeling that they have gotten those messages from. some former combatants and politicians We give it to them, then blame them.” “glorified the war” and “romanticised Beliefs about persistent inequalities the idea of struggle”. One community informed sectarian responses from some representative commented: young people, particularly in Republican/ “Now it is like a glorious thing for Nationalist areas regarding the police. young people. It is actively promoted as Despite structural changes to the PSNI, a glorious war. There is a strategy here many suggested that attitudinal change to keep this view, as certain people want among police officers was not evident: “For votes.” people in this area, it is still the RUC not the PSNI”. Negative experiences of the The confusion this caused for young people police and security forces affected daily life is illustrated in the following comment in some communities and young people from a young men’s focus group: gave recent examples of discriminatory “All those ones that were at the Bloody and intimidatory policing. While age Sunday [commemorative march] an’ all, discrimination by the police was raised if you were out riotin’ they’re all like, across all groups, some Catholics felt that ‘Wise up, the war’s over’ … They went religious discrimination remained evident through all the wars like, they should in differential policing. They recalled know how it feels. But yet they still get instances when, following riots between onto us for doin’ it.” (Co. Derry, aged young people from both cultural traditions, 15-19) only Catholic young people had been arrested. They gave an example of the These young people believed they were police failing to intervene when a Catholic fighting for reasons similar to their parents young person was being beaten by a group and other adults within their communities. of Protestants. The feeling among young They were “sticking up for themselves” and people living in Ca tholic communities was defending their culture. that the police offered concessions and protection to the Protestant community: “the cops … take sides” and “Protestants Segregation and Sectarianism 98

get all the protection they want, and we position, consolidated sectarianism. get nothing.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17 and Occasionally it resulted in violence. 15-19). Regarding Protestant marches, Rioting and sectarian clashes asserted two groups stated that these should be identity while symbolising resistance banned from passing close by Catholic towards perceived inequalities. Rioting communities as the marchers were was not ‘recreational’ - it was considered provocative: “they egg ye on, shoutin’ stuff by Protestant young people to have a firm at ye”. political basis, a view shared by Catholic Likewise, young people in Loyalist/ young people: Unionist communities considered that “If you’re out there riotin’ and you’re not Catholics were given preferential treatment Republican and all this here, you’d have by the police. In one community, they to think, ‘What’s the point?’ So in a way had removed flags but were angry and ye have to be kinda standin’ up for it resentful that the Catholic community had … we’re fightin’ for our identity.” (Co. retained their flags. This was considered Derry, aged 15-19) “favourin’ and bias”, resulting in “hatred for the police”. It was “another example” Sectarian attitudes and violence were illustrating how “Catholics get everything” closely linked to cultural identity. While (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-16). The young many of the children and young people people felt “embarrassed and stupid”, that interviewed stated that their culture was they had been duped, and resolved not not important, others believed it was of to enter future negotiations about flags paramount importance: or murals. This situation had solidified their view of inequality and favouritism “Everybody needs culture, everybody towards Catholics. Their concerns were needs somethin’ to believe in …” (Co. not restricted to mistrusting the police or Derry, aged 16-17) defending symbolic expressions of culture. “Protestant - it’s everything, more or They felt that the ‘new’ political situation in less everything - the way you’ve been Northern Ireland had benefited Catholics brought up, everything you believe in.” to the detriment of Protestants: (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) “Catholics get everything. Everything There was minimal, informed that goes up is in a Catholic area and understanding about ‘the other culture’. All we don’t get nothin’. It’s not like they be Protestants were portrayed as identifying good to be treated to it, all the sprayin’, with Britain/ Unionism/ Loyalism. All all the burnt out cars there used to be.” Catholics were portrayed as identifying (Co. Fermanagh, 13-16) with Ireland/ Nationalism/ Republicanism. Identifying sectarianism as the most Fighting to retain cultural identity was significant element of growing up, about fighting to defeat ‘the other’: groups in this community suggested that “We’re not having a united Ireland. I’d the current situation could deteriorate. be the first away. But that’s the way Resentment, towards the Catholic it’s goin’ and we have to fight for our community and its perceived privileged culture. If the Catholics took over what would you have? Would you want to Segregation and Sectarianism 99

live in Ireland? We’d lose everything. cultural identity, compounding a sense of Everything we’ve fought for.” (Co. insecurity alongside increased resentment Fermanagh, 16-21) towards ‘the other side’. YP1: “We’re fightin’ for our identity. Given that young people interviewed It’s like they want Londonderry and we considered their cultural positions as want Derry.” exclusive and hostile, there was no YP2: “It’s Derry not Londonderry. indication of reconciling their differences: London’s got its own place and Derry’s “We’d show some respect to the got its own place … There’s no London Catholic culture if they showed it to in Derry.” us. But they just want rid of us, just YP3: “If there’s any people in Derry want a united Ireland – no way.” (Co. want to support the Queen an’ all, they Fermanagh, aged 16-21) can fuck off back to England.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) Changing attitudes? These views focus on the constitutional Cross-community and issue and the ownership of space. They community relations work are two mutually exclusive positions and cannot exist together. While neither is Growing up and mixing “with your own” fully achieved, some young people felt their was the main reason why “the mind set communities had “fought for nothing”. [in Northern Ireland] has not changed”. Movements towards equality, equal Community representatives repeatedly representation, power-sharing, and the used the phrases “inherited attitudes” and de-politicisation of shared space through “learned behaviour” as consequences of the removal of sectarian symbols, were isolation and segregation. Many discussed identified as concessions to one community the significance of cross-community and and punishments to the other. Young community relations programmes as Protestants considered marches, flags central to change, but children and young and bonfires to be significant expressions people’s experiences of their participation of their culture. Their curtailment was often did not reflect this optimism. believed to be a concerted attempt to Not all children and young people weaken their culture: “They’re trying interviewed displayed sectarian attitudes. to rip away our culture”. Their elected Some had friends from the ‘other’ cultural representatives, who previously had refused tradition and others had participated in to sit with Sinn Féin or negotiate with cross-community projects. Regular cross- the Irish Government, were now working community interaction, however, was rare with them. They believed that through and limited. Views were often ill-informed, political concessions their culture was being with no clear understanding of ‘difference’. “stripped away” while the Irish culture was Sports events enabled some interaction, but flourishing. This led to suspicion and fear. this did not extend to breaking the barriers A community representative commented: of exclusivity. Sometimes cross-community “ Young people are growing up to see events heightened experiences of difference: what has been taken away from them”. There was a profound feeling that ‘reverse “Boxing is mainly a Catholic sport. I discrimination’ would challenge their was picked for the team so you meet Segregation and Sectarianism 100

different people, them who come to little social interaction and had not led to box. I’ve been to [Catholic boxing club], mechanisms for maintaining longer-term but they wouldn’t come to ours.” (Co. contact. Occasionally there was conflict Antrim, aged 18-20) during these activities. According to those interviewed, such projects had limited “Last September there I was playin’ impact in building links or good relations in the under-16 Northern Ireland with ‘the other community’. A typical International [soccer] team. And there response was: was an under-19 team, and a senior team, and an OAP team. And I was the “I went on a [cross-community project] only Catholic in all four teams.” (Co. and like there’s no talkin’ or nothin’ Derry, aged 16-17) goin’ on like. It’s just Catholic boys and Protestant boys playin’ football.” (Co. Many children and young people had Ty rone, aged 16-25) some experience of cross-community projects, often through schools, and/or Young men in two other communities community relations programmes via youth described similar experiences and how work. Few could recall learning about ‘the fighting had broken out during cross- other culture’ within school other than community football events. Involvement in Religious Education, where the focus in such projects had little impact on their was exclusively on Christian religions. attitudes about, and opinions of, ‘the other Discussion about cross-community projects community’: revealed that, while they provided limited YP8: “But there are some dead on opportunities to meet children and young Catholics.” people from “the other religion” and YP1: “Oh aye, there is like.” discover “some of them are ok”, these YP5: “But there’s not a lot like.” (Co. projects could also reinforce negative Fermanagh, aged 13-15) attitudes and strengthen the view that “nothing will ever ch ange”. Young people Those who had been involved in cross- and community representatives reported community trips commented that there had instances of ‘the other side’ not turning up been no “mixing” and no opportunities to to meetings, or projects being disbanded learn about each other’s cultures: due to irreconcilable differences. A young leader explained the demise of one project: “If ye went anywhere ye sat beside your own friends.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 16-25) “We did cross-community work and the children, and even the leaders, wouldn’t “They take ye on a wee trip, just to make interact and would be offensive.” (Co. sure you get on ok, but we didn’t learn Derry, aged 19) anything about different cultures.” (Co. Antrim, aged 19-20) While children and young people were often critical of cross-community projects, After one-off events or short-term projects this related particularly to trips, activity- there was no discernible change in based initiatives, and specific events communities. Some who had participated which had generally been developed in cross-community projects were criticised with minimal preparatory work, required by their friends and there was no follow- up work to challenge negative attitudes. Segregation and Sectarianism 101

Nor were there opportunities to learn “We don’t do cross-community trips. It about cultural differences and similarities. would be class to do cross-community Another group of young men who had also trips.” (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15) been involved in cross-community football Where it did exist, cross-community stated: provision was piecemeal and young people “Aye, they’ll meet and they’ll chat and criticised unfair selection criteria based the next weekend, then, they’ll just on perceptions about ‘respectability’: be fightin’ again. It’s never goin’ to be “People puttin’ their name down have an resolved.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) acceptance of each other already, so there’s not gonna be any hard lads or ”that (Co. Consequently, they believed that cross- Ty rone, aged 16-25). Some considered community projects were a “waste of time” that school-based cross-community work and that community differences were, and was limited to one-off events, separate to will remain, irreconcilable. A small, but the curriculum, and failed to challenge or significant, number of children and young inform negative attitudes. people had experienced sectarian abuse and violence while involved in cross-community More positively, a few young people projects, which obviously challenged their had experienced community relations commitment to this type of activity: programmes through youth provision. The focus in these programmes was to R: “So you all think cross-community learn about ‘the other culture’, challenging work is a good idea?” negative attitudes and stereotypes in a safe YP1: “I don’t! I disagree with it. This is environment. Cross-community events why I disagree. We were on the bus and and meetings continued beyond initial they chucked stuff at us and one hit me groundwork. Community relations work up the face with a ball. It was a boy - so was central to these programmes and the he chucked it at me and it hit me up the experience of involvement in them was face. Just because we were Protestants. different from school-based events: So I went down and I grabbed the ball and I smashed it over him.” “There was more focus on religion and YP2: “One year group always went on culture, where you looked at what each a trip, like, every month or so with a reflects. Stuff around symbols and flags different school … the people in the and that. Some ones did like a big wall different school were, like, callin’ people mural with flags and all different things at our school, like, names and, like, they reflect. It was good.” (Co. Antrim, made people in our class cry an’ all. aged 19-20) They didn’t tell the teacher until they These programmes, however, were not got off the bus and we were comin’ without difficulties. One cross-border home. And then they used to like throw programme entailed working with each stuff at us an’ all.” (Co. Antrim, aged community separately around issues of 10-13) culture and identity, before bringing them Others, however, criticised the lack of together for activities and sports. A trip cross-community projects and were keen to was arranged for the full group to visit a participate: European city. Close to the time, “due to Segregation and Sectarianism 102

peer pressure, a number of the young men street clashes. Young people from all dropped out”. The trip went ahead and it communities expressed anger towards was reported that the group “bonded when politicians who proclaimed peace but taken out of the atmosphere and influences knew little about the reality of their around them”. Yet, “when they came back, communities: they went back into their own territory” “… sometimes I’d be sittin’ watchin’ the and “fighting between both sides of the TV and I’d be standin’ up goin’, ‘You community continued”. see, you bastards, you don’t even know Cross-community work operates in a what it’s like livin’ on the streets. Youse climate of discord and dissent, with young are all just sittin’ in your wee offices, all people divided in every aspect of their just conductin’ all this shite. Live on the lives. Outside the defining influences of streets, know what it’s like before ye say their environment there is potential for all this stuff.’ They don’t know nothin’ positive interaction, but this is difficult to … sure they’re still doin’ paramilitary sustain. As McGrellis (2004: 22) notes: beatings … They’re still doin’ it, they’re “young people [in Northern Ireland] are never goin’ to stop.” (Co. Derry, aged themselves aware that the influence of 21: her emphasis) their community is stronger than what can Regarding elimination of sectarianism, often amount to no more than a short-lived the situation was considered bleak. While contact experience”. The cross-community there was disagreement within groups, youth forum and drop-in centre discussed the general view was that there were few earlier demonstrated that youth provision, signs that the Conflict had ended because without the ‘cross-community’ label, there was not “an acceptance of each other” was the priority. Young people ‘dropped (Co. Ty rone, aged 14-25). Some felt this in’ because this youth-centred provision might change through initiatives such as metr thei needs, not because it was integrated education, youth provision and cross-community provision. Located in positive community relations work. Others ‘neutral space’, it was a place where young remained unconvinced: people in a bitterly divided town met and interacted on their terms – as young “There’s not a hope because nobody’s people, not as Catholics or Protestants. goin’ to change their views on what they While the starting point for many cross- think.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) community projects was difference, this cross-community youth provision focused This reflected the entrenchment of on the common experiences of young people, sectarian attitudes, the maintenance of regardless of their cultural tradition. divisions and prevalent messages about ‘the other community’. It was the reason The fragility of ‘peace’ for a shared belief that “nothin’ is goin’ to change”: Few community representatives believed there was ‘peace’ in their communities, “It’s just a general dislike for each other or that the Conflict had ended. This … even if you try to change it, it’ll was echoed in young people’s accounts, always be passed down to the young particularly when discussing entrenched people.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) sectarian attitudes and continuing Segregation and Sectarianism 103

It was also closely connected to fears Japanese or just simply “foreigners”. about one side gaining advantage over the Children talked of “foreigners”, depicting other; of giving the ‘other community’ an difference as “us and them”. A common opportunity to assert their culture and misconception concerned the volume of beliefs. According to one group, this fear foreign nationals in Northern Ireland, the exposed the fragility of the peace process: local town or neighbourhood. One young man claimed that, in his community, there “Sectarianism is the major issue. It were “no Northern Irish people”. Another will always be there, never go away stated: “Ireland, you should rename it … Some of what you see now is only Poland ’cos it’s all Polish in Ireland” (Co. the beginning. Catholics down here Derry, aged 15-19). An image of foreign get everything and that’s not right … nationals and ‘alien’ cultures ‘invading’ or They say the conflict’s over. It’s not and ‘taking over’ was commonplace and not it’d be back tomorrow, full on.” (Co. confined to children and young people. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) A common ‘other’ Foreign nationals were portrayed as dangerous, threatening community safety. Alongside existing divisions within This led to fear and suspicion, justified and between communities in Northern on the basis that “they talk different Ireland, a new ‘other’ has emerged. The languages”. Consistent with other recent arrival of foreign nationals has circumstances in which children have no had a significant impact on population direct experience of a particular group or distribution. Children and young people situation, cultural myths and stereotypes raised this issue in four communities, were recounted as fact, and exceptional as did community representatives in all incidents were used to define an entire areas. When discussing the negative ethnic group, instilling fear and contempt: aspects of community life and who was “I want all the foreign people to get out perceived as an ‘insider’ or ‘outsider’ because they kill people – one time in (particularly regarding culture and rights) [this community] they killed someone. a common ‘other’ emerged. Children and They broke into their car and they young people across the religious divide buried the body under the back seat.” were united in negative views about, and (Co. Antrim, aged 9-11) attitudes towards, foreign nationals. A community representative stated: “The Such stories spread quickly throughout tables have turned from it being about communities, establishing a caricature of clashes with the other religion to clashes the unknown, unwelcome and dangerous with ethnic minorities”. The implicit and ‘other’. Many blamed increases in crime, explicit racism expressed, however, was particularly violent crime and drugs in connected to existing sectarian divisions, their towns and neighbourhoods, on historical fear and mistrust. “outsiders movin’ in”. The groups most often identified by Jobs, welfare and housing were also issues. children and young people were Polish and Yet among children and young people Lithuanian foreign nationals, extending there was less agreement. While some to a range of others including Chinese, stated bluntly: “they take our jobs” (Co. Segregation and Sectarianism 104

Derry, aged 12-15), or: “they’re givin’ the considered they would be forced to leave Lithuanians benefits and everythin’ and their communities due to inadequate, social givin’ them lots of jobs” (Co. Armagh, aged housing. Yet they witnessed “outsiders” 12-21), others commented that foreign arriving, who had no attachment to the nationals did poorly paid jobs which local community and no shared history or people had refused. Some drew parallels culture. There was a belief that foreign with Irish emigrants, who historically nationals received preferential treatment had been viewed and treated as foreign and to raise the issue would bring nationals. For young people, the issue accusations of racism. focused on lack of available jobs for them Within the Republican/ Nationalist in their communities and the prevalence communities, some children and young of a low wage economy. The availability of people stated that the police excused foreign nationals, some argued, allowed foreign nationals’ ‘criminal’ or ‘anti-social’ employers to pay low wages as they could behaviour. In the Loyalist/ Unionists fill jobs without reviewing rates of pay. communities it was considered unfair Thus, young people were squeezed out of that foreign nationals could express their an already shrinking labour market: culture openly when they themselves “They’re takin’ our jobs. It’s hard enough experienced restrictions. This reinforced the to get a job without them here. There belief that their culture was being eroded are too many of them.” (Co. Fermanagh, as a consequence of political change. Such aged 16-21) perceptions led to resentment among some young people and deepening levels of Others believed that “locals should come racism. One group stated: first” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21). They stated that this was an economic issue and “ You’re not allowed to express your was not about ra cism: culture. Well, see those bag heads, you know those black people, they’re R: “Where do you draw the line allowed to have those things [turbans].” between feeling pissed off and angry (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) [about foreign nationals getting jobs] and racism?” Community representatives considered YP1: “Oh no, we’re not racist. It’s just foreign nationals to be isolated: “They live they’re comin’ over here and stealin’ in the community but are not part of it. the jobs and workin’ for less. So all the It is difficult coming into an area when it young people now lookin’ for jobs aren’t is close-knit”. Many children and young goin’ to get one.” people interviewed did not want foreign YP2: “It’s not racist, it’s about money. nationals living in their communities. They’ll work for £2.00 an hour and we’ll One group suggested, “We should build work for £4.50.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) a Lithuanian town so they stop comin’ here, a separate town” (Co. Armagh, These views reflected fear among a group aged 12-21). Thus, the ‘natural order’ of already disadvantaged in the labour market divided space should be extended to ‘new due to poor qualifications, skills and groups’. This illustrates the deep roots of opportunities. The futures of young people exclusive identity regarding space, offered interviewed were uncertain and some as a response to fears about ‘the other’. Segregation and Sectarianism 105

Territoriality and ownership of space was Key Issues pushed beyond the religious divide. Some commented that anyone from a different - Children and young people from all six culture would be unwelcome, susceptible communities considered sectarianism to be a to attack and “wouldn’t be long of stayin’” significant issue affecting their lives. (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15). This was - Children and young people were ‘badged’ reinforced in interviews with community by the places they occupied; often feeling representatives who noted the targeting of ‘imprisoned’ within their communities. foreign nationals, and their exiling from - Fear of being identified as ‘the other’ limited local communities. opportunities (freedom of movement, opportunities for play and leisure, social Loyalist/ Unionist communities were relations) and impacted on children’s/ young concerned about Polish immigrants and people’s feelings of safety. this reflected their religion: “At the end of the day they are Roman Catholics” (Co. - Perceptions about ‘the other community’ Fermanagh, aged 13-15). There was a were formed long before children and young sense of double inequality: not only were people met someone of ‘the other religion’. foreign nationals perceived as limiting - Limited exposure to those outside their job opportunities but, as Catholics, ‘one community, and strong sectarian beliefs side’ was gaining privilege. A community within communities, consolidated negative representative explained: attitudes about ‘the other community’. “Employment is 50-50 now between - Rioting and sectarian clashes symbolised Catholics and Protestants but with many a means of asserting cultural identity and Polish people being Catholic it appears were described as responses to perceived more than 50% now. It seems unequal, inequalities. the balance is going.” - ‘Concessions’ to one community were viewed as ‘punishments’ to the other. This created a This comment also shows how the sense of unfairness, insecurity and increased views of children and young people are resentment towards ‘the other community’. influenced and shaped within communities by adults. ‘Tipping the balance’ of long- - Children and young people were critical of standing structural and cultural divisions cross-community projects based on minimal exacerbated fears about the potential social interaction and no long-term plans dilution of cultural identity within for maintaining contact. Projects with communities. Those groups most overtly a starting point of commonality, rather than difference, were better received and committed to their cultural identity were involvement in such projects was felt to have most resistant to the cultural identity of been beneficial. others. When discussing the victimisation of minority ethnic families, a community - Children and young people across the representative stated that people wanted to religious divide shared negative views “keep [this community] the place to be, the towards foreign nationals. Loyalist place to be”. - Territorialism, uncertainty and insecurity at a time of transition for established populations exacerbated the difficulties faced by foreign nationals residing in small close- knit communities. CHAPTER 9

VIOLENCE IN THE CONTEXT OF CONFLICT AND MARGINALISATION

The legacy of violence conflict. In this, the impacts and legacy of political violence is particularly significant. As discussed previously, few of those interviewed for the research considered Paramilitarism: past and present that Northern Ireland had achieved ‘peace’. Illustrating the continuation of Their accounts described communities paramilitary violence, and the persistent neither at war nor in peace - places of threat to the right to life, 113 casualties uncertainty and unease. Although some were recorded as a result of paramilitary- considered that communities were in style attacks and five people were killed transition towards ‘peace’, others believed it as a consequence of the security situation to be an unattainable goal while sectarian during the course of this research divisions and violence remained powerful (PSNI 2009). Some of the communities illustrations of the legacy of the Conflict. involved in the research feature in these ‘Transition’ is not an unproblematic concept statistics, contributing to experiences as it implies a definitive, albeit complex, of death, injury, fear and intimidation. move from a conflicted to a peaceful Community representatives and young society. A further, key issue is that the people reported increasing levels of threat emphasis on peace has disguised the threat, from dissident groups. Young people legacy and ongoing reality of violence. As a in one of the Republican/ Nationalist young person stated, the message of peace communities had been recent targets acts as a form of social control while not of dissident Republicans. In one of the delivering change: Loyalist/Unionist communities, a well “There’ll never be peace, they’re just established Catholic family had recently sayin’ that. They’re sayin’ that to make been intimidated out of their home. Within everybody feel safe and happy to go another Loyalist/Unionist community, about their business. But everybody resentment and tension regarding what was in the back of their brain knows that considered to be a political “sell-out” were there’ll never be peace in Northern high. A community representative stated Ireland. Never.” (Co. Derry, aged 21) that the paramilitaries “could start up [the Conflict] again tomorrow”; there were Many of those interviewed, particularly “elements of Loyalist paramilitaries in the those aged over 16, had been exposed to area who can do something about it” and political violence. While levels of violence “they will get a lot of support”. had diminished, many young people had experienced or witnessed sectarian Adult community representatives in all fights and confrontations, rioting with communities involved in the research the police and paramilitary-style threats, raised the issue of the continued presence, beatings or shootings. Most understood or activity, of paramilitaries. While some how their community had been affected reported continuing low-level recruitment by, and involved in, political violence. of young people, others considered that this The previous chapter considered how centred on youth wings of both Loyalist segregation maintained divisions between and dissident Republican paramilitary communities, ensuring generational groups. Many young people reported an transmission of sectarianism and violent underlying fear in what they portrayed as insular and closed communities. The Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 107

quiet knowledge, or silent presence, of “[Name] was shot there last week paramilitaries informed a common belief outside his front door. [Another name] that violence remained a real threat. was shot in the leg and told to get out.” Representatives in one community A young woman gave a personal account stated there was “no freedom of speech”. of the failure of punishments to stop anti- Those in another commented: “certain social behaviour by some young people: individuals control certain areas”. In a third community the representatives agreed that “[My boyfriend] was done twice by paramilitaries were “still a real threat”. the RA … he was left in hospital with broken hips, broken legs and he still Children and young people in four went out and did it [again] and then communities discussed paramilitaries. They they come and says, ‘Right if you do were aware of past and current paramilitary it again we’re goin’ to shoot ye in the activities, expressing their support or head’. And he still went and did it.” rejection, and of the continued recruitment of young people. Some had recent direct Among the community representatives contact with paramilitary or dissident and young people interviewed there was an groups. One young woman stated that all overwhelming rejection of ‘paramilitaries’. her friends had been summoned to discuss Distinctions were drawn between past their behaviour: and current paramilitaries, with the latter described as “wannabees”, “clingers on”, “We woulda had a meetin’ with them “hard men”, “alpha males”, “a thug element” and it woulda been maybe four of them and “vigilantes”. They were considered to and only you sittin’ there and like ‘Jesus, be men who used violence and the name I’m gonna get killed now’ … we were of paramilitarism for personal gain, rather threatened.” than political principle: At the time of data collection, warnings “The politicians are only interested had been posted throughout one in the money, like some of the community about young people’s behaviour paramilitaries. They cared about the - particularly regarding drugs. Included country then, but not now. It’s about in the warning, the name of an individual money.” who had been ‘put out’ or exiled from the community had been scored off the list. Community representatives suggested This direct threat to young people impacted that these ‘new paramilitaries’ had little on the whole community. A 13 year old connection with politics or ‘the struggle’, boy stated he wanted paramilitaries out judging them as ‘criminals’ who use the of his community: “Everybody’s scared”. paramilitary badge to access power and Others considered they were targets status and to instil fear: solely because of adverse publicity about ‘anti-social’ behaviour. Recent examples “It’s all about money now. They call of young people suffering punishments themselves paramilitaries, but it’s all without warning included: about money.” “… [they] were always on the periphery and are trying to get a name for themselves second time round.” Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 108

Community representatives and young people out to do things but do little people were concerned that these themselves.” individuals had persuaded young people “This group of dissidents are politicising to adopt their agenda. They considered young people on the streets by going out that young people were heavily politicised and talking to them. They are taking through interpretations of the past, what was a contention between the glorification of violence and discussions community and the police and using it about how politicians had ‘sold out’. Young to incite violence among young people - people in one community were acutely passing on and glorifying the stories of aware of this influence: the past.” “Some organisations would still try to When young people were politicised and bring them [children and young people] ‘recruited’, they became the ‘new recruiters’, in to do stuff, like get eight year olds to exerting control and influence on younger riot.” children. The children admired their older Others felt strongly that such individuals peers, who had status. The continuing had considerable influence over recruitment of children and young people young people, inflaming and inciting into violent sectarianism, often in the guise sectarianism: of celebrating cultural tradition, is a crucial issue for communities working towards YP1: “Sectarianism now is mostly all transition from Conflict. Community to do with paramilitaries. Like here representatives stated that there had you have the RA and they would be been no political acknowledgement of encouraging you to be Republican and these ongoing problems faced by their to row with the UDA, an’ all that there. communities. Having detailed the nature And then that’s how riots and all that and extent of these problems in his there sectarian stuff starts.” community, a community representative R: “Do you think the RA is still active concluded: “This is what happens at the around you?” local level … you never hear about it unless YP2: “They’ve still got a strong hold on you are in the community”. In discussing young people.” why children and young people become YP1: “But you see wee young ones involved, several community representatives runnin’ about as well, ‘Up the RA’ and considered that paramilitaries “preyed” all this shite. And they don’t even know on the young, “feeding” their fears what they’re chattin’ about, but it’s just and emphasising their vulnerability. they’re encouraged to do it.” In situations where young people’s role There was considerable resentment and identity were uncertain, they were about those referred to as “armchair considered “easy to drag in and give a focus paramilitaries” who politicised young in their lives”. A community representative people, steered them towards violence stated: and then stood back free from direct “A lot of men have nothing to be proud responsibility: of because they’re unemployed. So they “There are a small number of Loyalist regale kids with stories of the glory days, paramilitaries who would send young Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 109

as this is where they got their pride, and communities, this association gave young young men see this as a rite of passage.” people a clear identity. In one situation, young people had developed strong, There was significantly less criticism of personal relationships built on respect the actions of paramilitaries in the past. A and trust of an individual who, while typical comment from a young person was: encouraging them to embrace their cultural “Paramilitaries were good for tradition, directed them to commit acts of communities. They kept the riff-raff out. violence and intimidation against ‘others’. They’d stop gangs.” There was also an understanding and Community representatives across all awareness that those who were ‘connected’ areas stated that, while there was little were ‘protected’, including protection continuing support for paramilitaries, against arrest by the police. Young people harked back to when “you could people discussed unfair administration knock on someone’s door and get it sorted”. of punishments: “there are different rules There was general concern about drug and for different people”. While, for many alcohol use, ‘anti-social behaviour’ and interviewed, such power and discretion crime involving young people throughout deepened their disrespect for quasi- the communities. Fear of contacting the paramilitaries, they were aware that some police and being identified a ‘tout’, lack young people sought this ‘connection’ and of trust in the police, and the decline ‘protection’. As a community representative in what were identified as ‘legitimate’ stated: paramilitaries, had left a policing vacuum. “[They] are protected and get away with One focus group of young people struggled crime, so it pays to be involved. Those with the moral dilemma of using extreme who aren’t supporters and who are physical punishment and its consequences. involved in crime won’t get away with They discussed the availability and impact it.” of drugs and believed that, previously, paramilitaries had succeeded in preventing Young people in all communities rejected the supply of drugs to the area. Given and resisted what they identified as the a policing deficit, paramilitaries had injustices of threats and punishments. effectively filled the void. Some demonstrated their anger and resentment by deliberately causing trouble. Expressions of disillusionment about the To them, civil disorder was a form of peace process were not confined to the resistance and a means of demonstrating feeling that politicians had ‘sold out’. Those that they would not be controlled by interviewed felt excluded, that negotiations paramilitaries or vigilantes. As stated had been conducted behind closed doors previously, however, other young people by those in positions of power. There considered close association with had been no preparation in communities paramilitaries to be part of asserting their regarding devolution. This experience of identity. disconnection, of feeling alienated from key decisions about Northern Ireland’s future, had encouraged some young people to associate with paramilitaries. In three Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 110

Violence and everyday life in their communities, that “violence is bad and it’s getting worse” (Co. Fermanagh, The violence of the Conflict remains aged 16-21). Others commented that it was celebrated, glorified and normalised “kind of up and down” (Co. Antrim, aged at several levels. Certain murals, 15-20). Clearly, the intensity of violence commemorations, parades and stories was dependent on circumstances or the reflect stark images of structural, celebration of cultural or commemorative institutional and direct violence. ‘Cultural events such as parades, 12th July, St violence’, closely associated with identity, Patrick’s Day and significant anniversaries. is embedded in the language of opposition politics, the direct experiences of families Children and young people discussed and communities and the segregation or recent incidents of severe violence in their marking of space. communities. These included: the sectarian killing of a young person; paramilitary- In the transition from political violence style punishments; alcohol-related violence an increase has been reported in what has ending in the death of a young person; been termed ‘everyday violence’, giving and intra-community feuding resulting rise to discussions about acceptance and in weapons being used on the streets. The ‘normalisation’ of violence within Northern latter incident had impacted on the whole Ireland. The assumption is that part of community: “They don’t just fight, it’s like the legacy of violent conflict is an unusual worse than fightin’ … it was wile scary and toleration of violent responses to settle they done it every night … ye get scared at disputes. Many of the children and young night”. people interviewed identified fighting, bullying or violence as significant parts While these events were sporadic, less of their lives. All groups were concerned dramatic acts of violence were constant. about violence in different contexts - Children and young people across all sectarian violence, violence against the communities experienced fighting and police, violence by the police, youth on violence at weekends, usually related to youth violence, adult violence - and its alcohol. Despite the disproportionate focus impact on their lives and/or communities. within communities and in the media on young people and violence, many pointed Children and young people did not, out that adults in their communities were however, indicate an ‘acceptance’ of also involved. In one community, a number violence. Regarding safety, free movement of groups claimed that “believe it or not, it and being victimised, the common thread [is] mostly the adults” (Co. Antrim, aged was fear. A few groups noted this with 19-20) who were responsible. Community resignation: “It’s just life, like” (Co. Derry, representatives stated: aged 13). It was clear from the focus groups that many children and young “The children are growing up in a people regularly continue to experience general environment of criminality. It or witness serious community violence. is mostly the older people involved, but While the motives behind such violence young ones get pulled into it.” varied, the impact was felt by all. Some While only raised by a few of those reported that there were “lots of fights” or interviewed, it was stated that what adults a “wile lot of riots” (Co. Derry, aged 14) Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 111

often perceived as violence between “They might take a hand out of ya, hurt children or young people may be ‘play- your feelings.” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) fighting’: “the fighting isn’t always real.” Children felt intimidated and unsafe on (Co. Derry, aged 9-11) the streets, particularly at night, because Bullying, intimidation and safety of comments from young people drinking alcohol. Some would not go out at night or Children’s discussions of ‘fighting’ were would not visit parks, while others walked often linked to personal experiences of to youth clubs in groups: bullying, explained as occurring “because they’re bullies” (Co. Antrim, aged 7-10). “Seein’ people smokin’ and drinkin’ and They considered bullying as violence you don’t feel safe an’ all. And you wish beyond physical exchanges, including your Mammy an’ Daddy were there.” verbal attack, intimidation and exclusion: (Co. Derry, aged 9-11) “Fighting would be just calling names.” Children, particularly in one community, (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15) related bullying behaviour to alcohol. A typical comment was: “They say stuff about you when you walk past.” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) “I don’t like where we live because people drink and start bullying.” (Co. ‘Fighting’ also occurred as a result of games Down, aged 10-11) and play. Yet some were thought to fight more than others, including older young Within communities it was clear that people and those from particular streets. young people exerted power over children. Children in a number of communities gave Yet young people also experienced examples of being bullied and intimated by regulation and control from adults, older young people – on the streets, in their including use of threats and force by play areas, on their way to youth provision: paramilitaries or vigilantes. As the accounts above illustrate, emotional and physical “Like, one day we were in [the park]. violence within communities was often I was in with me wee cousin and we explained as bullying but was considered to were on the swings and they [a group be part of everyday life. Children provided of 16 year olds] told all of us to get off an holistic understanding of violence and ’cos they were playin’ football. Like, its consequences, including negotiation there’s a pitch right beside it and they of movement within their communities. were playin’ football in the park.” (Co. Apart from the threat and reality of Antrim, aged 10-13) physical attack, their self-esteem and They provided many examples of such personal worth were also undermined. intimidation and its impact on children’s Alcohol and violence opportunities for play. Some noted the psychological consequences of being In discussions of violence and fighting, laughed at and talked about: seven of the focus groups emphasised the relationship between alcohol use and “They would laugh and make you violent assault. A further eight groups drew paranoid.” a link between boredom, alcohol use and violence. Fighting and violence in their Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 112

communities was particularly marked at YP1: “Cos they’re all drunk and they weekends: just start rows and that, and then start to fight.” “Hitting people – there’s lots of fighting YP2: “Cos they get drunk and don’t around here because of drinking on really know what they’re doin’.” (Co. weekends.” (Co. Down, aged 9-10) Antrim, aged 10-13) “… at the weekend, when the boys are Being on the streets or other public tanked up.” (Co. Antrim, aged 18-20) places drinking alcohol was not without While some noted that violence was not risk. Young people recognised the risk of restricted to young people, others stated ‘trouble’ – from the police, the community, there was a clear connection between paramilitaries and/or as a result of losing alcohol and boredom among young people. control of their behaviour. Some noted the Alcohol use did not always result in potential for violence: violence, but there was always the potential “They drink and they turn into Rambo for trouble given that consumption … all somebody’s got to do is turn on regularly occurred among groups in public ye.” (Derry, aged 16-17) places. Those living in rural communities with few youth or recreation facilities stated Young people reported that much of that they drank alcohol to relieve boredom: their time spent on the streets involved little more than meeting with friends and “What else are we meant to do? You passing the time. Alcohol was not always drink. It’s something to talk about. But involved - considerable time was spent when we do it, we get in trouble.” (Co. playing football, walking about or just Armagh, aged 9-15) chatting. Yet it was during such ‘routine Others noted that youth facilities were activities’ that young people experienced closed at weekends. The alternative was to ‘crime’ as victims, perpetrators and hang out on the streets drinking alcohol. witnesses. From the interviews it was clear This often led to violence: that fighting was often a consequence of hanging around drinking alcohol. R: “Why do you think they are Within some communities, particularly fighting?” but not exclusively in rural areas, alcohol YP: “The influence of drink … they’re consumption among young people was bored, there’s nothin’ for them to do. marked. The club opens on a Friday night and it’s Saturday when it happens.” (Co. Derry, Many community representatives, children aged 8-14) and young people stated that drinking alcohol started at a young age (ie. 10 or 11 Many felt that the effects of alcohol caused years). This was supported by a survey of violence: “When the drink’s in, the wit’s pupils in one school. As previously noted, out!” (Co. Derry, aged 21): most of those interviewed connected YP1: “Usually on a Saturday night and alcohol to boredom: stuff they go round the estate fightin’.” “We’ve nothing else to do but drink.” R: “Why’s that?” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21) YP2: “Cos they argue.” Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 113

“ You only go drinkin’ because you’re YP1: “ You get blocked [drunk] and you bored.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) just don’t care what you do.” R: “You see, when you get blocked, does Drinking alcohol was identified as a that worry you?” legitimate pasttime for young people; YP1: “Only when you get real blocked developed through peer groups and, more and you don’t care what happens to you. generally, within the wider community. You regret it in the mornin’ – it does One group stated that young people’s your head in.” drinking was ‘normal’ and others suggested YP2: “You wake up the next morning that it was culturally acceptable. Drinking and think ‘Oh God, what did I do last was endemic in some communities: night? What have I done? I coulda done “It’s everywhere … it’s easy to get.” (Co. somethin’ stupid’ – or somethin’ like Ty rone, aged 14-25) that.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) “Alcohol is just the thing round there … Rather than seeking support at particularly it’s just that we’re Irish and we’re made stressful times, some young people turned to drink.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21) to alcohol. Discussing how a close group dealt with a friend taking his own life, In rural communities, alcohol was one young man stated: “Well, we were all easily accessible. Young people stated shocked about it … we more or less went that local pubs had no qualms about drinkin’.” (Co. Derry, aged 21). Ironically, serving those known to be underage. while alcohol was used as a coping In addition to relieving boredom, mechanism and a means of forgetting alcohol provided camaraderie with peers about problems, it also perpetuated and the wider community. Alcohol emotional distress and could be used as a use was part of growing up for all form of violence against the self. young people interviewed, but within communities experiencing poverty and Violence: a legitimate response? poor facilities it provided “something In discussions about violence within their to do”. In communities with few le isure communities, young people repeated that opportunities, where access to activities they felt neither valued nor respected. outside the area was expensive, alcohol This was illustrated by: inadequate use provided the cheapest form of leisure recreation and leisure facilities; negative available. For some, it was also part of perceptions and representations of young their local identity. Some suggested that, people; exclusion from discussions particularly for young men, alcohol use and consultations about the future of was linked with “acting tough” and “being communities; openly hostile, disrespectful hard” - it was significant in young male and aggressive responses towards them. In identity formation, in achieving and these circumstances, their reactions were asserting male status. predictable: Young people discussed use of alcohol as “People get drunk and wreck the place an escape from the boredom of everyday because of the way they’ve been treated.” life and the difficulties they faced. Often, (Co. Armagh, aged 13-24) however, it brought more risks and additional stress: Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 114

R: “If somebody asked you to move research reported that young men in along, what’s the response to that?” Northern Ireland identified violence YP: “It depends on what way they ask as a defence of themselves and their ye. Some of them would be like, ‘Lads, communities. They considered their come on, please move on’. The boys just behaviour to be “unnecessarily violent” walk away. Some of them that come out (YouthNet 1999: 3). As discussed earlier, and shout, you’re just gonna take the violence was also justified in specific hand outta them.” (Co. Derry, aged 21) circumstances - when someone from the ‘other community’ entered the area or Young people’s hostile reaction to attacked friends. aggressive adults was an issue also raised by representatives across the communities: While some of the young women interviewed were involved in ‘fighting’, “There is an undercurrent of acceptance ‘rioting’ and aggressive behaviour, violence of violence in our communities – this was an activity most often associated starts in the home and young people feel with young men. It was clearly linked to there is an acceptable level of violence masculine identity. In their consultations for them when they are young. All this with 135 young men aged between 14-25 moves on with age.” years, YouthAction (2001a: 1) concluded “We have had 25 years of violence and it that “violence is seen as natural within has been passed down from generation young male culture. It is considered to generation that violence is acceptable. inescapable, normal and often acceptable”. Parents are violent towards children in The ‘hard man’ image was significant - the home – they get a good thump – as illustrative of dominance, ‘toughness’ and the young people learn that violence and ‘maleness’, and as a means of gaining is the right way to go, it’s the answer.” control, status and respect. It asserted identity and secured protection: “Standin’ “There is a violent nature to the culture up for yourself” and “takin’ no lip” was [in this area]. There is a mindset that about facing others down and maintaining violence is alright – shout to be heard, respect. Fighting for identity brought fight to get by. Status is achieved respect. Some community representatives through violence.” felt that violence achieved more respect On a number of occasions, children and from peers than other factors, including young people commented that acting educational achievement. violently was what was expected of them The relationship between masculinity by their peers, friendship groups and, and violence is particularly significant more widely, the community. Questioned in Northern Ireland where violence, about why young people ‘fight’, some specifically paramilitary and sectarian responded: “they just react” or “because violence, has been a defining reality their friends fight”. Reacting violently for many young men in working class to “someone slaggin’ ya”, was considered communities. It has been closely associated a legitimate response. Standing up for with male identity; used to maintain personal reputation, for family, friends difference and assert both masculine and and community was part of local culture national identity. At a time of political and learned through experience. Previous and economic change, when the identity Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 115

and position of working class young men as well as politicise and recruit, young is uncertain, violence as part of identity people. is a complex issue. Masculine identity, The reality of life within these often associated with employment, is communities often remains hidden. difficult to attain in a shrinking youth Official discourse focuses on ‘peace’ labour market during a time of rising and a ‘post-conflict’ society, resulting in unemployment. Further, masculine identity denial of continued fear, violence and acquired by young men with strong links conflict. Thus, heightening tensions have to their culture is less certain when many not been recognised or acknowledged. believe that their culture is being eroded. These tensions arise from concerns within In this context, “violence is often an communities where people feel excluded expression of young men’s hopelessness, from the Peace Process, unprepared and frustration, isolation, boredom and under-resourced for change. They believe energy” (YouthAction 2001b: 13). Within they have been ignored, blamed and left communities, links between violence, to deal with complex intra-community, boredom, frustration, lack of power as well as inter-community, conflict. In and respect - together with a precarious discussing underlying tensions in his material position at a time of economic, town, and echoing the fears of others, political and cultural uncertainty - are part a community representative stated: of the complex mix underpinning violent “Something will ignite it, like a killing, behaviour. and it will erupt”. Since this comment Violence is a significant issue in divided was made, several attacks (some with fatal communities with a divided government. consequences) in a range of Northern It is experienced disproportionately within Ireland communities have borne out his communities which endure the dual fears. impacts of poverty and the legacy of the Key Issues Conflict. As illustrated throughout this chapter, and those that have gone before, - Many children and young people were it is part of everyday life - in families, exposed to community violence, sectarian schools, relationships - between and within violence, rioting against the police, communities. Such conflict exists in other paramilitary-style threats and punishments. western democratic states, yet the recent history of violence in Northern Ireland, - The perceived anti-social behaviour of the current situation of ‘no peace - no young people made them targets for those war’ and political as well as economic who continued to ascribe themselves uncertainty, add significant dimensions. paramilitary status. The children and young people interviewed - While children and young people felt experienced sectarian divisions alongside threatened and intimidated by violence in class divisions, and an ever-present threat their communities, they were resigned to its of sectarian violence. Fear and mistrust presence. were compounded by the emergence of new forms of ‘paramilitarism’ involving - As a by-product of being on the streets at individuals prepared to control and punish, night and weekends when (reportedly) there Violence in the Context of Conflict and Marginalisation 116

was more ‘fighting’, young people regularly experienced or witnessed violence. - Violence impacted on children’s and young people’s feelings of safety, their freedom of movement, opportunities for play and levels of victimisation. - A connection was made by children, young people and community representatives between boredom, alcohol use and violence. Alcohol use was a concern in rural areas and in communities where few facilities for young people existed. - Alcohol was often used by young people as an escape from boredom and the difficulties of life. Yet its use often increased the likelihood of experiencing violence and emotional distress. - Some young people exerted power over children, threatening and intimidating them. This was consistent with young people’s experiences of adult power. - Violence was deemed by some young people to be a legitimate response in defending cultural identity. CHAPTER 10

SERVICES AND SUPPORT

Play and leisure in youth clubs and in rural areas where most provision was sports-based: “Boys Children and young people in all are ok but the girls don’t have anything” communities complained about the poor (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15). Clearly, young maintenance of local parks. They were women were disadvantaged and a ‘boys concerned that damaged facilities were left club’ ethos remained. In one community, unrepaired: lack of provision for girls was explained YP1: “The parks aren’t working, they’re as follows: “There are no real girl trouble not cleaned, there’s glass all over the makers”. place. The swings and slide were broken There was general agreement that young and taken away.” people beyond 15 ‘outgrew’ provision: “I YP3: “They took the slide away too went to the youth club when I was really and said they were bringin’ somethin’ young but stopped. It’s mostly kids” (Co. to replace it but they never did.” (Co. Antrim, aged 18-20). A young woman Derry, aged 8-14) stated: “There being a lot in an area doesn’t Apart from the physical dangers of matter if people don’t want to use it” (Co. broken equipment and glass, children Derry, aged 21). Many commented that felt intimidated by young people who there was “nowhere to go and nothing to congregated in local parks (often drinking do”, particularly when facilities closed early alcohol). and did not open at weekends or during school holidays. Without provision young Across the communities there was no people stated they would “just hang about consistency in the quality of play and the streets”, “do nothin’” or “get up to no leisure provision. It ranged from large, good”. bright buildings with computer suites, art rooms, hairdressing rooms, space for Play, leisure and youth provision nofte activities and games rooms, to dilapidated, relied on volunteers, with minimal grant- cold, damp buildings and church halls. aid. One group received £300 to run a Despite poor facilities that did not meet full summer scheme. Another activities- their needs, young people attended the based youth centre annually received £300 clubs and programmes provided. A young statutory funding as the emphasis was on woman stated: “utilising the building and its facilities”. This was one of the better resourced “There woulda been maybe 30 people, centres, yet resourcing issues-based work 30 weans in there and one pool table was difficult. In another project, some staff and one tennis table. Two people to a worked without pay as they awaited the table and that’s it, the rest left sittin’ outcome of funding applications. Many tryin’ to find somethin’ to do. It never youth and community workers worked give a lot of us a wile lot … so it was beyond their contracted hours on limited there, but …” (Co. Derry, aged 22: her budgets. One area had not had a full-time emphasis) statutory youth worker for a prolonged period due to under-funding. The feeling Girls and young women interviewed among those working with children and stated that what was available was “all young people was that the statutory sector for boys”. This was particularly the case was dependent on the voluntary and Services and Support 118

community sectors to provide services, “It gets you out of the house, I would just but there was no statutory investment in be sitting around if I didn’t come here” essential provision - the value of their work (Co. Antrim, aged 19-20). While often was not recognised. One youth worker being “the only option”, going to the club stated: “It gets to the stage where you or a project was “something to look forward feel it is a reflection on how your work is to” and “something different” - even when perceived.” provision was restricted to a few hours one evening a week. Several community Five recurrent needs emerged from the representatives emphasised the importance focus groups with children and young of youth provision for those excluded people: better maintained parks; improved from community life and/or experiencing youth provision; provision during evenings difficulties at home: and weekends; more opportunities for trips away; appropriate provision for older “For those living in families where there young people. As one young man stated: are obvious difficulties the youth club is “Everyone is just bored of their own estate” a haven – it is a place to escape to, where (Co. Antrim, aged 15-20). Among young staff show some level of care.” people some desired more structured Activity-based provision also provided a activities and programmes, others wanted place to develop skills in play, teamwork, a place to relax, talk with friends and play communication and social interaction. pool. They wanted provision separate from Those who understood the benefits of children. In rural areas, free or subsidised youth programmes for personal and transport was a priority. Those within social development were committed to a ‘mixed’ community requested more structured, programme-based work. Often ‘mixed’ youth provision and suggested they were older teenagers and young adults a ‘one-stop shop’ providing: sports and who had a personal understanding of the activity-based projects, structured courses positive impacts of such provision. For and programmes, a drop-in, an activities them, building confidence, self worth, self- room and a counselling service. Poor play awareness and developing social skills were and leisure provision was identified as a priorities. Residentials were particularly clear indicator of the low value placed on significant: children and young people. Consequently, children and young people were forced into YP1: “Comin’ to this place too, you unsafe play spaces where the risk of causing begin to respect yourself as well.” and experiencing trouble was increased, YP2: “You build your confidence for giving rise to allegations of nuisance and yourself and respect yourself more.” anti-social behaviour. YP3: “You learn how to talk to other people through residentials and the Across all communities, particular clubs work we do.”(Co. Derry, aged 16-17) and projects were popular because: staff were respectful; they provided a place to In accessing services young people meet with friends and new people; there appreciated opportunities for frank and was ‘something to do’; they provided open discussion in situations where they opportunities, developed social skills and were shown respect by workers. Youth gave information. Some noted that projects and community workers were identified kept them “off the streets” while for others: Services and Support 119

by young people as those most likely to got to do what we wanted to do outta facilitate such interactions. Young people our choice, so we didn’t have to sit and described how youth workers conducted watch everybody else [boys] because consultations that were not tokenistic but there was no money [for the girls].” (Co. based on interest and respect. They felt Derry, aged 22) “listened to” and their opinions mattered: Emotional and mental “We get a choice for what to do … when you’re asked you feel class” (Co. Armagh, well-being aged 13-24). Junior leaders and youth Children and young people talked about committees provided a voice for some issues that created stress in their lives. young people, who reported back to These included: school work and exam leaders/ service providers and ensured that pressure; lack of jobs; concerns about those who did not have the confidence to the future; parenting; family problems; talk directly to workers had their views witnessing and experiencing violence; represented. Reflecting on their youth appearance and feeling excluded; lack committee, three young people stated: of identity and place; adults’ negative YP2: “It’s all like our opinion.” [their responses towards young people. The emphasis] two issues most frequently raised in YP3: “We represent different areas, these discussions were depression and like, and we bring our information to suicide, particularly related to those aged our area and we bring the information 16 and above. Young teenagers in one back.” community felt that many of their friends YP1: “… there’s how many of us? – 12, and acquaintances, especially young adults, and then each one of us represents a suffered depression: “There’s a wile lot of place round this area and we have a people depressed and sad” (Co. Derry, aged meetin’ every other Wednesday. And if 14). Many felt that issues relating to mental there’s anything that our friends have health, or “emotions and feelings”, should said they wanna do, if we can get the have been discussed in schools. numbers then we bring it to [the youth Developing self-awareness and an workers] and they sort it out.” (Co. understanding about what constituted good Ty rone, aged 14-25) and poor mental health was not generally In four communities, youth workers explored in forums attended by young consulted with young people on the streets people, other than in sessions concerning to provide information about provision drugs and alcohol. While members of one and to establish the most appropriate focus group, who attended three different provision. In one community adults schools, had covered mental health in class, requested a meeting with young people to none considered it informative. conduct a needs assessment, which drew a Many raised the issue of suicide. Within positive response. In another community four groups, one or more individual a proposed project for girls was accepted revealed that a friend or someone they because: had known had taken their own life. Not “It was stuff we wanted to do … We discussing feelings and emotions was were asked what we wanted to do … we considered a significant issue: Services and Support 120

“We had a friend who committed Some believed that being undermined, suicide two years ago … young people viewed and treated negatively, damaged just really close-up and don’t really want young people’s self worth: to talk about things.” (Co. Antrim, aged “It just gets to you all the time, 19-20) undermines you. It’s feelings of For young men in particular, and for insecurity that leads to suicide.” (Co. some young women, not talking allowed Fermanagh, aged 16-21) pressure to build without any release. This Lack of self worth was made worse by was perceived to manifest itself outwardly having little to do, feeling bored and in anger or violence towards others, or experiencing difficulties in finding paid inwardly through abuse of alcohol and/ employment. Unemployment was also a or drugs, self-harm or suicide. Young key issue: people felt that some of their peers did not recognise the ‘problems’ they were “I’m workin’ now. I wasn’t workin’ enduring or, when they did, were silenced there for a while and I went back into by embarrassment. A young woman stated: depression because I would get wile depressed really easily. It brings my self “In the years there’s a lot of my mates esteem back up, you know doin’ maself have lost themselves, you know, lost up and lookin’ in the mirror and goin’, their lives over maybe drugs, drink - ‘ You know I am a good girl, I’m not bad hangin’ themselves. It’s because they anymore.’ … I come in here [to work] to don’t speak. A lot of them’s wee boys, have a life of me own outside me family they don’t speak … When my friend home, outside of me wean, ’cos ye need killed himself last year the girls were all it. See if you’re a Mammy 24/7 too, your taken out to talk about it but the wee head goes away with it and I mean your boys were left, and I’ve seen three or head does go. You end up fightin’ with four of them changed. One of them has everyone and then you do get angry and faded away to nothin’, he won’t come frustrated.” (Co. Derry, aged 21 – her outta the house or nothin’.” (Co. Derry, emphasis) aged 22) According to some community While many drew a direct correlation representatives, lack of qualifications, low between alcohol or drug use, depression skills and poor employment opportunities and suicide, other reasons were also brought little hope and low aspirations, given. One group discussed recent cases leading to depression: in which young people had taken their own lives following persistent bullying. “They may not recognise it, but that’s Others discussed the pressures on young what it is. They have nothing. They people to conform: “fittin’ in”, “lookin’ stay up half the night because they’ve good”, being sexually active. Appearance nothing to get up in the morning for. was a particular issue for young women, They don’t look forward to the weekends who considered bullying and abuse to be as they’re not working during the week.” sexualised and often focused on the body: “They say, ‘Look how fat she is, look at her In two communities, those interviewed boobs’” (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15 years). connected suicide among young people Services and Support 121

to the recent influx of drugs into their were issues within their communities, communities. Low self-esteem alongside many lacked an understanding of the wider lack of focus or hope often led to use of issues regarding mental health. In five alcohol or drugs as coping mechanisms. communities, community representatives Many drew a link between boredom, raised concerns about the mental health of low self-esteem, feeling down and using children and young people. They discussed alcohol or drugs as a means of filling “high suicide rates” among young people time, increasing confidence or as a form in their communities and “pockets of of escape. Some considered this to be a suicide” in the region. They gave examples downward spiral: of children as young as 11 having taken their own life, of young people within one “People feel so low they want to just community choosing the same location go and take drugs to get rid of all and of a family in which the father, son their problems and then they might and daughter had each taken their life. The take a bad trip and then they might be impacts of such events on other children suicidal.” (Co, Derry, aged 16-17) and young people within a community are Others gave personal accounts of turning obviously considerable, yet this was rarely to alcohol or drugs as ways of coping, only recognised or addressed. One community to find that they actually reduced their representative stated: capacity to cope: “The young man was 20 years of age “I had a miscarriage and I went on the and was well known in the community. drink again and doin’ all that stuff again When he was younger he was seen … we were always drinkin … that’s as the brightest child in his class and when I had me bad experience [with people expected him to go places. On drugs] … I’m on the sick now, since the evening of the wake young people then.” (Co. Derry, aged 21) were gathered in the town … you could see it in their faces: ‘If it didn’t work for In the young people’s accounts, drinking him and he had all this, how is it going alcohol or taking drugs to deal with to work for us?’ It was just a feeling that problems (including low self-esteem), you could sense. It was in their faces.” rather than seeking support, was connected to anger, violence and/or suicide. This Some linked the situation to emergence was a view shared by many community from the Conflict: representatives who considered that drugs “ You don’t focus on the Conflict any and alcohol were used to increase self- more, you focus on yourself.” confidence and “kill emotions”: “For us growing up, our attention and “Drink changes the young fellas – aggression was focused elsewhere. Now they feel they’re not getting anywhere there is less to focus upon.” anyway. They feel angry and hate everyone. Young men rarely express “When conflict is happening, there is so their feelings.” much else to concentrate on. When it’s over, what happens now?” While children and young people were often aware that suicide and depression Services and Support 122

Many spoke of young men who “grew up often negatively labelled in schools and to be something but then suddenly had it the community, their behaviour judged taken away,” whose identity and status was as ‘anti-social’, with little recognition previously linked to the Conflict - whether of context. They considered that young actively or politically - through Loyalist or people lacked positive feedback, supportive Republican identities. reinforcement, reliable relationships and “someone to ask how they feel”. Young Some young people had lost mothers people’s emotions, and the difficulties they and fathers during the Conflict, and had faced, were overlooked: experienced and/or witnessed community violence, harassment by the police and “ You can tell by looking at them - security forces. Community representatives they’re all bravado on the outside, but suggested that such experiences had been when they’re on their own, you can tell buried and were now emerging: the “hurt that inside they’re hurting.” and damage done” to parents, relatives Support mechanisms and friends “comes to the surface years after the Conflict is over”. Many discussed and services the continuation of violence within their Across all age groups, friends were communities. Recounting a punishment identified as key providers of support. beating that had resulted in the death of More significant for young people than for a young man, a number of community children, among some friends were the only representatives noted profound impacts on support mentioned. While many children young people in the local area: and young people could not identify local “… there were three young men with support services, most named a person or him, what impact must that have had place where they could access help, advice on them? Young people all over [the or information. The most frequent response community] were at the funeral. Think was a youth/support worker or youth of the trauma something like that provision. Few identified a parent or family causes.” member and most who did were in the younger age groups. Parent-child relations The dual impacts of poverty and the were more strained with age, as young Conflict were paramount in community people considered there was little trust or representatives’ discussions about mental understanding between themselves and health and well-being. Many discussed their parents. Additionally, not all children intergenerational trauma and the despair and young people had access to family caused by poverty, bereavement, fear and/ support. Many community representatives or intimidation. Some considered that low noted that youth workers were often the self-esteem and lack of confidence were only positive adult relationship experienced intergenerational. by young people: Those working closely with young people “ Youth workers are like parents to some identified “a very bleak outlook”, “low of the kids in this area, so the kids expectations” and a profound belief among need them. There is a great need for a young people that “nobody cares”. These significant adult in their lives.” adults understood that young people were Services and Support 123

Across all ages, children and young people were issues that some young people would identified a youth worker or project as not discuss with staff because they feared their main source of information, help and confidentiality would be compromised, support. The youth club/project provided a they would be too embarrassed or contact point: misunderstood: “In my school there’s a good man but you couldn’t talk to him “Some people would go down to [the about girls’ stuff” (Co. Armagh, aged youth club] – it has signs in it: ‘Phone 9-15). Approachable teachers were those such and such’. Or tell them ones who respected, cared about, understood [youth workers] and they’d get someone and spoke to children on their level. straight away.” (Derry, aged 13) Strong and reliable relationships with Others stated that if they were in trouble professional workers were predicated on they would go to the youth club: “They mutual respect. Young people’s respect would put you in contact with someone”. depended on the attitudes and actions of Personal contact based on trust, respect those who provided for them, listened and and caring was considered vital: advocated on their behalf. Youth workers “I’d talk to [the youth worker] about were the most frequently named trusted anything. He’s just easy to talk to. And support providers: it’s the same with the kids here, they all “[Our youth worker] takes the time to love [him] and would talk to him.” (Co. help us … she understands us.” (Co. Antrim, aged 19-20) Armagh, aged 13-24) In two communities, youth projects had YP: “He does care about us ye know.” engaged counsellors to provide individual YP: “He knows us.” contact and support for young people. YP: “He’s done good stuff for us.” Many projects also ran programmes YP: “He stuck up for us.” (Co. based on identified need. The issues of Fermanagh, aged 13-15) significance across the communities included: bullying; community relations; “They don’t jump to conclusions if we’re domestic violence; anger management; standin’ in the street doin’ stuff … alcohol and drugs awareness; mental They worked with young people before health; and sexual health. In rural so they know that not all of us are communities, youth provision was often bad, like, and they enjoy workin’ with the only source of help, information and younger people because when they take support. us away on residentials they’re spendin’ the whole weekend with us … and some A significant number of children and of them mightn’t even get paid for it.” young people also identified school as a (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) place where they could access information, help and support. While many children The closeness of relationships with viewed this support as ‘teachers’, young individual workers generated a willingness people focused on particular teachers to open up: who they could trust. A few identified school counsellors, but others explicitly rejected school-based counsellors. There Services and Support 124

“They just know whenever there’s provide children and young people with somethin’ wrong with ya.” (Co. good quality information and advice not Armagh, aged 12-21) available through school or in the home. A young youth leader raised the practical There were many examples of young people difficulties associated with accessing such benefiting from group and one-to-one provision within youth services: work. Particularly for those who lacked good, supportive relationships elsewhere, “ Young people need information, more individual youth or support workers were courses - drugs courses, alcohol courses, important. A young woman described her sex education. We need to pay if we relationship with her support worker: want them in. There are very limited courses for free … It’s only when we “…you coulda rung her at any time of would get funding to bring them in. If the day like. You coulda rung her at 3 we can’t pay them, we can’t get them.” o’clock in the mornin’ if somethin’ had (Co. Derry, aged 19) of happened in the house and she would be there for ye straight away.” (Co. Identified deficiencies in school related Derry, aged 21: her emphasis) to careers advice, sex and relationship education and health issues. Children Some described youth and community and young people recommended that projects as providing a place to relax, provision should be more practical and where they could be themselves and talk delivered by those with relevant expertise. with peers who had experienced similar In one community, there was no sexual concerns. As one group stated: “You come health clinic within reasonable travelling up here and it releases the stress of your distance. This was an issue of particular day” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19). concern to young people, given what they Many of the children and young people considered to be inadequate sex education interviewed had difficulty identifying other in schools. However, those living in a rural services and sources of support they wo uld community felt that if such provision was find useful. Rather, they suggested changes available locally, they would not access to, or extensions of, what was already it for fear of being identified. Their local available in their communities and schools. youth project (currently under threat of Priorities for additional support and losing funding) was their means of support services were based on: generic needs for all and advice, and acted as the main referral children and young people; specific needs point to other services. in communities; individual or personal In another community, where most needs. The two most frequently raised areas education, youth and leisure provision was for development were expanded youth and segregated, cross-community provision was community provision, and information prioritised: and advice available in schools. Improved youth provision centred on drop-in “We need more places like [project facilities; better opening times; adequate currently attending] where we are long-term resourcing to ensure the treated the same, regardless of religion, continuation of programmes and projects. and where we are given a chance to Additional funding was also required to mix.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 12-15) Services and Support 125

Young people and workers who had community where she worked, a head experienced difficulties in accessing teacher commented: appropriate provision for individuals raised “There is one child who is obsessed with the issue of poor mental health services: death. He is very withdrawn and clearly “I would say the last two months I’ve depressed. The school is working with had an experience of tryin’ to get his mother to get him some help, but somebody into a mental hospital and have been unsuccessful to date.” they’ve no beds. And then they say, Given concerns about the emotional well- ‘Aw w there’s plenty of help out there’, being of children and young people, a but there’s not considerin’ the help they number of projects across the communities need is to be locked up for a while with had attempted to provide support (often at the counsellin’ and whatever. But they the request of young people). This included: can’t get it because there’s no beds. So securing funding for community health they’re sent home again. First thing workers; bringing specialists into youth they’re goin’ to do whenever they get projects to deliver sessions; commissioning to the house is top [kill] themselves, counsellors; running specific programmes; or do somethin’ … you’re waitin’ on working with young mothers in rural an appointment for maybe a month or areas. Many noted lack of input from, two down the line. What’s that person and the narrow emphasis of, statutory supposed to do that’s mentally ill for a service provision. The main problems were month or two?” (Co. Derry, aged 22: her perceived to be “high levels of need” and emphasis) “an under-resourced service”. Consequently, Community representatives identified services were reactive and crisis-based, many gaps in support services for children delivered to those considered serious risks. and young people, particularly concerning Young people with non-acute mental mental health. In two communities, health problems did not receive necessary mothers whose children had taken their services, leaving voluntary and community own lives had founded support services providers to deal with the deficit. to meet the deficit in statutory provision. Barriers to provision of One reported the high incidence of self- harm within her community and lack effective services and support of a support group or counsellors. Many for children and families community representatives noted limited Assessing, identifying provision of child and adolescent mental health services, inadequate support for and meeting need parents concerned about their child’s Adapting Hardiker et al.’s (1991) model of mental well-being, long waiting lists for prevention in child care, children’s services counselling, lack of aftercare for those in Northern Ireland are based on four discharged from hospital and doctors who levels of provision: are inadequately trained to respond to depression and self-harm among children - level 1: universal services ‘for all’ and young people. Reflecting on the children, young people and families at relatively high incidence of depression all stages of a child’s/young person’s life; among primary school children in the Services and Support 126

- level 2: targeted early intervention holes. A more co-ordinated approach to programmes for children and families working with families is needed, with needing extra support, directed at services becoming more convergent to children/young people perceived to be reach shared outcomes. There is not ‘vulnerable’ or ‘at risk’ (of abuse, neglect, enough involvement of service users. offending); Outcomes [that] professionals are aiming for and outcomes [that] young - level 3: services and support for people and families are aiming for are children and families needing intensive different.” assistance, directed by one or more agency at children/young people ‘in This person also noted difficulties in need in the community’; addressing the needs of young people who do not access, or have been excluded from, - level 4: specialised services for children community-based services. For them, and families in crisis who need urgent there is often a “divergence of services” and intervention, focusing on individual individuals become “stuck in a professional children/young people ‘in need of path” rather than being supported to rehabilitation’ in which services are access community-based provision. There designed to prevent harm and provide were also disparities between perceived a (usually residential) opportunity for needs and actual services provided. Some intensive intervention. described a “referral culture” through Statutory provision targets levels 3 and which “children and families are told: 4. Early intervention work at levels 1 and ‘We’ll refer you to a, b, and c, and they’ll 2 is generally provided by the voluntary sort you out’.” This approach had failed to and community sectors. Community engage children and families or effectively representatives described how research meet their needs. in local communities had produced Community representatives called for evidence of need, forming the foundation “diligence” when assessing young children’s for successful funding applications and needs, leading to intervention and support the appointment of workers to develop at the earliest stage. Once need was programmes to respond to identified identified, a “collective consideration of need. A few noted disparities between issues and use of resources” should follow. how individuals or families defined their This should not be restricted by the needs and how needs were assessed by school curriculum or priorities for health professionals: “The biggest problem is strategies. Decisions about allocation of adults thinking they know what young resources should “protect families from people want and trying to fit young people changes in priorities and be sustained, into it”. According to another community with everyone working to the same ends”. representative: They should also be based on informed “There are a lot of services there, but local knowledge to ensure that services they are not being accessed. They are on are “designed and delivered in a way that parallel tracks - services are thrown at meets the needs of the community”. For young people, but it isn’t based on need. this to happen, a st rong representation It’s like pushing square pegs into round of community-based representatives on management committees was required: Services and Support 127

“They know where needs lie” and can limit community, this included introducing a “others starting to soften or cushion what range of programmes within a primary could be done”. school to raise self-belief, confidence, and expectations. For young people it Some considered that needs were not met was considered that this should include because of limited understanding about provision of safe, non-judgemental spaces the lives of families. One example was in which they could express and explore the removal of children from lists, such personal issues or “tell the stories of their as speech and language therapy, if they lives”. All community representatives missed two appointments. This ignored emphasised relationship building, especially the practical difficulties experienced by with parents. It was recognised that “the many parents in taking their children to people who need most help don’t step appointments and gave the appearance forward” because of low self-esteem, lack “that need is decreasing when this is of confidence and difficulties in admitting not the case”. Another example was that they require help: reluctance to report crime and/or anti- social behaviour due to fear of reprisals. “Projects have to be very attractive This led to the community lacking support and you have to build up relationships in responding to these issues: “No crime of trust, which is not easy. People say reported, therefore no resources to address ‘What are you going to do for me?’ In the problem”. any community there are people ready to move, but beneath that there are layers Adults across the communities reported of people not in that state of readiness. gaps in specific provision, noting how this You need to reach them incrementally exacerbated poverty and disadvantage. … You can’t force people to change – Some commented on the difficulties they have to grow into it. Alternatives involved in recruiting community-based and opportunities have to be created to health professionals such as dentists and enable them to see this is possible.” GPs, particularly when these co uld earn higher salaries in the private sector. Others This representative argued that an noted the absence of a strategic youth “educative process” was necessary “for work policy. 15-16 year olds who were not people to be fully engaged” - “guarantees attending school, who were involved in and accountability can be built in” to this anti-social behaviour, who had difficult process and “increased responsibility would relationships with their families or were lead to power to change their lives”. Two being threatened by ‘paramilitaries’ in other community representatives raised the their communities, were considered by one importance of “community knowledge”: community representative to be “falling “We need to get back to a process of through the net” - statutory services were empowering by giving knowledge to reluctant to work with these young people people to change things themselves – as they were not the responsibility of trying to create a ‘can do’ culture.” children’s services once they reached 16. It was the specified role of some Community representatives also discussed organisations to support communities: the need for provision to promote children’s “to move towards change and effect and young people’s self-esteem. In one Services and Support 128

that change themselves” by providing or programme-based work and a decrease in facilitating access to training, helping them one-to-one work with young people: develop policies, supporting completion “It is ironic that there is a perceived of funding applications, informing them increase in anti-social behaviour among about rights, advocating on their behalf young people and at the same time a when statutory duties were neglected. reduction in the amount spent on the Community representatives in three youth service.” areas mentioned involvement in ‘cross- Many reported that programmes were community’ projects but noted the increasingly funding-led, rather than sensitivity of this work, with one needs-led. Thus, the focus of work shifted referring to it as “the hidden gem of the to meet changes in funding criteria, and community”. In one cross-community workers attempted to alter the needs of the project it was concluded that “poverty community/group to meet the demands of and disadvantage transcend the sectarian a different (and sometimes inappropriate) divide – the conflict is an added dimension set of outcomes. Services based on to poverty, not the be all and end all of identified need sometimes had to close or it”. Despite the value of this work, it was change focus. Often, the needs of children not promoted as an example of effective and young people were subsumed within practice as there was often a lack of an adult-defined funding agenda: community support for such work. “The type of work you do is dictated by As previously noted, structural poverty funding … Now women and children was identified as the main issue affecting are the focus for funders. Before, it was these communities. This was perceived the elderly.” as “embedded … multi-generational … compounded in the area over time “Every community group has anti-social [without] help by government agencies”, behaviour on its agenda. This comes although the historical contexts of poverty from the adult perspective.” and unemployment in each community were different. Across all communities, Dependence on non-statutory funding the transition from conflict had not led also meant that much work was focused to noticeable structural change. At a on ‘topical issues’ and current ‘problems’, ‘regional’ level, disparities in investment the context of which was sometimes had persisted. lost. During the process of transition in Northern Ireland, this increasingly Financial, bureaucratic and prioritises “making the community ready procedural constraints for the next generation”, in which funding is allocated to new groups, new initiatives, Funding constraints had a major impact or new government programmes - with on programmes and projects. On several little reference to, or negotiation with, occasions, funding had been received for existing community groups. specific programmes but not to pay salaries for the necessary workers. Within youth The administrative demands of funding services, this had resulted in less detached bids were considered time-consuming and youth work, a reduction in longer-term, frustrating: Services and Support 129

“As a community worker, my role fear losing funding to others providing should be doing research, audits, finding similar services.” out what the community want. But I Short-term and insecure funding had spend my time office-based because of severe consequences for workers. Lack of the amount of paperwork required by job security and professional development funders.” opportunities resulted in declining staff Information sought by funders often morale and retention. A community focused inappropriately on the numbers representative stated: “Not much value is involved and ‘hard’, easily measurable placed on staff and workers”. Others noted outcomes rather than the quality of work the lack of training opportunities for part- carried out and ‘soft’ outcomes which time staff and volunteers. The contributions make long-term contributions to people’s of volunteers required recognition and lives but are less easy to evidence (such as support to avoid resentment between raising self-esteem and confidence): “People volunteers and paid workers, who “may be become numbers, wards. The focus needs able to attract more resources and training, to return to people.” while others are doing this work for free”. Some areas had no full-time, qualified Organisations within communities youth worker for substantial periods of were pushed into competition for scarce time. resources, endangering partnership working. The ability to pursue long-term It was suggested that regulations strategic work was often compromised: concerning child protection, health and safety, and public liability inhibited work “Those with responsibility for resources with children and families. Community are too caught up in creating and representatives emphasised need for maintaining the pie that has to be a greater ‘balance’ in regulations, less shared out. What’s needed is long-term, bureaucracy and more “space to deliver committed investment.” initiatives”. One suggested that “top-heavy” Lack of sustainable funding brought regulations and procedures, unnecessary frustration, vulnerability and ‘territoriality’. paperwork, inspections and assessment Significant time was spent searching for led to “families … not being serviced in funding, trying to sustain projects and terms of good quality services”. There was holding back information and ideas that considerable disparity in understanding could be shared: ‘child protection’. Several community representatives provided examples about “… people hide their best ideas as restrictions they perceived were being they don’t want to lose out to someone imposed by child protection guidelines: else on the funding. There is a feeling that what we have, we hold – out of a “We are not building enough self- scarcity culture.” sufficiency skills in children. It is all about protection, but children need to “There is a lot of work going on in take risks too.” [community], but it all goes on behind closed doors – you don’t know what While children and young people might others are doing … because people be encouraged to act autonomously and Services and Support 130

take risks, when they pursue ‘self-sufficient’ they were not there to do it, what would actions they are often demonised or happen?” perceived to require greater regulation. Despite statutory sector representation There was also a perception that child on relevant committees, and audits of the protection policies had ‘tipped the balance’, work carried out, there was a reticence by to protect adults from allegations of abuse Boards and Trusts to approve initiatives or harm rather than accommodating the such as community-based education welfare best interests of children. This had created provision. Community representatives a climate of fear and self-regulation in suggested that the voluntary and adults’ interactions with children, which community sectors should be more involved could undermine children’s protection: in committees making decisions about allocation of funding (currently dominated “There’s no common sense … If a child by the statutory sector). falls and grazes her knee, you have to get her parents’ permission to apply a While some considered the roles of the plaster … if a child gets upset, you have voluntary and statutory sectors had become to be careful how you comfort them increasingly blurred, others stated that … Policies are there for good reasons, the work of the sectors was different in but they’ve tipped the balance.” ethos and principles. One community representative noted that voluntary Volunteers also voiced concerns that sector organisations were “further down reflected misconceptions: the road in terms of strengths-based “Child protection has gone overboard models”, emphasising a “philosophy of … everyone is treated as a paedophile. care and nurturing”. Smaller voluntary You’re not allowed to do anything … a organisations, however, had minimal child needs love but you’re frightened to infrastructural support, which affected give a hug if a child is crying.” workers’ knowledge about: the local context, existing services, potential “I was frightened to tie the shoe-laces of partnerships and sources of funding. a 5 year old girl.” Community sector representatives Sector ethos and highlighted the practical difficulties partnership working of partnership working between the statutory sector and voluntary/community Among community representatives sectors. Describing the introduction of a there was a perception that the statutory Neighbourhood Renewal Strategy, one sector was dependent on voluntary and stated: community sector provision: “The statutory bodies don’t know what “[community] is one of the most they can put into the pot. All the deprived areas for child poverty out of funding is put into one pot and the 556 wards … but still the government community are supposed to decide how and statutory sector are leaving it to to spend it. This is a sound concept. the voluntary and community sector to But the statutory sector is wanting to devise means of responding to this. If put as little in as they can. They know Services and Support 131

how good communities are. There’s applications, recruitment to programmes a dependency on the voluntary and and opportunities for partnership working. community sector.” In some communities, poor relations Questioning the funding and management between local residents and the police of ‘extended schools’, another community affected development of partnership representative suggested a collaborative working. For those involved in a approach between schools and children’s community-based restorative justice services planning would have been more scheme with young people in a Republican/ appropriate: “then schools would have Nationalist community, workers struggled known what the areas of need were to maintain local credibility (particularly and tailored extended schools money since the introduction of guidelines accordingly”. Another noted that use of requiring that the police should be passed different approaches and language by information regarding criminal offences). different service providers caused problems Community representatives in a Loyalist/ for service users. Unionist community co nsidered that difficulties in building trust between the Within each community, specific issues community and the police were exacerbated had consequences for partnership working. by: a high turnover of community police In one community, “There are lots of officers; ineffective communication by resources in the area, but they are not police officers towards young people and necessarily mapped or working together.” minimal involvement in youth activities; This implied that partnership working perceived lack of interest and action, was more a theoretical objective than a insufficient resources and limited police practical reality. In another community, powers; slow police response to emergency a representative discussed lack of co- calls. ordination: “Some groups don’t talk or meet. They don’t come together. There is Positive links between schools and their a fear of losing their identity as a group. local communities were considered vital, This makes it hard to push a partnership particularly in addressing the social and approach.” health needs of children and their parents. Suggested possibilities for improving In two communities of the same cultural and strengthening links between the identity, members from different parts of community and the school (and thus the community neither trusted each other improving support for families and nor worked together. Thus organisations children) included: a parent worker in each promoting community development school; a link social worker in schools, became involved in “a parallel process” - where appropriate; location of speech and working with each area separately but on language therapy in schools; increased the same set of agreed issues. This division access to trained counsellors in schools; resulted in difficulties finding ‘neutral increased family support services in schools territory’ for the location of facilities, which - accessing adults through their children; would otherwise be used only by people workshops for parents about the value of from the area in which they were situated. play as a developmental necessity. These divisions impacted on funding Services and Support 132

Improving services for strengths of parents/carers – reinforcing children and families: the development of positive attitudes and suggested ways forward aspirations: “ Too often we start with a deficit model, In communities “beleaguered by with the idea that there is something unemployment, poverty, depression, wrong and, if we can get the funding, domestic violence”, the capacity of parents we can fix it. It is not just about having to cope with everyday life as well as meet facilities. It’s about facilities in the mind, their children’s physical, emotional, social and changing these.” and educational development was under constant pressure. Community-based In some communities, considerable work workers had often worked with parents had been carried out over time with when they were children. They suggested minimal positive impact on people’s lives. that interventions should be family- Poverty levels had remained high, socio- focused, “working on a family basis and economic differentials had remained advocating for families to sow the seeds of constant and “a wider gap between the change”: haves and the have-nots” had consolidated: “Spending time with the whole family “Huge resources are being poured into to work out what the family need the area. But what are people getting and not working on the deficit model for that? It’s not impacting on people’s because, in reality, most parents want lives … we know it’s not making any the best for their children.” difference.” They emphasised preventative work rather In rural areas, resources were not than “immediate responses to problems”. distributed evenly across communities. One worker described how “low intensity” The “scattering of people”, poor public programmes over a long period of time transport, divisions between areas, and (for example, children from the same “possessiveness”, made resource sharing family attending summer camps) reduced difficult. Across all communities, tension within families. Early intervention partnerships between statutory services also provided motivation and support for and voluntary/community projects were families to access services. One community identified as vital for resource sharing. representative suggested that organisations Using resources for capacity-building was should “recognise the blocks they present raised as a significant issue - to “create to people coming through the door”, and relationships with young people that … provide a “lead-in” to services. aren’t evident in other areas of their lives”. The importance of acknowledging This would establish the “groundwork changing family structures and children’s before getting into programme-based diverse experiences of family life were work ”. While some considered that quality also discussed. This included the impacts youth work need not be expensive, others of parental separation or divorce, parents’ stated that work on relationships was “not a involvement with multiple partners cheap option”, since it is “heavy in human and complex extended families. They resources”. emphasised promotion of self-esteem and Services and Support 133

As discussed previously, community responses and problem-solving – our representatives (as well as children and values are all up the left.” young people) commented that adults often While it was recognised that communities viewed young people as a threat: often experienced difficulties ‘policing’ “Adults are frightened of young people young people, community representatives and frightened to say anything to them. reiterated the importance of not solely People just stay indoors and hope they focusing on behaviour while ignoring its go away.” context. It was acknowledged that, “some young people have power that can be “There needs to be more work between harmful”, but suggested that: adults and young people to get rid of the fear and mistrust. It’s like a vicious “… no child burns out cars, or stabs circle, where adults remain fearful of someone if they’re loved or have a young people and children mistrust connectedness with people or their adults because of the way they treat community”. them.” Despite some scepticism, positive “… everything is blamed on them interventions had been established to [young people] and this stops people improve intergenerational relations and [adults] taking responsibility, control, youth workers had developed strong moving forward. It’s easier to sit back relationships based on mutual respect with and say, ‘We can’t do anything’.” so-called ‘hard to reach’ young people. Many recognised the need for further One youth worker stated: “the development of intergenerational work, intergenerational gap is getting bigger and there was a commitment to working – there is more fear among older people towards greater understanding of, and about young people and older people do respect for, young people. not respect young people”. Children were “not respected in many areas of their lives – In one Republican/ Nationalist there is a need for mutual respect to bridge community, the central role of voluntary the gap”. youth leaders and community activists was acknowledged. These individuals worked Efforts to include young people, and with “the ‘toughest young people’ who don’t programmes provided for them, were want to know about statutory provision”. not always based on what young people As one community representative stated: wanted. The focus on ‘anti-social behaviour’ “There was the pragmatic recognition that in some areas had led to adult-defined if they didn’t work with young people and programme development which started have the skills, charisma and desire to do from an assumption that young people so, the situation would not get any better”. were a problem: Community activists had also developed a “There is an ethos that identifies young local community initiative which included people as a problem, to the extent that an Early Years Network and a Community we build the euphemism of anti-social Health Information Programme. They behaviour. It is all about punitive were involved in other initiatives, including: a Healthy Living Centre; Services and Support 134

youth clubs; Sure Start; a Trust providing educational and ‘Citizenship’ programmes; programmes, services, information, summer schemes throughout the holiday education and training to meet identified period. local needs; neighbourhood partnership; Youth and community workers often used community forum; parent and toddler a “progressive participation” approach. group; community groups and clubs. Initially involving or ‘recruiting’ young Representatives in a Unionist/ Loyalist people through detached work, they community highlighted how a core group built teamwork skills through games, of volunteers had worked on various, activities and sport, and used drama long-established community projects. or group work as a starting point for With minimal support from within their enabling young people to express emotions community or statutory services, they without having to personalise them. had developed: a residents’ association; an This progressed to personal development environmental action team; an after-school work, providing programmes leading to project; a neighbourhood renewal board; a formal qualifications or accreditation. youth centre; a community forum. Many of Further programmes opened opportunities these individuals were now senior citizens for young people to receive leadership/ and expressed concern about “getting coaching training or experience of others involved”. They noted the time taken volunteering. for projects to become established and Within the communities there was accepted within communities: evidence of intensive, valuable community- “When Sure Start first came to the area, based work by non-statutory organisations residents wouldn’t get involved. It has and individuals committed to community only taken off in the last year and it’s development. This work was consistently been here for five years.” undermined by pressures to secure longer- term funding, retain experienced staff Representatives across the communities and secure professional development. Yet emphasised the importance of providing these were essential services delivering activities which were accessible at times, significant interventionist work based and in a form, that suited children and on sound relationships, especially with young people. Successful projects included children and young people. The evidence a youth centre that opened six days a week, presented here affirms the necessity of providing detached and programme-based adequately resourced services that meet the work focused on raising young people’s needs of children and young people within self-esteem and enhancing their personal communities experiencing the dual impacts development, and youth programmes of material deprivation and continuing that offered Youth Achievement Awards. conflict. Through these awards, young people received recognition for their work without Key Issues a formal assessment. Other successes included: a late night soccer league; healthy - Children and young people felt that poor eating classes; issue-based music and play/youth provision was an indication of drama, leading to performances; film and their low status in communities. pizza night; drop-in centres; accredited Services and Support 135

- Of those adults with whom they had regular than those of children and young people, contact, children and young people felt most dictated funding agendas. respected by youth workers. - Opportunities for qualified youth workers - Community/ youth projects acted as a local to utilise their skills were limited by time support service for children and young spent applying for funding and satisfying people. Individual workers often filled the administrative demands made by funders. void for those who lacked positive adult - Insecure funding forced organisations relationships. within communities to compete for scare - Children and young people considered they resources. This inhibited information sharing could be better supported through expanded and partnership working. community/youth provision, as well as - Short-term, insecure funding had many improved quality of information and advice negative implications for organisations in schools. aiming to develop services in communities: - Young people noted the difficulties involved limited opportunities to develop trust in recognising the signs of depression and and build positive relationships; loss of poor mental health amongst their peers. foundational work; lack of sustainable, Some stated that they were silenced by developmental work; sudden rather than embarrassment or the stigma associated with gradual withdrawal of services; loss of poor mental health. confidence and difficulties in recruiting for future provision; difficulties recruiting and - A significant minority of children and retaining workers and volunteers. young people had experienced the death of a relative, friend or acquaintance through - Long-term, holistic, preventive suicide. programmes based on individual strengths were considered more valuable than ‘crisis’ - Young people perceived a connection or reactive interventions. between boredom, low self-esteem, feeling down and use of alcohol or drugs as a means - Intergenerational relationships appeared to of filling time, increasing confidence or as a have worsened. Community representatives form of escape. prioritised the need to develop mutual respect and understanding between - Some community representatives related children/young people and adult community the high incidence of young people taking members. their own lives, self-harm and depression to emergence from conflict and young men lacking identity or status. - Community and voluntary groups considered that they were expected to meet the deficit in local services. - Programmes and projects for children/ young people were increasingly funding-led, rather than needs-led. Adult concerns, rather CHAPTER 11

THE RIGHTS DEFICIT

Children’s definitions of ‘rights’ or defining themselves, as oppressed and discriminated against. In 2007, the Young Life and Times survey of 16 year olds in Northern Ireland Overall, there was a lack of consistency questioned their knowledge about across communities in understanding children’s rights (ARK 2008). Forty-nine rights. Only one group defined rights as per cent knew they had rights but had entitlements. For others, rights expressed no knowledge of them, 41 per cent could permitted actions: ‘list a few’, 6 per cent stated they had no “Something you’re allowed to do.” (Co. rights and 4 per cent knew ‘a great deal Down, aged 10-11) about them’. In the focus groups, a few children and young people had “no idea” “What we can do and what we can’t do.” about children’s rights. Others suggested (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) that they had a broad understanding about “It’s what you’ve earned.” (Co. Ty rone, rights, but could not be specific: aged 14-26) “I know what rights are, but I don’t have These examples implied that rights were a clue what they are.” (Co. Derry, aged not perceived as universal and that others 21) (adults) decide whether rights can be “You have rights alright, you’re bound conferred, based on judgements about to … freedom of speech and that.” (Co. whether a child is competent, has behaved Antrim, aged 15-20) appropriately, or ‘deserves’ to be ‘given’ a right as a privilege. Some felt that, as children, they had no rights or that their rights were restricted: Emphasis on rights as a contractual relationship was explicitly recognised “We have no rights. Parents have the by one group: “With rights there are rights.” (Co. Ty rone, aged 12-15) responsibilities though” (Co. Ty rone, aged “Adults will only speak to their 12-15). Another group acknowledged the [childrens’] parents, not to them.” (Co. potential for competing rights: “But the Derry, aged 19) person who is tellin’ ye to go away when you’re playing football, they also have They recognised that adults make decisions, rights to say, like, ‘You’re disturbin’ us’” including on children’s behalf. One group (Co . Derry, aged 15-19). concluded: “We don’t have enough rights” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15). Several children defined rights by talking about what they fulfil: “A way of getting A significant number of children and what you need”; “If people don’t have young people living in Republican/ rights, they don’t live” (Co. Ty rone, aged Nationalist communities mentioned “civil 12-15). Such comments related mainly to rights” without offering definitions. This survival rights and having basic needs met, was a term not used by those living in which they did not perceive as relevant to Loyalist/Unionist communities, reflecting their lives: “We don’t have rights … People political differences in conceptualising in the developing world have rights” (Co. rights. ‘Civil rights’ were not perceived as Armagh, aged 9-15). relevant to all citizens but to those defined, The Rights Deficit 137

Others gave examples of specific rights within popular and political debate, one such as unemployment or welfare benefits, young woman commented: the legal age for purchasing cigarettes and “I don’t know my rights. I don’t know the right to have an opinion. One group anything about my rights … It’s not a listed rights that they thought people should natural thing to think about. But I do have, implying that they did not have these think, if it was said more about – it’s rights. These included the right to: always ye hear about adults’ rights, civil “Enter an area and feel you can go rights. That’s all I’ve heard. You never there.” hear nothin’ about weans [children]. So why not say we’ll give weans their rights “March free anywhere without the and always have them on the news.” PSNI or other people stoppin’ ye.” (Co. Derry, aged 21: her emphases) “Be free and left alone to be in peace.” When addressed, as one group stated, (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) discussion of children’s rights was usually A few defined rights in terms of annoyance negative: or dissatisfaction with actions perceived to “We might have heard of children’s be violations of their rights: rights and the rights of teenagers - “We shouldn’t be allowed to get mainly because adults are always going searched, no way.” on about how we have too many rights - but we know nothin’ about any of it. “I think we should be allowed to wear That’s the reality.” (Co. Fermanagh, what we want to school. You’re sweatin’ aged 16-21) in the blazer.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) As illustrated, there was a lack of detailed understanding about the meaning of rights “Do you mean like, say I was a couple and limited knowledge about what rights of streets up from my street, someone children and young people have. Only would say ‘You’ve no right to be running one group defined rights as entitlements, round this street ’cos you’re not from with most associating them with rewards, here’?” (Co. Derry, aged 13) responsibilities and restrictions. This This young person connected rights to illustrates how ‘rights’ have become defined broader social responsibilities: “Everybody in popular discourse, and how limited looking out for everybody” (Co. Derry, any discussion in schools had been. Only aged 13). two young people had considered rights in school, through ‘Learning for Life and While some articulated what they thought Work ’. Given their lack of knowledge, rights were, young people were conscious some concluded that ‘knowledge about of having limited formal knowledge about rights’ should be a right for children and children’s rights: “Not sure what children’s young people: rights are, as we were never told” (Co. Ty rone, aged 12-15). Demonstrating that “The right to know your rights.” (Co. children did not learn about their rights Derry, aged 22) because children’s rights were ignored The Rights Deficit 138

“I really think we should be entitled sometimes ye don’t get it because to know our rights, ’cos I don’t know nobody asks us what we have to say … nothin’, never did.” (Co. Derry, aged 21) because people don’t want to listen to ye” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19). Most groups In the 2007 Young Life and Times survey, 70 reinforced the importance of being able to per cent of those surveyed had not heard articulate views and ideas, for themselves. of the UN Convention on the Rights of the This included expressing an opinion, Child (ARK 2008). It is a government advocating on their own behalf, describing responsibility to ensure that children or explaining their emotions, and being and adults know about children’s rights, involved in decision-making processes: the UNCRC and other international standards, yet the overwhelming majority “Right to have your own view.” “We of children and young people interviewed want to have our own opinion.” (Co. in this research had no knowledge of Derry, aged 16-17) the Convention. Only 21 out of 136 (15 “The right to speak up, to speak your per cent) had heard of the Convention, mind, to express your own opinion.” usually via ‘Learning for Life and Work’ or (Co. Derry, aged 22) ‘Personal Development’ lessons in school. Even fewer had heard of the Northern “ You have the right to say something.’” Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People (NICCY) - only 7 out of 145 “Everyone has the right to their own (5 per cent). Their knowledge of NICCY opinions.” came through direct contact, attendance “ You’ve the right to stick up for at an award ceremony or during a visit by yourself.” the Commissioner to their school. This suggests that the children most likely to “ To make up your own mind.” (Co. have their rights violated are those who are Antrim, aged 10-13) least likely to know about their rights. “Right to let people know how you feel.” Participation rights (Co. Derry, aged 8-14)

In their discussions, children and young “Be able to make your own decisions.” people felt strongly that their views should (Co. Down, aged 10-11) be taken into account: Children and young people also “Right to talk, express your views.” (Co. emphasised the need to have their views Derry, aged 9-11) taken into account: “Right to be listened to” (Co. Ty rone, aged 12-15); “A right to “ To speak out. To have your say and not be heard” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14). They be told to be quiet.” (Co. Armagh, aged gave examples of lack of participation 13-24) in decision-making in interpersonal relationships, often because their views “The right to speak.” … “The right to were given no validity: talk to older people. People don’t listen.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17: their emphasis) “See, if you say anything to your mother and you’re arguing with them, they One group termed this “freedom of don’t pass any heed. They just tell you speech”, stating: “It is important but The Rights Deficit 139

to be quiet. They don’t listen to your “One teacher understands us. He talks opinion.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21: in your own language. He wants to their emphasis) know, to understand what you’re saying.” “Whenever I got suspended, my Ma “Sometimes your mum understands always took the teacher’s side.” (Co. you.” (Co. Armagh, aged 9-15) Armagh, aged 12-21) Young people also discussed the “Say if somethin’ happened in school, importance of their involvement in you’re tryin’ to explain yourself: ‘Shut community life and public decision-making up, shut up’.” (Co. Derry, aged 16-17) processes: “To be part of your community, to participate in the community” (Co. They noted that sometimes effort, or skill, Armagh, aged 13-24), particularly when were required on the part of adults – to decisions centred on allocation of funding: listen, interpret and understand children on their terms: “We have the right to see what happens in our town before it actually does. A “A right to be understood. Because new statue was built, which cost a lot of sometimes people don’t understand ye money, and an arcade opened, and we ’cos, like, you know what you’re on about knew nothing about it. We could think but some people don’t. But you’re tryin’ of better things to spend money on.” your best to explain but sometimes they (Co. Ty rone, aged 12-15) don’t really be listenin’. So a right to be heard too.” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) Some young people recognised the significance of having their views “Allowed to make mistakes and not be represented through voting: judged.” (Co. Down, aged 10-11) “It doesn’t matter about your rights “We don’t get enough opportunity anyway ’cos you can’t vote, therefore you to explain. Adults don’t listen.” (Co. can’t tell politicians … what you want, Armagh, aged 9-15) or that ‘I have a right to do this’ ’cos A lack of participation in one sphere your voice isn’t goin’ to be heard.” (Co. of their lives inhibited young people’s Derry, aged 15-19) involvement in other spheres: “… everyone should be allowed to “A wile lot of children … can’t speak out vote because maybe the adults want … they’d be afraid to speak their mind, somethin’ different to what the children frightened they’d be roared at … They want. And it’s their place to live too, think adults is just goin’ to undermine it’s not just their [adults] place.” (Co. them ’cos in the house their Ma and Pa Antrim, aged 10-13) tell them off.” (Co. Derry, aged 19) A few suggested that the voting age One group mentioned people who made an should be lowered, in line with other social effort to listen to them. Usually these were responsibilities: adults who took time to understand the “The right to vote at 16 ’cos that’s when child’s perspective: you’re supposedly an adult.” (Co. Derry, “Responsible adults sometimes listen.” aged 16-17) The Rights Deficit 140

“We should be able to vote at 16, that children and young people should be because you leave school and you’re able: more sensible. We know what’s goin’ on “ To express your own culture” (Co. ’cos we’re educated. We can’t even vote Fermanagh, aged 13-15) until we’re 18 and in that time we have to put up with all the shit that we don’t “The right to wear your Celtic top even want here. And we have to put up without getting’ a wile beatin’.”(Co. with it ’til we’re 18, and by the time that Derry, aged 16-17) happens everyone probably doesn’t even give a shit.” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21) “We should have freedom of speech, especially our religion and culture. You Many of the rights mentioned by children know, flags an’ all.” (Co. Fermanagh, and young people related to civil rights and aged 16-21) freedoms. The right to information was raised as an issue in relation to awareness While the freedom to practice their own about planned events and current religion was important for some, they did circumstances: “A right to know what’s not necessarily want to spend time only goin’ on around ye – information” (Co. with others who shared their religion: “A Derry, aged 8-14). It was also important in right to mix with Protestants” (Co. Derry, terms of access to information, particularly aged 8-14). as the basis for making informed decisions: Freedom of association and peaceful “ To say what ye have to say and to ask assembly were key civil rights for all age questions and get information.” (Co. groups: Derry, aged 22) “Freedom of movement.” (Co. Derry, “Advice and information. How are we aged 8-14) expected to handle ourselves and take “Just people being able to stand about, decisions an’ all that if we don’t have to socialise and do stuff together.” (Co. information. We get nothing like that Fermanagh, aged 16-21) from schools, nothing that matters to our lives.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21) As discussed earlier, young people on the streets often received verbal harassment: A number of groups mentioned the right to freedom of religion: “We want to go somewhere without bein’ bawled at.” “Churches for all religions.” (Co. Down, aged 9-10) “The right to stand on the streets without gettin’ gyp or slagged.” (Co. This included personal choice: Derry, aged 16-17) “The right to stand up for your own Provision rights religion.” (Co. Antrim, aged 10-13) Many children (7-13 year olds) across Reflecting links between religious and groups believed that children should have cultural identity in Northern Ireland, and their basic needs met - food, water, shelter the signifiers of these identities, they felt and clothing. Some groups described the The Rights Deficit 141

range of public services that should be you’re 16 ’cos you have your GCSEs” (Co. available within any community: Derry, aged 16-17). “Petrol stations, buses.” (Co. Derry, aged Those interviewed also considered 13) education and school: “Children have the right to an education” (Co. Ty rone, aged “Electricity … Street lights … Toilets 14-26). They recognised that this included … Safe bicycle lanes, next to road … a right to education beyond school through Shops … Public transport.” (Co. Down, colleges and universities. Some focused aged 9-10) on the content of education and matching “Shops … a caravan site for Gypsies work to ability and interest: … hotel … school.” (Co. Antrim, aged “Right to learn what we want in school.” 9-11) (Co. Ty rone, aged 12-15) This included access to health services: “A “The right to do whatever subject you Hospital” (Co. Derry, aged 13); “Doctors” want at school - I wasn’t allowed to do (Co. Derry, aged 9-11). Some recognised History because I was too stupid.” (Co. the importance of mental health and well- Armagh, aged 12-21) being: “Make sure everyone’s happy” (Co. Derry, aged 13) and one group recognised “Be given your own level of work.” (Co. that expressing negative emotions could be Down, aged 10-11) healthy: “A right to be sad and not always Education that prepared young people for have to hold it in but let it out” (Co. Derry, employment was considered important: aged 8-14). “Practical education and proper jobs, full A few children and young people employment” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16- mentioned the right of children to 21). accommodation: Restrictions on movement and clothing in “Somewhere to go and stay.” school were raised in two groups: “Houses.” (Co. Down, aged 9-10) “Be able to go to the toilet during class.” “… somewhere to live.” (Co. Antrim, “ To wear trousers in school.” aged 9-11) “She was suspended because of her hair.” “Better opportunities, especially in work (Co. Derry, aged 12-15) and housing.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16- Some young people suggested that teachers 21) were functional in their work. They Discussions of welfare and living standards questioned whether teachers respected generally related to the right of young confidentiality: people to work and receive decent wages. “[Teachers] wouldn’t care. They’re just A group of 16-17 year olds considered the here to teach us.” difficulties involved in combining education and paid work: “We should have the right “They would tell other teachers. You to work. Well, you do have a right to work couldn’t trust them.” (Co. Armagh, aged when you’re 16. But it’s hard to work when 9-15) The Rights Deficit 142

When considering what rights children “Freedom to walk down the street and and young people should have, most groups sit wherever you want.” (Co. Armagh, noted the importance of opportunities for aged 13-24) relaxation, play and leisure: “Some places aren’t safe to go. Some “ You’ve a right to play football and enjoy people don’t like children playing near your childhood.” (Co. Derry, aged 15- where they live.” 19) “ You aren’t free to play. Other people “Play – swim, rugby, dance, skip, draw, stop you playing – teenagers hang climb trees, tennis.” (Co. Antrim, aged around and bully you or say nasty 7-10) things.” “ To be able to go to places without rows “There’s glass everywhere.” (Co. Down, – everyone allowed to go anywhere.” aged 9-10) “After school club and summer scheme.” Protection rights

“Park, swimming pool, theme park, The right to protection against all forms of cinema, discos, beach parties, nightclubs discrimination was raised by children and – the right to play and have fun.” (Co. young people regarding their acceptance as Antrim, aged 9-11) individuals: “Exercise places, gym, swimming, “Right to be ourselves.” (Co. Ty rone, museums, beach.” (Co. Derry, aged aged 12-15) 9-11) “Not to be stereotyped.” (Co. Ty rone, “Get activities and a residential place.” aged 14-26) (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21) “A right to be yourself and not try to be “We just want somewhere to hang out, like somebody else.” (Co. Derry, aged to sit and talk.” (Co. Armagh, aged 8-14) 9-15) Many considered that this linked to However, they noted that safe play areas style, recognising that children, young were not always available for children, with people and adults often make assumptions play often inhibited by adults or unsafe about individuals solely based on their physical environments: appearance: “Leisure time.” “People should be able to dress the way “We have the time, but there’s nowhere they want.” to do it.” (Co. Fermanagh, aged 13-15) “The first impression is what defines “We’re not allowed to play football in you.” the street or in the school.” (Co. Derry, “Don’t judge a book by its cover!” (Co. aged 9-11) Derry, aged 8-14) “Not to be judged by the way you look.” The Rights Deficit 143

“Wear what clothes you want, not what the protection they want, and we get everyone else wears.” (Co. Down, aged nothin’.” (Co. Derry, aged 15-19) 10-11) This group accepted the Protestant “Be your own person - look how you community’s right to express their culture, want, wear what you want.” (Co. but considered that this should not Fermanagh, aged 13-15) compromise their right to safety. They also believed that the Catholic community Some groups discussed explicit age should be afforded the same rights. discrimination relating to being treated differently, or excluded, because they were For children, protection rights were young: described as the right, “to be safe”. Strategies for safety included practical “ Young people should have the same suggestions such as: “Free telephones, for rights as older people.” (Co. Derry, aged safety. So you can always ring your mum 16-17 years) and let her know where you are, or call for “The only way we can get old people help if you need it” (Co. Down, aged 9-10). to understand us is for us to change. One group perceived children’s welfare to And we shouldn’t have to change.” (Co. be a shared, social responsibility: “Older Armagh, aged 9-15) people to keep you safe - to watch out for you” (Co. Down, aged 9-10). “What we think too. Like, if we’re gettin’ left out and other people - older Children also raised the issue of the “Right people - be heard and all, and you to be loved and cared for” (Co. Derry, aged don’t.” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) 8-14), and the right to a “Family” (Co. Derry, aged 13). In discussion, one group As one group concluded, children should noted the tensions between protection and have the right: “To be included” (Co. autonomy: Derry, aged 9-11). “A right to do what ye want to do and One group noted perceived differences in not to be so over-protected. Because protection provided by the police across sometimes your Mammy might treat communities. When asked whether they ye like a wee baby and always want to thought the Orange Order had a right to know where ye are … tell her that you’re march, they responded: a certain age and should be treated “Not through Catholic areas. It’s differently.” provokin’.” “A right to have your own life too, your “Yeah, it’s provocative to Catholics.” own independence.” (Co. Derry, aged 8-14) “They egg ye on as well. They have no right to be marchin’ through a Discussions about safety concerned Nationalist area.” protection from violence on the streets, where children and young people should “And then, when there’s a Catholic be safe at any time: “To be safe. To walk one [march], the cops appear and down the street whenever” (Co. Armagh, they take sides … Protestants get all aged 13-24), and anywhere: “Space to enjoy The Rights Deficit 144

ourselves without being afraid of attacks” commented that the first thing that comes (Co. Fermanagh, aged 16-21). As noted in into young people’s or professionals’ earlier chapters, violence and intimidation heads when they think of children’s could be perpetrated by other young rights is “discipline and child protection”. people: “Right to be safe – There’d be no Rather than positive interpretations of lads on the streets that would stop ye and children’s entitlements to be cared for and stuff” (Co. Armagh, aged 12-21). Violence, protected from harm, children’s rights often alcohol-related, was also committed were considered to have inhibited positive by adults: “Make sure they’re don’t be interaction between children and adults. fighting, and drinking, and going mad on Demonstrating the contradiction between the street and fighting each other” (Co. adults’ beliefs and children’s realities, Derry, aged 13). a common element of their discussions While one group raised the issue of was the perception that children ‘take unwelcome regulation by the police: “Right advantage’ of rights, sometimes using them to walk around town without being hit by as a ‘threat’ (although this was usually in thugs or targeted by police” (Co. Ty rone, relation to an adult’s anger and potential aged 12-15), one young person suggested use of violence against the child): that there should be more local policing “They know their rights and would be to reduce the influence of paramilitaries quick to tell you so if you laid a hand on in some communities: “Keep the IRA out. them.” Keep the police in to help people” (Co. Derry, aged 13). “A child said to me, ‘You can’t touch me Adults’ discussion of or I’ll get you done’.” children’s rights One group of community representatives implied that children’s knowledge about While community representatives were their rights underpinned the perceived not asked specific questions relating negative behaviour and attitudes of young to children’s rights, the issue emerged people: during discussions. Some considered that children and young people knew about “Children are taught from an early rights in relation to protection or provision age that children have rights. This is entitlements: the problem … as soon as they go to Sure Start they see a poster on the wall “The kids in here say to me, ‘You’re telling them about their rights and this not allowed to hit me or I’m ringing is how they’re brought up today.” Childline on you’, so they know about rights and where to get help. They have In contrast, community representatives in some idea of what their rights are. They another area suggested that authoritarian know what age they can smoke and attitudes prevailed, arguing that the key drink at.” issue was adults’ lack of respect for young people: Overall, adults’ discussion about children’s rights was narrow and defensive. One “ Young people are starting to realise community representative, for example, they do have rights … But they’ve been brought up to do what they’ve been The Rights Deficit 145

told or get a smack for it. Respect is the individuals or as a social group within their issue. There’s a lack of respect for young communities. people – adults have to earn young - Some young people acknowledged the people’s respect.” significance of the right to vote and their Overall, there was a lack of informed exclusion from public decision-making understanding about children’s rights until they reached 18. A few suggested that mainly due to a lack of training for those the voting age should be lowered to 16, working with, and for, children and consistent with other social responsibilities. young people, and a lack of information - Children and young people emphasised their for children and young people themselves right to age-appropriate information and regarding their rights. There was a its importance in informing decisions about tendency among the adults interviewed their lives, opportunities and destinies. They to equate children’s rights with child felt they were denied access to appropriate protection or barriers to effectively information concerning sexual health, working and engaging with children and relationships and sexualities; mental health young people. Rather than using rights and well-being; education, training and in a liberating way arguing that, as duty- employment opportunities; substance use. bearers, they will only be able to meet their obligations and implement children’s rights - The right to practice their own religion and if they have the appropriate structures and culture was important to many children resources to do so, they instead tended to and young people, especially outside their be resistant to the notion, fearing personal community. implications. - Many felt they should have the right to KEY ISSUES freedom of association and peaceful assembly. They did not consider it appropriate that - Few children and young people were their presence on streets and in other public familiar with the UN Convention on the spaces in their communities was regulated Rights of the Child. Even fewer were aware and controlled. of the existence of the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young - Children considered that basic needs should People. be met, with a full range of public services available within all communities. - Very few children and young people had learned about children’s rights in school. - Children and young people considered access to primary, secondary and tertiary - Most children and young people considered education to be a universal right. They felt they should have the right to form an that the curriculum should be relevant to opinion, express their views and have these employment, and matched to interest as taken seriously. well as ability. They noted the negative - Children and young people were generally impact of intransigent rules and tokenistic not encouraged to express their opinions, School Councils, raising the need for effective describe or explain their emotions and participation in school decision-making behaviour. Nor were they involved in processes. decision-making processes – either as The Rights Deficit 146

- The right to play, leisure and relaxation was considered important by children and young people of all ages. However, they noted that safe play areas were not always available. Leisure facilities were lacking, particularly for those aged 13 and above, for girls and young women, and for those living in rural areas. - Children and young people felt discriminated against by appearance and age. They considered that they should be able to dress and adopt styles without being judged and stereotyped. They resented being treated differently, or excluded, because they were young. - Children raised the rights to ‘be safe’ and to ‘be loved and cared for’. For young people, discussions about safety concerned protection from violence - particularly on the streets, where they were susceptible to intimidation and violence perpetrated by other young people or adults. - Community representatives generally mentioned children’s rights negatively, suggesting that they inhibited interaction between children and adults because children ‘used’ rights as a ‘threat’ or because child protection placed restrictions on adults’ responses to children. FINDINGS AND SUMMARY OF KEY ISSUES

Introduction Chapter summaries and key findings This community-based research project was established as a partnership between Images of children Queen’s University, Save the Children and and young people The Prince’s Trust. The aim of the research was to understand and explore the lives of The interviews with children and young children and young people living in those people clearly demonstrated their sensitivity communities in Northern Ireland enduring to, and understanding of, negative labels the legacy of the Conflict and persistent ascribed to them. While they accepted economic disadvantage. While the that the behaviour of a small minority advances of the Peace Process, devolution caused problems in their communities, to the Northern Ireland Assembly and for them as well as for adults, they carried the profile of human rights have been a deep resentment that the atypical was heralded internationally as positive presented as typifying the behaviour of all indicators of transition from conflict to children and young people. They felt that peace, progress at a political level has children generally were viewed positively not been matched by progress within and supported within their families and and between communities. This research communities. The major shift in how project shows that the discourse of ‘post’ young people were perceived as they moved conflict is premature. Claims of ‘peace’ out of ‘childhood’, and the expectations and ‘transition’ are not evident within the placed on them in the home, in school experiences of those living in marginalised, and in the community, alongside a public disadvantaged and under-resourced climate of persistent rejection presented communities. Further, young people’s real difficulties in making this transition. views, experiences and behaviours have not Young people were viewed with suspicion, been sought, understood or contextualised distrust and disrespect. Consequently within political and popular debates. In a their self confidence was undermined and climate of economic, political and cultural often they felt worthless, depressed and uncertainty, poverty and severely limited even suicidal. Their negative experiences opportunities have consequences for all of emotional and physical development, aspects of children’s lives. Those areas including peer pressure to ‘fit in’, most affected by the Conflict are also emphasised personal vulnerability. those most economically deprived. The Key Issues project has produced extensive data, drawn from in-depth qualitative research with - Children considered that they were respected children, young people and community and supported within their families and representatives. It challenges positive communities. assumptions made in official discourse and media commentaries that Northern - For many young people, rejection and Ireland as a ‘society in transition’ is exclusion by adults was a common making significant progress in promoting experience in their families and in their community development and safeguarding communities. the rights of children and young people. - The expectations and responsibilities placed on young people, in the home, in school Findings and Summary of Key Issues 148

and in their community, were not matched judging them unfairly engendered respect by appropriate information, advice and and trust. It also provided constructive support. relationships between children/young people and adults. Mutual respect was key - Young people described the difficulties they to positive relationships between children/ faced in the transition from ‘childhood’ young people and adults. to ‘adolescence’ – a period when they experienced physical and emotional change Key Issues but a perceived loss of adult protection and - Children, more than young people, felt that support. adults were likely to listen to and respect - Young people considered the labelling of their views. their behaviour as ‘anti-social’ or ‘criminal’ - In their families and communities young by sections of the media to be an unfair and people often felt pre-judged by adults, unfounded misrepresentation. This was without having the opportunity to deeply resented. have their views or accounts taken into - In all focus groups conducted with children consideration. and young people, there was evidence of - Children felt it was important to be diminished self-esteem impacting on their consulted to ensure their safety. Young people emotional well-being. While some young believed they should be consulted because people responded through being hostile, their views were as valid as those of adults. angry and volatile – often bolstered by alcohol – others withdrew into themselves. - When children and young people were consulted and included in decision-making - Well-conceived and adequately resourced processes they felt respected, cared for intergenerational initiatives challenged and positive about themselves. Lack of negative reputations and stereotypes that consultation led to feelings of disrespect, prevailed within communities. exclusion, sadness and anger. - Promotion and protection of children’s - Young people often explained negative or rights is central to development of positive anti-social behaviour by some young people interventions, opportunities to challenge as a response to feelings of exclusion and discrimination and stereotyping, secure free rejection within their communities. This association, promote participation and create view was shared by a number of community the conditions for good health and well- representatives. being among children and young people. Personal life and relationships - Children and young people regularly identified an individual community or Children reported instances in which youth worker with whom they shared adults listened to their views and took mutual respect. ‘Trust’, ‘care’ and them seriously. Yet the majority of children ‘understanding’ were central to these and young people noted that this was not relationships. the norm. Not being listened to or taken - Difficult circumstances experienced seriously impacted on their feelings of during childhood often led to individuals self-worth, safety and belonging. Making displaying violent and/or risky behaviours. time for children and young people and not Findings and Summary of Key Issues 149

For these young people, developing strong Key Issues relationships with respected and trusted - Family and community were identified as adults compensated for lack of family key factors in shaping children’s educational support. experiences and aspirations. - Community representatives noted the dual - Identified inhibitions on attainment impact of poverty and the legacy of the included: lack of appropriate resources; the Conflict on families. ‘Transgenerational low value placed on education in some trauma’, low incomes and ‘multi- families and communities; poor quality generational poverty’, poor health and well- vocational education/training; limited job being each impacted on parents’ ability to opportunities within local areas. cope and form positive relationships with their children. - Approximately half of the children and young people interviewed disliked - It was not unusual for support services school or considered it irrelevant. Their to work with adults whose parents they ‘rejection’ of school focused on school culture, had supported previously, illustrating the teaching methods and the perceived lack of significance of transgenerational trauma significance of subjects studied. and multi-generational poverty. Education and employment - Many felt that school did not adequately prepare them for adult life. They were Within the context of many young people’s particularly critical of careers advice, sex and lives, formal education was considered relationships education, lack of opportunities stifling and irrelevant. While there to explore emotions and feelings in a safe were few job opportunities, the desire to and trusting environment. leave school to enter paid employment - Children were considerably more positive (regardless of pay, conditions or security) about their relationships with teachers than was inevitable. Yet, for many, the only young people. available options were courses, schemes and low-paid employment. Young people - Young people often felt powerless in school, had a clear understanding of their ‘place’ believing that they were silenced, judged and in the economic/employment market and misunderstood by teachers. most did not have aspirations beyond the - Many young people had experience of School experiences of family members or people Councils, but recorded a range of limitations, within their local communities. For some, including: minimal influence and impact; school experiences had damaged their self- tokenism; poor feedback about decisions; esteem, capacity to learn and ambition. some issues being defined as ‘off-limits’; They reported more satisfactory educational teachers having the ‘final say’; selective experiences in colleges and informal representation of pupils. education settings, where teaching methods and the environment were less - Despite the presence of school counsellors or formal, more accommodating of individual pastoral care teams, many young people were needs and interests, and inspired greater reticent to share information with these staff confidence. because they believed their confidentiality would be compromised. Findings and Summary of Key Issues 150

- On completion of compulsory education, ignored, and that communities have been many young people attended schemes and left without necessary economic and social courses with limited employment prospects. support. Employment opportunities were more - It was recognised by young people and restricted in rural communities. community representatives that many young - Employment aspirations and outcomes were people were confused about their cultural generally low and related to whatever jobs identities and did not understand the were available in local communities. Formal implications of transition from conflict. education was not considered necessary for - For working class young men with most locally available work opportunities. an unambiguous, strong cultural and Community and policing community identity, there was a collective sense of loss – formal education was not The impacts of the Conflict (including valued, local work opportunities were death, injury and fear) were recent declining with few alternatives, and their experiences within the communities. cultural identities were felt to be under- Distrust of the police persisted and the valued. much-publicised benefits of ‘peace’ were not evident to children, young people or - Som e young men responded to these community representatives. Frustration, dramatic changes in employment and anger and resentment were directed social opportunities, and their lack of towards the rhetoric of ‘peace’ and ‘change’ status, through violence. They asserted their as communities attempted to address the sectarian identity to defend a culture they legacy of the Conflict without necessary believed was under threat. resources. Concern about the perceived - Children and young people believed ‘anti-social’ behaviour of young people was they were purposefully excluded and considered to have encouraged a climate marginalised in their communities. They of demonisation and marginalisation. were not invited to community forums or During a complex period of transition meetings and were not consulted in decision- from conflict, segregation and sectarianism making processes. between and within communities continued. Those interviewed believed that - Young people expressed frustration about the police and politicians were out of touch feeling ‘unwanted’ in ‘their’ communities. with the views and experiences of their - Community representatives believed families and communities. Young people, there was a ‘policing vacuum’, particularly in particular, were resentful about what regarding the challenging behaviour of some they considered discriminatory policing as young people. a consequence of their age. Key Issues - Community representatives and young people expressed disillusionment with the - Many community representatives and police, who were considered unwilling, young people expressed frustration that unable or ill-equipped to deal with the Peace Agreements had not brought community concerns. significant change. They believed that the impact and legacy of the Conflict had been Findings and Summary of Key Issues 151

- Police tactics had done little to generate - For young people, positive aspects of their trust or respect. Young people reported communities included familiarity with the being ‘moved on’, ‘goaded’, ‘threatened’ and place and proximity to family and friends. ‘harassed’ - sustaining a climate of mistrust - Older young people expressed concern and confrontation. that they would be forced to leave their - Young people across all six communities communities to find employment, ending the were united in the view that they were availability of extended family support for policed differentially and unfairly because of those making the transition to independent their age. living. Place and Identity - Over time, housing policies and population movement had given neighbourhoods or Despite the media-reported view clusters of streets distinct identities and that children and young people are reputations. Children and young people ‘disconnected’ from their communities, positioned themselves according to such most displayed a definite attachment to, known divisions within communities, often and care for, the place in which they lived. drawing distinctions between ‘rough’ and While recognising problems associated ‘respectable’ neighbourhoods or streets. with their community, they emphasised its improvement, rather than abandonment. - Those living in the same locality had Personal identity was strongly linked to distinctive and contrasting experiences as place. For some this related to particular a consequence of internal divisions within streets or parts of the community. The local communities. and historical meaning of space created - The location and management of services, divisions and areas of difference within even in communities with a shared cultural communities. This had consequences for identity, affected take-up - leading to identity and reputation, the use of facilities experiences of exclusion or marginalisation and services, and for feelings of safety and amongst those who felt that ‘their’ local area belonging. had not been appropriately resourced. Key Issues Segregation and sectarianism - The problems identified in all six Every aspect of the lives of children and communities centred on lack of adequate young people was defined by division – play and leisure facilities, street fighting/ their identities, communities, schools, violence, alcohol use and the general social networks, sporting activities and use condition of the local area. of free-time. Notions of difference were - Those in rural areas experienced exclusion perpetuated by a lack of inter-community from play and leisure services due to contact and understanding. Segregated remote location and inadequate, affordable education and housing remained a transport. significant barrier to ending sectarianism, often actively ensuring its continuation. - For children, positive aspects of their Territorial ‘ownership’ of space and the use communities included play facilities, of violence to assert cultural identity went friendships and feeling safe. beyond the religious divide. Resentment Findings and Summary of Key Issues 152

towards ‘new cultures’ represented a fear - Children and young people across the that they would dilute the ‘host identity’ religious divide shared negative views and further restrict employment or housing towards foreign nationals. opportunities for ‘local young people’. - Territorialism, uncertainty and insecurity Key Issues at a time of transition for established populations exacerbated the difficulties faced - Children and young people from all six by foreign nationals residing in small close- communities considered sectarianism to be a knit communities. significant issue affecting their lives. Violence in the context of - Children and young people were ‘badged’ conflict and marginalisation by the places they occupied; often feeling ‘imprisoned’ within their communities. The violent past of Northern Ireland - Fear of being identified as ‘the other’ limited remains celebrated, glorified and opportunities (freedom of movement, ‘normalised’. Murals, commemorative opportunities for play and leisure, social events, parades and stories act as reminders relations) and impacted on children’s/young of institutional and interpersonal violence. people’s feelings of safety. Cultural violence is reproduced in the language of opposition politics, the direct - Perceptions about ‘the other community’ experiences of families and communities, were formed long before children and young the segregation and marking of space. people met someone of ‘the other religion’. Violence has remained a part of everyday - Limited exposure to those outside their life for children and young people living community, and strong sectarian beliefs in communities defined by uncertainty, within communities, consolidated negative unease and the continued presence attitudes about ‘the other community’. of paramilitaries or dissidents. These individuals continued to prey on vulnerable - Rioting and sectarian clashes symbolised young people lacking status, identity, a means of asserting cultural identity and self-worth and a sense of belonging. They were described as responses to perceived incited violence and sectarianism. Links inequalities. between violence, boredom, frustration, lack of power and respect – together - ‘Concessions’ to one community were viewed with a precarious material position at a as ‘punishments’ to the other. This created a time of economic, political and cultural sense of unfairness, insecurity and increased uncertainty – were part of the complex resentment towards ‘the other community’. mix underpinning the violent behaviour - Children and young people were critical of of some young people and adults in the six cross-community projects based on minimal communities. social interaction and no long-term plans Key Issues for maintaining contact. Projects with a starting point of commonality, rather - Many children and young people were than difference, were better received and exposed to community violence, sectarian involvement in such projects was felt to have violence, rioting against the police, been beneficial. paramilitary-style threats and punishments. Findings and Summary of Key Issues 153

- The perceived anti-social behaviour of exacerbating poverty and disadvantage. young people made them targets for those Representatives from the community and who continued to ascribe themselves voluntary sectors considered that statutory paramilitary status. services depended on non-statutory provision to meet identifiable local need - While children and young people felt – developing essential services based on threatened and intimidated by violence in understanding of the local contexts/issues their communities, they were resigned to its and respectful relationships with children, presence. young people and their families. Despite - As a by-product of being on the streets at the value of this work, non-statutory night and weekends when (reportedly) there services were generally: under-funded and was more ‘fighting’, young people regularly unrecognised; insecure and short-term; experienced or witnessed violence. influenced by funding agendas and heavily bureaucratised. Lack of investment in local - Violence impacted on children’s and young services was expressed as evidence of the people’s feelings of safety, their freedom of low value placed on children, young people, movement, opportunities for play and levels community/youth work and communities of victimisation. in need. - A connection was made by children, young Key Issues people and community representatives between boredom, alcohol use and violence. - Children and young people felt that poor Alcohol use was a concern in rural areas play/youth provision was an indication of and in communities where few facilities for their low status in communities. young people existed. - Of those adults with whom they had regular - Alcohol was often used by young people as contact, children and young people felt most an escape from boredom and the difficulties respected by youth workers. of life. Yet its use often increased the - Community/youth projects acted as a local likelihood of experiencing violence and support service for children and young emotional distress. people. Individual workers often filled the - Some young people exerted power over void for those who lacked positive adult children, threatening and intimidating relationships. them. This was consistent with young - Children and young people considered they people’s experiences of adult power. could be better supported through expanded - Violence was deemed by some young people community/youth provision, as well as to be a legitimate response in defending improved quality of information and advice cultural identity. in schools. Services and support - Young people noted the difficulties involved in recognising the signs of depression and Transition from conflict had not led poor mental health amongst their peers. to noticeable structural change within Some stated that they were silenced by the six communities. Disparities in embarrassment or the stigma associated with investment persisted, with gaps in provision poor mental health. Findings and Summary of Key Issues 154

- A significant minority of children and - Long-term, holistic, preventive young people had experienced the death of programmes based on individual strengths a relative, friend or acquaintance through were considered more valuable than ‘crisis’ suicide. or reactive interventions. - Young people perceived a connection - Intergenerational relationships appeared to between boredom, low self-esteem, feeling have worsened. Community representatives down and use of alcohol or drugs as a means prioritised the need to develop mutual of filling time, increasing confidence or as a respect and understanding between form of escape. children/young people and adult community members. - Some community representatives related the high incidence of young people taking The rights deficit their own lives, self-harm and depression to emergence from conflict and young men Children and young people lacked lacking identity or status. understanding about the meaning of rights, and had received limited formal - Community and voluntary groups information about children’s rights. considered that they were expected to meet Many associated rights with privileges, the deficit in local services. responsibilities and restrictions, - Programmes and projects for children/ illustrating how rights have become young people were increasingly funding-led, defined as transactional in popular rather than needs-led. Adult concerns, rather discourse. Children and young people than those of children and young people, clearly articulated rights to which they dictated funding agendas. felt entitled. Yet they provided examples illustrating how their rights were not - Opportunities for qualified youth workers promoted or protected at home, in schools, to utilise their skills were limited by time and in communities. This revealed a gap spent applying for funding and satisfying between the rhetoric of children’s rights administrative demands made by funders. contained within policies and political discourses and the reality of their lived - Insecure funding forced organisations experiences. Adults tended to associate within communities to compete for scare children’s rights with child protection resources. This inhibited information sharing or barriers to effectively working and and partnership working. engaging with children and young people. - Short-term, insecure funding had many Key Issues negative implications for organisations aiming to develop services in communities: - Few children and young people were limited opportunities to develop trust familiar with the UN Convention on the and build positive relationships; loss of Rights of the Child. Even fewer were aware foundational work; lack of sustainable, of the existence of the Northern Ireland developmental work; sudden rather than Commissioner for Children and Young gradual withdrawal of services; loss of People. confidence and difficulties in recruiting for future provision; difficulties recruiting and - Very few children and young people had retaining workers and volunteers. learned about children’s rights in school. Findings and Summary of Key Issues 155

- Most children and young people considered - Children considered that basic needs should they should have the right to form an be met, with a full range of public services opinion, express their views and have these available within all communities. taken seriously. - Children and young people considered - Children and young people were generally access to primary, secondary and tertiary not encouraged to express their opinions, education to be a universal right. They felt describe or explain their emotions and that the curriculum should be relevant to behaviour. Nor were they involved in employment, and matched to interest as decision-making processes – either as well as ability. They noted the negative individuals or as a social group within their impact of intransigent rules and tokenistic communities. School Councils, raising the need for effective participation in school decision-making - Children and young people recognised that processes. effort, time and communication skills were required by adults - to listen, interpret and - The right to play, leisure and relaxation was understand children’s views, experiences and considered important by children and young actions. people of all ages. However, they noted that safe play areas were not always available - Some young people acknowledged the for children. Leisure facilities were lacking, significance of the right to vote and their particularly for those aged 13 and above, for exclusion from public decision-making girls and young women, and for those living until they reached 18. A few suggested that in rural areas. the voting age should be lowered to 16, consistent with other social responsibilities. - Children and young people felt discriminated against by appearance and - Children and young people emphasised their age. They considered that they should be right to age-appropriate information and able to dress and adopt styles without being its importance in informing decisions about judged and stereotyped. They resented being their lives, opportunities and destinies. They treated differently, or excluded, because they felt they were denied access to appropriate were young. information concerning sexual health, relationships and sexualities; mental health - Children raised the rights to ‘be safe’ and to and well-being; education, training and ‘be loved and cared for’. For young people, employment opportunities; substance use. discussions about safety concerned protection from violence - particularly on the streets, - The right to practice their own religion and where they were susceptible to intimidation culture was important to many children and violence perpetrated by other young and young people, especially outside their people or adults. community. - Community representatives generally - Many felt they should have the right to mentioned children’s rights negatively, freedom of association and peaceful assembly. suggesting that they inhibited interaction They did not consider it appropriate that between children and adults because children their presence on streets and in other public ‘used’ rights as a ‘threat’ or because child spaces in their communities was regulated protection placed restrictions on adults’ and controlled. responses to children. Findings and Summary of Key Issues 156

Cross-cutting themes understanding the contexts of their lives, and advocating on their behalf. The following themes emerged from the research and are evident in a range of - Social injustice and material deprivation chapters: were determining, structural contexts that affected the opportunities available - How children were perceived and to children and young people, inhibiting respected by adults - in families, their their potential and aspirations. communities and service provision – significantly affected their responses and - Despite a powerful rhetoric to the behaviour. contrary, within communities and in service provision children’s rights - Lack of respect and age discrimination standards were not understood or remained prevalent at every level in realised. This resulted in a serious rights the lives of children and young people, deficit in most aspects of children and emphasising and exacerbating negative young people’s lives. intergenerational relationships in communities and in institutions. - Perceptions about, and the reality of, young people’s anti-social - Lack of participation in the decisions behaviour required more thorough that affected their lives, interpersonally understanding. Individualising ‘bad’ and institutionally, led to children and behaviour, pathologising young people young people feeling undermined, and demanding more authoritarian unimportant, excluded and resentful. measures, not only failed to consider - Family and community experiences had the structural, cultural and sectarian a significant, often defining, impact on contexts of violence but also escalated the lives of children and young people the potential for conflict and in terms of education and employment, confrontation. culture and identity, opportunities and inhibitions. - The persistence of separatism generated social isolation. This impacted on the opportunities and aspirations of children and young people and contributed to negative attitudes and responses towards others. Segregated education and housing create insurmountable barriers to ending sectarianism and actively ensure its continuation. - Relationships between children/young people and significant adults were vital. Mutual respect was considered essential to positive relationships, and was dependant on adults listening to children and young people, APPENDIX 157

Table 1: Sample of Children and Young People

8-12 yrs 13-17 yrs 18-25 yrs TOTAL Co. Antrim 21 8 10 39 Co. Armagh 326 4 33 Co. Derry 18 29 6 53 Co. Down 33 - - 33 Co. Fermanagh -* 18 1 19* Co. Ty rone 116 2 19* TOTAL 76 97 23 196

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