Weimar in Amherst Gary Crosby Brasor

n paper the Weimar Republic remained a constitutional democracy until O 1933. But long before its final collapse, freedom of thought, speech, and assembly, to say nothing of that sense of personal security on which any liberal social order depends, had become the hostages of thuggery and violence. In part this was due to the rise of extremist movements on both the right and left that had little use for free debate and individual rights. But it was also, in large measure, a consequence of the failure of public authorities, nomi- naUy allegiant to the liberties guaranteed by the German constitution, to enforce them with any energy or equity. While the scale is smaller, the disorder more circumscribed, and the immediate consequences less grossly threatening, a similar phenomenon has long been brewing on the campuses of many American colleges and universities. Students especially, but to some extent faculty and staff as well, have been put on notice that they must measure their utterances not against the standards of evidence and logic, but against the sensibilities of easily aroused militants. And despite the official lip service given to intellectual freedom and reasoned dis. course--to say nothing of campus safety--complicit or timorous administrators time and time again prove incapable of protecting those the militants choose to target. Obviously, such a situation can only have the most baleful impact on the prospects of receiving a liberal education. But American campuses are more than sites of formal instruction, they are also the training ground for citizen- ship. Thus, the long-term consequences for the civility and stability of our political system may be even more serious. Few institutions have travelled as far down the "road to Weimar" as has the University of Massachusetts. Unrest at its main campus in Amherst, which ap- peared to be an occasional problem in the wake of the 1986 World Series riot, has now become a way of life. Since the spring of 1992, the university has been repeatedly disrupted by organized protest under the banner of multiculturalism or diversity. Worse yet, programs sponsored and funded by the university openly train and encourage the disrupters, without incurring any penalty or rebuke. One of these, the Social Thought and Political Economy Program (STPEC), is described in official literature as "an interdisciplinary undergraduate pro-

Gary Crosby Brasor, formerly assistantprofessor of French at Howard University,is the executive director of the Massachusetts Association of Scholars. This articleis excerpted from a November 1994 report prepared by Dr. Brasor for the Massachu- settsAssociation of Scholars titled"Turmoil and Tension at the Universityof Massa- chusetts at Amherst: History,Analysis, and Recommended Solutions."Please address correspondence to Academ/c ~st/ons, 575 Ewing Street, Princeton, NJ 08540-2741. 70 Academic Questions/Spring 1995

gram in Social and Behavioral Sciences." Founded in 1973, STPEC is not an academic department, drawing faculty instead on a part-time basis from existing departments in the humanities and social sciences, including German, eco- nomics,journalism, Afro-American studies, sociology, anthropology, philoso- phy, psychology, history, and French. A primary part of STPEC's self-described reason for being is to encourage "students to engage in a critical examination of society. € STPEC does not, however, limit itself to the normal province of an academic program, that is promoting study and scholarship. "Thus, ~ states a STPEC document, "the Program also encourages its students to involve themselves in practice as well as theory by enrolling in internships ~ and "by playing a role in University and community affairs. "2 According to the STPEC Internship Policy Statement, "the exploration of the intersection of theory and practice is at the heart of STPEC's curriculum. ~ The statement also suggests the kind of insight that STPEC admires in students who have completed the internship experience. "As one STPEC student remarked after her internship was over: 'Theory is very dean, and reality is very bloody. ''s The direction of STPEC theory is clearly indicated by the title of its annual alumni newsletter, LeflJustifi, d. In the second annual edition of the newsletter (Summer 1992), under "From The Director," it is announced with pride that "As usual, STPEC students were also in the thick of the progressive political struggles on campus over the past year." This cover page is signed, "In Solidar- ity. Sara Lennox." A later entry in the newsletter, under "Who's Who in STPEC, ~ reads, "Sara Lennox is a feminist Germanist and a straight petty bourgeous [sic] WASP from Indiana (alas...) who has directed the STPEC Program since 1981."4 Another university program devoted to fostering a strong sense of griev- ance is Residential Education, a Department of Housing Services. As in other large universities, its operation demonstrates how much of the teaching of diversity now goes on outside the traditional classroom. According to the university Affhanative Action Plan for September 1992 through August 1993, "In the residence halls, there were approximately 200 formal programs each semester that addressed issues of diversity and oppression education through films, discussion groups and speakers. "5 "Oppression Education" is taught to students by Residence Assistants (RAs), who are not considered part of the formal teaching staff of the university and so are effectively free from faculty oversight. "Student Residence Assistants are required to enroll in a three-credit course that emphasizes the nature of oppression and how, through their position, they can address their residents' needs for education and interventions regarding oppression. "6 Another example of Residential Education's offerings is the "First Semester Entering Student Diversity and Social Justice Course in Resident Hall Class- Brasor 71

rooms." This course, is "specifically designed to counteract the multicultural 'culture shock'" which first-semester students are said to experience. The course, one of ten selected in the Spring of 1994 to receive awards, is funded by the Chancellor's Commission in Civility in Human Relations, working jointly with the Chancellor's Multicultural Advisory Board. v Another course among the ten award recipients was called "Anti-Racist Fo- rum Series in Brown Resident Hall." The forum series demonstrates how closely the aims of Residential Education and STPEC are allied. The proposal for the series was submitted jointly by Kanthie Athukorala, Residence Director, Brown Residence Hall and STPEC director Sara Lennox. s Residential Education, no less than STPEC, is committed to spreading the multicultural point of view, with all its attendant assumptions about oppressor and oppressed groups. STPEC's academic influence is narrow, affecting a small audience, but through its activism it has a significant impact on university policy. Residential Education's influence is naturally wide, potentially affecting all campus residents through its training. In the spring of 1992, the university was the scene of a major episode of protest. In spite of references to off-campus circumstances, the rationale for this protest, like most of those since, was grounded in multiculturalism. In- deed, far from being the effect of outside influences, the protests of the past few years have been the natural outcome of putting into practice the activist philosophies taught in some of the university's classrooms and in the residence halls. On Thursday, 30 April, the day after four white Los Angeles police officers were acquitted of beating Rodney King, a rally was held on the UMass Amherst campus to protest the verdict. The rally was organized "spontane- ously" by a group of students from STPEC. Sophomore STPEC major Arnold Lizana exhorted the over 200 students and faculty present, saying, "this struggle is not something you can be in just for today. It's a long struggle. It's been long and it will be long. If you're not in it for the long haul, don't be in it at all. "9 On Friday, 1 May, a second rally was held, again ostensibly to protest the King verdict, seen as a glaring example of institutional racism in the United States. A series of speakers addressed a gathering of approximately 1,000 students. John H. Bracey, for example, associate professor of Afro-American Studies and faculty member on the STPEC board, announced, "Ladies and gentle- men, the liberation of Los Angeles has begun." Referring to the looting, burn- ing, and acts of mayhem then taking place in Los Angeles as a "demand for access to the politics of the nation," he portrayed what most observers considered hoodlumism as acts of political conscienceJ ~ "These are our warriors," Bracey said of the young black men involved in the rioting, "we stand with them. We are not going to give them up." 72 Academic Questions/Spring 1995

David C. DuBois, visiting professor in Afro-American studies, told the crowd that acquittal of the police officers meant that people of color "cannot expect justice," observing that "If we allow them to get away with it, it will apply to all of us, equally." Adding to the inflammatory rhetoric was Rudy Krigger, a twenty-eight-year- old senior from the Virgin Islands. He said, "America is never going to be the same. Young blacks are angry. They are rapidly seeing there is no other option except rebelling. "n After condemning the image of the black man as dangerous, he added ominously, "What is done to me in the morning will be done to you at night. "n Some students were angry about the Massachusetts Daily Collegian's handling of minority issues, and particularly a recent vote by the paper's staff to replace three minority staffers. After the protesters had heard about an hour of speeches, one of the ousted editors, Alexander Nguyen, exhorted the crowd "to take over the offices of the Collegian and of Chancellor O'Brien. "Is The end of the rally signalled the start of a protest march across campus. Acting on Nguyen's proposal, protesters stormed into the offices of the Colle- gian. They broke a plate glass window and a stereo, 14 and ripped up "files, photographs, and documents belonging to editors and reporters. "is Protest- ers said that they would return to the Collegian's offices on Sunday, 3 May, to talk with editors about racism at the paper. 16 The students' final stop was the Whitmore administration building. There Vice-Chancellor Jo-Anne Vanin, standing on a chair at an entrance, told the crowd, "As a person of color and as a woman, I feel the same anger and emo- tions that you are feeling. "l~ With this encouragement from a senior administrator, an estimated 350 students occupied the building. In spite of locked doors on most offices, the students were able to gain access to sensitive upper-level areas of the administration. The crowd forced open the doors of the Budget Office and streamed into the third floor offices of Provost Glen Gordon, breaking a ceiling tile and a sign in the process? s "Secretaries and staff members watched in amazement as students began using office phones, fax machines and photocopiers to tell the students outside and the media what was taking place. "~9 Once in control of the building, the protesters demanded that ten minority faculty members be hired by the following semester. Later that evening, Chancellor Richard O'Brien called the King verdict "a total miscarriage of justice, a shocking thing that has thrown down the gaunt- let to people of color. "2~ His statement, suggesting that a racial duel was now underway and that minority students were the injured party, probably did as much to encourage the protesters as had Vanin's address earlier. That evening, O'Brien met with the students in the provost's office. In response to student demands, O'Brien promised that he would "hire six minor- Bruor 73

ity faculty over two years. "21 The protesters reacted by settling in for the night and holding out for their original demand of ten minority faculty in one year. A local pizza parlor, hearing of the student occupation, helped the protesters endure their wait by sending over ten pizzas, "as a sign of solidarity," in the words of the owner. After several hours, "the chancellor sent a letter to the students promising to meet their demands to hire 10 new minority faculty over the next three years. The letter also stated that no 'disciplinary action or other reprisals' [would] be taken against the students involved. "~ The protesters left Whitmore "near midnight, "2s their demands essentially met. "We've learned a lesson that should last us the rest of our lives," Rudy Krigger said to the crowd minutes after the siege ended. He added, "We can't let it stop here, this is only the beginning. "~4 Chancellor O'Brien issued his own remarks following the occupation, prais- ing the students "for their courage and selflessness." He added a partial explanation for his actions, saying that "In promising what I did I'm taking a bit of a risk, but considering we had a very inflammatory situation we had to make allowances for compromise. "~5 In spite of his claim of "compromise," O'Brien's offer to the students would be better described as capitulation. Besides promising to urge search commit- tees to hire "faculty of color," O'Brien's agreement with the protesters included the statement that "the current level of minority faculty will be maintained, as a 'high priority.'" His only softening of the protesters' demand was the length- ening of implementation from the upcoming school year (1992-1993) to a three-year period, a change dictated by the impossibility of hiring so many faculty in such a short time. O'Brien made his position clearer in a public statement issued on Tuesday, 5 May, shortly after the announcement of the original agreement. "The desire of the students was fully in accord with the desires of the administration." He added, in regard to hirings of minority professors, "My hope would be there would be many more. "~ (A few months later in the Summer 1992 issue of Left Justified, STPEC Direc- tor Sara Lennox would report with obvious pride, "This spring many STPEC students and staff were active in events on campus after the Los Angeles rebel- lion, including the occupation of Whitmore that resulted in an administration promise to hire ten more minority faculty over the next three years. "~ She might have noticed that the "events on campus" in which many were active included vandalism, trespass, theft, invasion of privacy, intimidation and assault-improprieties and illegalities by anyone's understanding.) On Sunday, 3 May, the protesters returned to the Collegian as they had promised. They found that operations had been moved to an undisclosed location. One of the protesters, Martin Jones, newly-elected black affairs editor, complained that moving the paper's operations without his knowledge constituted the breaking of a good faith contract. ~ 74 Academic Questions/Spring 1995

In response, Collegian editor-in-chief Marc Elliott cited the threat to other staff members and the damage done on 1 May at the Collegian offices as rea- sons not to inform those staffers who, like Jones, had participated in the dem- onstration. Elliott said he made the move because he had been told that the protesters wanted to shut down the paper. ~ On Monday, 4 May, the bulk of the Collegian's normal printing of 19,000 copies was placed in distribution boxes around campus. Protesters retaliated by confiscating or trashing most of the copies. Collegian staffers complained that removing copies of the paper in an attempt to shut down distribution constituted "a civil fights violation. ~3~ Although the acts were arguably a violation of First Amendment rights, the administration made no comment on the protesters' theft and destruction of the papers, nor did it make any attempt to identify and punish those respon- sible. By its silence, the administration once again gave tacit approval to unlaw- ful actions (as it had in refusing to discipline the Whitmore protesters) so long as those actions were compatible with its own "multicultural" agenda. At noon that same day, an antiracism rally was held on the steps of the Student Union. Protesters, focusing particularly on racism at the Collegian, said they raised the issue because of the verdict in the Rodney King trial. Mar- tin Jones, echoing the faculty members who spoke at the 1 May rally said that the King verdict "challenged everyone to change things everywhere. This is our reaction, our frustration. "sl He added, "We saw this as a historic opportu- nity because everyone was made aware of racism. We saw we could do something about racism here at UMass. "s2 Protesters based their accusation of racism on the absence of apartheid at the Collegian, complaining that "the editors of the Black Affairs, Multicultural Affairs, and Third World Affairs pages are selected by all the newspaper's staffers rather than just minority staffers. "ss Protesters at the rally also renewed their complaint (first voiced on 1 May) about the vote by Collegian staff the previous week to replace three minority staffers. Alex Delgado, one of the protesters, said of the move, "It was a completely racist act? He asked "How can a 95 percent white staff talk about multiculturalism? ~ Alexander Nguyen, a pivotal speaker at the 1 May rally, claimed that it was "the same kind of voting process that went down in the Rodney King verdict. ~s4 When the antiracism rally broke up, dozens of protesters flocked into a room in the Campus Center where Collegian editor-in-chief Marc EUiott was holding a press conference. When the protesters began shouting questions at EUiott, he replied, in reference to the confiscated copies of the newspaper, "I thought only Nazis burned books? One woman shouted back, "We didn't burn them. We recycled them. ~s5 Angry protesters surrounded Elliott when he tried to leave the press conference. Security officers had to step in when the protesters moved closer to him. One protester screamed at Elliott, "Sitl Skl Sitl "s6 Brasor 75

In the end, Elliott accepted a list of demands and offered to meet with ten of the protesters along with members of his editorial staff. Both sides agreed to meet on Wednesday 6 May to discuss demands, sT On Tuesday, 5 May, editors again produced the Collegian from a secret location. The paper editorialized that "The fairness of the press is irrelevant if it is not free." Staffers distributed 5,000 copies of the paper by hand. ss The protesters, for their part, pledged to resolve the conflict by taking mat- ters into their own hands. They issued a flier stating, "Racism pervades this university. It must be fought whenever possible .... If decency does not return to the Collegian it is our duty to SHUT 1T DOWN. "s9 On Wednesday, 6 May, Chancellor Richard O'Brien issued a statement refusing to take sides, but saying that the conflict on campus had arisen from values "the university holds dear: protection of free expression including freedom of the press, creating a multicultural community, and maintaining an environment free of harassment and intimidation. "4~ His wording shows that O'Brien linked the creation of a multicultural community with the mainte- nance of a harassment-free environment and that he saw both ideas in opposi- tion to the protection of free expression, "including freedom of the press." Whatever values the university might attempt to balance, O'Brien, by grant- ing immunity to the Whitmore protesters and ignoring the protesters' theft of several thousand copies of the Collegian, made it clear that he valued the creation of "a multicultural community" over freedom of the press. O'Brien's statement included an offer of"administration help in solving the dispute. "41 Its help came in the form of the appointment of Dr. Grant M. Ingle, Director of the Office of Human Relations, to head negotiations. Dr. Ingle seemed an unlikely choice for an unbiased arbiter between the two groups, if that was the intent. Ingle had been quoted a few months earlier as saying "that he [was] an orga- nizational psychologist and that his duties [did] not include defending the university but changing it." He testified that his office has had as its goal the creation of "a more civil campus, one more reflective and responsive to our increasing cultural diversity. "42 Like O'Brien, Ingle linked multiculturalism with civility. Ingle made no statements about the Collegian just prior to negotiations, but shortly afterward revealed his attitude toward the newspaper: "The practices of the Collegian, if they were employers, would be illegal, I'm convinced of that .... They were quick to jump to the First Amendment, but what are the rights of the minority editors who want to be involved? They're talking about First Amendment without talking about race and gender discrimination. "~ It was further reported that Ingle said his office had been working on racial and gender bias issues with Collegian editors since 1989. But, according to Ingle, staff turnover and a lack of commitment had prevented any real progress. "We told them: This spring, you're going to have a problem with this," he said. ~ 76 Academic Questions / Spring 1995

Thus the person Chancellor O'Brien chose to lead negotiations between the protesters and the editors of the Collegian was also the leader of a longstanding dispute with the Collegian over its personnel policies. Ingle could hardly have been expected to act with the impartiality required of the role he was asked to assume. From all appearances, but not surprisingly, he acted instead as a spokesman for his own office and for the protesting students. Dan Wetzel, the Collegian's managing editor, gave his view of the proceedings: Our negotiations were held in front of an audience of more than 200, a group that actively participated in the debates by hissing, shouting and threatening the editors when they spoke. It was a situation guaranteed to stifle any meaningful discussion. When I questioned a university official about the system, I was told that it was a common and fair form of negotiation. When I suggested we negotiate only in private, I was informed by a university official that I was not negotiating in good faith. We were forced to return to the public negotiating table? 5

Later that day, white editors negotiated with minority editors and their supporters to change the way minority editors were selected. Under the new arrangement, editors of the special minority issues pages, formerly chosen by a vote of the entire staff, would be elected by minority staff members only. The new system would make editors ethnic representatives, destroying the ideal of objective journalism. The protesters' demand was a form of apartheid: segre- gation by racial group, with voting formally restricted along racial lines. On Thursday, 7 May, both sides resumed negotiations at somewhat before 2 p.m. At 5:45 p.m., after four hours of discussion, Collegian staffers moved to end negotiations so that they could get to work on the next day's paper, and "both sides agreed to recess. ~46 However, there were objections by protesters who wanted talks to continue on the paper's representation of women and minorities. At this point, according to administrators moderating the talks, tempers flared. 47 From Dean Eileen Stewart's point of view, the audience had become restive as the session dragged on. Stewart had remained at the table after some spectators, as she put it, "left the room very abruptly. "4s

Minutes later, [Stewart] and another administrator "heard some real scream- ing and shouting." She said they ran to the Collegian offices and heard a man yelling. Stewart saw a man push a woman against a wall and saw another man with a scratch on his face. 49

Witnesses said that "at least 15 protesters rushed from a negotiating room down the hall from the Collegian into the paper's office in the basement of the Campus Center, where about a dozen people were working. ~ The scene at the newspaper's offices was described as "chaotic. "5~ Brasor 77

According to managing editor Dan Wetzel, "protesters shouted threats at staff members, overturned furniture, and chased down one of the paper's photographers in an attempt to take his Film. "5~ Within minutes, "some 30 people began occupying the newsroom [and] a shoving match ensued in the hallway between a woman protester and a Collegian editor. "52 Dean Ricardo Townes, who had left the negotiating table to follow the crowd to the Collegian offices, "said at least 100 people eventually crowded into the hallway outside the Collegian." Townes said, "I was just telling people to leave, go home. "53 Because the atmosphere in the office made work impossible, staffers "chose once again to move operations off campus to an undisclosed location. "~ Dur- ing the altercations, there were no police or campus security personnel present. Rudy Krigger, one of the speakers at the 1 May rally, was serving as informal spokesman for the protesters. Krigger said that the protesters occupied the newspaper offices because "they felt progress on negotiations was not moving quickly enough." Krigger added that, "The urgency was for the Collegian to move quickly. It's in the hands of the community now. "55 Dean of Students Sharon Kibetz was quoted as saying that there was no physical confrontation, and that it was just "people raising their voices." Kibetz also said that the Collegian "had exaggerated the incident. "56 Chancellor Richard O'Brien, who was not in attendance at the negotiations, was asked later that evening to comment on the events at the Collegian office. He said he had talked to security officials who told him "there had been incidents around 5:30 to 6 p.m. with discussions around assaults. There was pushing and shoving. Nobody has entered complaints. They felt it was nothing serious. "Sv That evening, Wetzel and editor-in-chief Marc Elliott requested and received a police escort to the Amherst line, planning to publish the paper's final edition of the academic year at an undisclosed location in another town. ss On Friday, 8 May, exactly one week after the initial campus rally and storm- ing of the Collegian offices, editors from the paper agreed to the protesters' demands for policy shifts. The demands included "establishing a minority co- editor to share equal power" with the newspaper's editor-in-chief. 59 The minority co-editor-in-chief would be elected "only by staffers of color. "6~ Marc Elliott also agreed "to have four minority editors sit on the newspaper's executive board. "61 Solidifying the understanding reached earlier in the week, these editors too would be elected only by members of minority groups. 62 Under the agreements, not only would minority students be allowed to choose minority designated positions, they "would also be entitled to vote for the co-editor-in-chief not designated as a minority. However, non-minority students would not be allowed to vote on any positions set aside for minorities. "6s This new arrangement would permit minority staffers to vote for both minority and non-minority editors while restricting non-minority staffers to voting for non-minority editors only. 78 Academic Questions/Spring 1095

Commenting on the agreements, one of the protesters, Mark Fox, a senior majoring in African-American studies, said, "We have won a very major batde. "04 From the other side of the bargaining table, the reaction of Collegian editors confirmed that the agreements were the result of coercion and not the fruit of compromise. According to Elliott, "We were told by the administration the choice was to give in or let the campus break up in a race riot where people would get killed." He added, "The whole negotiation process was run by a mob. "65 Wetzel said that at a meeting that day, UMass Director of Public Safety Arthur Hilson told the Collegian staff"that some of the protesters had criminal records. "66 Administration officials denied that they applied pressure on the Colle- gian editors to end their confrontation with the protesters. Chancellor O'Brien said, "We were there to facilitate discussion, not to take any side on the issue." He said "he was unaware of warnings that violence could occur over the weekend. "6~ On 18 May, a little more than a week after Collegian editors had agreed to all the protesters' demands, Jose j. Belliard, one of the protesters, seized and threatened an editor of the Collegian with a baseball bat. The assault took place in front of many other students in the crowded Campus Center. Belliard, carrying an aluminum bat, led Photography Editor Joshua Reynolds by the arm up an escalator to the Campus Center concourse, where he cor- nered him. According to a witness, a large crowd gathered, and as Belliard turned around to the crowd with the bat, Reynolds ran. Belliard followed, swinging the bat. By this time, some security guards had arrived. They tackled Belliard and held him until the police came. 6s Belliard was arraigned later that day in Northampton District Court on charges of assault and battery and assault with a dangerous weapon "in connection with his clash with the photography editor [of the Collegian]," and was released on $500 bail. 69 Belliard was remembered by eyewitnesses as "one of the more vocal protesters who stormed the newspaper's offices. "~~ His guilt in the Reynolds' assault was later established, and a court ordered him to undergo counseling. 7~ The administration made no comment on the assault. On Monday, 14 September, a footnote was added to the story of the May protests as residents of Crabtree dorm were surprised by the presence of police. The police were on hand to arrest continuing education student Alex Delgado on a charge of "conspiracy to commit murder. "n Delgado, a twenty-one-year-old native of New Haven, Connecticut, was known on campus as one the leaders of the May protests and a student nego- tiator. Off campus, he played a different role. He was known to prosecutors as a high-ranking member of the Latin Kings, a nationwide gang. Prosecu- tors said that on Sunday, 13 September, he had "helped plot the execution- Brasor 79

style killing of Springfield teenager Arnaldo Esteras-Perez." After his arraign- ment in Springfield District Court, he was ordered held without bail at Hampden County Jail. 75 Sarah Levasque, a resident of Crabtree and staff member of the Collegian, said that when she saw Delgado the week prior to his arrest, she recognized him "as one of eight protesters who had negotiated with newspaper staff over minority representation on the publication" the previous spring. She said she also recognized Delgado's "large, beaded necklace, a trademark of Latin Kings members. "~4 Dan Wetzel said that Delgado had identified himself as a member of the Latin Kings in the spring "when he stood up to talk at a negotiating session." The administration at that time said nothing about Delgado's gang connec- tions, allowing him to continue to negotiate. Nor did it make any comment at the time of his arrest. On the night of 25 September, Arlens Barosy, a residence assistant in Wash- ington Tower, asked a dozen people on the hallway of the 17th floor who were carrying open containers of beer to empty them. Barosy was trying to enforce a university policy banning open containers of alcohol from dormitory hall- ways. All but one of those asked complied with Barosy's request. The person who refused the request, Francis Marchant, 18, of Framingham, assaulted Barosy. Barosy said that Marchant struck him, tried to choke him and used foul language. 7s The assault was generally seen on campus as a racial attack, with Barosy described as "a black residence assistant" and Marchant as "a white male. "76 Julie Trainito, a student who later claimed she had witnessed the incident, said that "It was definitely an RA [residence assistant] confrontation that turned racial. "77 Police ordered Marchant, who was not a university student (he was said to have been visiting friends at Washington Tower at the time of the incident), to stay off the campus. 7s On 3 and 4 October, more than a week after the assault on Barosy, "racist graffiti [were] reported on the doors, walls, restrooms and stairwells of the 17th floor of Washington Tower. "79 Although Marchant was not seen on campus, police conducted an investigation to see whether he had any connection with the graffiti, s~ The administration, which had remained silent regarding Belliard's assault on Reynolds and Delgado's arrest on murder charges, came out in force to condemn the Barosy assault and the racist graffiti. Although there was no evidence linking the graffiti (whose author or authors was never discovered) with Barosy's attacker, administration officials early on confounded the two incidents, treating them as dual aspects of a single racist affront. Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Thomas Robinson issued a statement "addressing the incidents" in which he said, "Violence and harassment of any kind are not acceptable behavior on this campus. "sl 80 Academic Questions/Spring 1995

Chancellor Richard O'Brien issued a statement saying, "The recent violence and harassment in Washington Tower is intolerable. The campus [is] implaca- bly opposed to such acts, and will do everything possible to punish the guilty and to protect against future offenses. "s~ Even Michael 1L Hooker, the head of the entire University of Massachusetts system, issued a statement:

I want it to be known clearly and unequivocally that the University of Massachu- setts will neither allow nor ignore acts of racism, intolerance or oppression of any sort. I am disturbed by recent reports of such acts at the Amherst campus. The Board of Trustees and I fully support Ghancellor O'Brien in pursuing appropriate disciplinary acdons. Moreover, we want the campus to become a model of racial harmony and multiculturalism and will work actively to achieve that goal. s*

The administration's forceful condemnations of the incidents of harassment at Washington Tower stood in sharp contrast to its silence regarding the more widespread harassment and violence involved in the takeovers of the Collegian in the spring. On 8 October, the day after Hooker released his statement, about 300 "students of color" held a rally in front of Washington Tower in support of Arlens Barosy. Following the rally, the students met with administration officials, including Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Thomas Robinson, at Morrill Science Cen- ter. The subject of their discussion was the administration's handling of what Martin Jones, one of the leaders of the May protests, described as "last week's racial attack, in Washington, on a Black Resident Assistant. "a4 Arlens Barosy, addressing the assembly, recounted the incident in detail, including the alleged racial slurs and shouted, "Power to the peoplel'S5 A number of the students chanted "801,801," the host's room number in Washing- ton Tower, and "expressed their intent to directly approach the host of the alleged assailant. "s6 The meeting ended, according to Jones's account, when many of the students "walked out in disgust at the administration's explanation" of university policies relating to the incident. Reacting to what they apparently saw as an insufficient response on the part of the administration, the protesters marched to Washington Tower, where at about 10:45 p.m., from fifty to seventy of them stormed the dormitory, sT Walking past the security desk, they went to the eighth floor "in search of the resident who had served as the host of the alleged assailant, who was visiting from off campus." The protesters, having determined that Francis Marchant's host and his roommate should be punished for the non-student's actions, demanded that the students "be expelled from housing for the remainder of the school year. "ss Bruor 81

As the protesters occupied the eighth floor of Washington Tower, the en- fire building was sealed off, and residents who were outside at the time of occupation were unable to enter. ~ Arnold Lizana, vice president of the black students union, was one of those who helped the protesters negotiate a peaceful solution with university officials, who "were present in the building at the time of the occupation." The "negotiations" resulted in the protesters being presented with a memoran- dum by homing director Joseph Zannini and assistant housing director Anne Miller "agreeing to expel the residents involved from campus housing for the remainder of the school year. "9~ The protesters left Washington Tower after an occupation of less than two hours, their victory complete. They had acted as prosecutor, jury and judge, finding two students guilty. Administrators Zannini and Miller agreed with the protesters, summarily depriving the students of their right to student homing on the basis of their association with Marchant. Injustice was served as two students were punished for a crime they didn't commit. As in the Whitmore and Collegian takeovers, mob rule prevailed, with the administration following the lead of the protesters. During the week that the Washington Tower takeover was coming to a head, another group of students chose to protest a different issue with racial overtones. On 5 October, students held a rally to protest the observance of Columbus Day. Following the rally, protesters marched to Memorial Hall, an administration building homing the Alumni Relations and Development Offices. 91 Eleven students, including undergraduates, graduates, and alumni, occupied the building. They demanded that Columbus Day be replaced with a commemo- rative teach-in and that the university fund "40 full scholarships for low-income women of color" as well as an academic program to support the women. ~ Chancellor Richard O'Brien, who had not raised the issue of legality during the Whitmore and Collegian takeovers, was quoted as saying that the university would "not negotiate with anyone under the condition of illegal occupancy." He added, "We have to look at our options hour-by-hour. "gs The protesters, calling themselves Students for Education, continued to occupy Memorial Hall for the next week. By the end of the week staff members, upset that they could not work, moved the students' belongings to the first floor and returned to work on the second floor. 94 On 12 October, Alexander Nguyen, who had incited the crowd during the 1 May rally, spoke at an all-day teach-in. He justified the protesters' rejection of Columbus Day, "Because the 500 year anniversary is about violence against people of color. "95 Another veteran of the May protests, African-American Studies Professor John Bracey, said that "society must get rid of Columbus Day." Claiming that there had been discussions all around the country con- cerning the holiday, he cited the example of Berkeley, California, which had changed the name to Indigenous People Day. ~ 82 Academic Questions / Spring 1995

The Memorial Hall takeover ended on 13 October, about a week after it started, when President Hooker agreed to talk with the protesters outside the building. 97 Later that day he met with them in the Campus Center. ~ That evening, Hooker was joined by O'Brien and several trustees at a two- hour meeting held in the Malcolm X Center to address the concerns of "students of color" at the university. Alex Nguyen advocated "a real committment [sic] to increasing minority recruitment," and called for the university to set a goal of 30 percent minority enrollment. President Hooker agreed with Nguyen and called his 30 percent goal "realistic. "~ Arnold Lizana presented Hooker with a list of seven student demands. One of the demands, an extension of Nguyen's idea for enrollment, called for the university to set a goal of 30 percent minority representation at all levels of the university. Other demands included restoring funds to the Upward Bound program, hiring more minority recruiters to award minority scholarships, and replacing Columbus Day on the academic calendar with a teach-in. President Hooker described the demands as "thoroughly reasonable. "I~176 The demand for the Upward Bound program was satisfied at the same meeting when O'Brien announced an "immediate commitment of between $200,000 and $250,000" to establish a similar program to compensate for the loss of funding to Upward Bound. ]~ On Saturday, 7 November, after a month of negotiations, the university agreed to a list of student demands. The agreement included the following concessions:

* Provide for 40 new scholarships for students of color for the 1993-94 academic year at a cost of $200,000, covering all tuition and fees. * Hire two new minority admissions recruiters and create an associate director position to supervise minority recruitment. Arrange teach-ins on Columbus Day. In addition, the holiday will be renamed for campus use? ~

In another concession, this one related to the demands put before Hooker, "University officials agreed to aim for a goal of 20 percent minority freshman by Fall 1995. "l~ The sum of the concessions to the student demands of the fall 1992, like those issuing from the Whitmore and Collegian takeovers in the spring, was to grant to student protesters the essence of what they asked for. Once again, the administration put up only minimal resistance to the demands, fared to discipline rule breakers, and showed by its enthusiasm for the outcome that its plans for the university were largely consonant with the plans of the student protesters. In the late evening of 5 March 1993 and early morning of 6 March, a series of assaults occurred on campus. The three incidents, which took place within a span of less than a hour, were not at first seen as related by campus observers. Brasor 83

In the first incident, two UMass students said they were assaulted while wait- ing in line for a party at Butterfield Residence Hall. The students, who were white, alleged that their attackers were black. When interviewed, neither of the students wanted to be identified. 1~ The second incident involved a student who was shaken from his mountain bike "and then beaten by seven to eight male subjects on Infirmary Way." Ac- cording to police, "One of the attackers allegedly struck the biker on the back with a cane. ~ The victim, a white student, alleged that his assailants were black. The victim "refused to give his name to the press. "l~ A friend of the victim, who said he witnessed the assault and robbery, also asked to remain anonymousJ~ In the last incident, sophomore Jason Nietupski, after spending the evening studying at the School of Management, stopped in the Hampden Munchy Store to buy an ice cream sundae. As he approached his dormitory, Cance Resi- dence Hall, he saw a group of men talking at the base of the ramp leading from the dormitory entrance)~

"I had a sundae in one hand, and my wallet in the other," Nietupski said. As Nietupski walked by the group, he said one of the men, wearing a hood lined with grey fur, punched him in the mouth. "I yelled, 'what did I do?' I handed out my wallet. 'Take my money,TM Nietupski said. "They didn't want my money. They just wanted to beat me up. I thought UMass was a safe place to be." Nietupski said he turned himself on his front to protect his face and was hit three to four times in the back of the head. "The first thing on my mind was getting out of there, ~ Nietupski said. Later on that night Nietupski said he saw [from his dormitory room] the same four people in the Malcolm X Center. A day later Nietupski, after discussing the incident with others, said he could remember a man about 6-feet-2 inches being in the group. He said he called the police, but they did not get there until over an hour) ~

The same article reported that Nietupski said the assault "left him with a concussion, swollen lips and loose teeth." Toward the end of the article it was mentioned that the victim was white and his assailants black. University officials, however, said that they did not "have cause to believe it was a racial incident. "10g According to Nietupski, when the police arrived they asked him, "What did you do to provoke it?" "What'd you say to them? ~ "Did you get any punches in? ~ On the Monday after the attacks, Nietupski approached Chancellor Richard O'Brien, who referred him to Dean of StudentsJo-Anne Vanin. O'Brien, talking soon afterward to a reporter about the assaults, said that most of the information he had received was from senior staffand news accounts, n~ Had O'Brien agreed to meet with Nietupski, he could have had direct information from the only victim willing to talk. 84 Academic Questions/Spring 1995

When Nietupski met with Vanin on Monday, "Vanin said not to go to the press-not a good idea. She said they'd handle it. Nothing happened. Vanin said they weren't going to mention anything to the press. She said she would only say the alleged incident is under investigation. She said it couldn't have been students from UMass, because UMass students wouldn't do that." Nietupski said that the Resident Director of his dormitory also discouraged him from talking publicly about the assault, saying, "You're not the type of person who's going to blow things out of proportion." During the next week, Nietupski met with campus police detectives. The detectives told him not to talk about the case, and not to go to the press, "because they distort facts." In May 1994, Nietupski said that he had had no contact with the police in more than a year. Neither had the administration been in touch with him. The assaults on him and on the other students had been successfully ig- nored. Nietupski was left with a scar on the left side of his head and no explanations. In the case of Arlens Barosy, where a black student was assaulted by a white non-student, the administration was public in its denunciation of racism. Ad- ministrators held meetings with students and issued proclamations of con- cern. In the case of Jason Nietupski, where a white student was assaulted by several blacks, the administration said nothing in denunciation of racism. At least one member of the administration actively discouraged the victim from talking openly about the case. The administration's "We'll handle it" meant that the incident was to be hushed up, forgotten. On 14 October 1993, the front page of the Boston Globe carried an article entided ~Minuteman comes under '90s-style fire." The story revealed that two days earlier a small group of students (some seventy-five out of a total university population of 93,000) had protested against the school mascot, the Min- uteman. The protesters were led by twenty-four-year-old junior Martin Jones, a veteran of the 1999 campus protests.Jones objected that the mascot is white, male, and armed, whereas UMass is diverse, nonsexist, and peace-loving. "Or at least it should be," according to Jones. m Reaction from the more than 100 UMass alumni who called the university was one of anger. University spokeswoman Kay Scanlon said, "My estimate is that we're running 100 percent in favor of keeping the Minuteman." Their reaction is understandable, given that in 1972 the university threw out its In- dian mascot to adopt the Minuteman. ~ Martin Jones made the news again a few days later when The Boston Globe published an article entitled "UMass student on hunger strike." Jones claimed he would "swallow nothing but water" until Chancellor David Scott (who had replaced O'Brien at the start of the fall semester) agreed to sponsor a debate on changing the Minuteman logo.Jones was quoted as saying, "I have committed my life to this issue. "H3 Brasor 85

Three days later, according to a campus newspaper, Jones and some of his supporters rallied on the steps of the Student Union to make several demands. The demands included renaming the Tower Library after W.E.B. DuBois, increasing the ALANA (non-white) student population to 20 percent and sponsoring a formal debate on the Minuteman logo. During the raUy, Michael Morrissey, one of the founders of the UMass Alumni and Stu- dents to Save the Minuteman and the editor-in-chief of the Collegian, pointed out "that the protesters had been allowed to use the fax machine of the Vice Chancellor for student affairs [Jo-Anne T. Vanin] to spread the word of their activities. "n4 Jones's hunger strike and his protest against the Minuteman ended that night when Chancellor Scott, accompanied by Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Vanin, took Jones and his mother out to dinner at Bertucci's, a local pizzeria, m On 11 February 1994, a group of fifty to seventy-five students entered the Undergraduate Admissions Center to protest an anticipated rise in tuition. Demanding that there be no increase in tuition, the students occupied the premises until about 3:00 a.m. the following morning. At that time, assured by Chancellor Scott that tuition would be held level, pending adequate appro- priations from the legislature, the students left. Following the takeover of the center, Arlene Cash, director of admissions, wrote a letter to the editor of the Collegian giving an account of the event from the perspective of those working in the building. It is worth quoting from her letter to understand the effects of a student takeover on university staff:

Upon arrival, student voices began chanting against tuition hikes. Soon, stamp- ing feet accompanied the rhythm, and we felt the shaking of our floors and the floors above us, a shaking so violent that pictures fell from walls and an overhead light fixture crashed from the ceiling. Students tried to roust us from the safety of our offices. The door banging started, the repetitive pounding of anger mis- placed against us. When that drew no result, huge slamming blows and kicks, screams telling us to "go home." Students came to take over a building, but some of them would not rest until they had taken over the people inside as well. We talked to one another from locked offices via phone and computer, weighing the risk of leaving our offices. Given the developing mob mentality, would our physical safety be at risk? Who was on the other side of the door? Who was behind the pounding fists and kicking feet? If we left, would students rush in to destroy our work, our personal property? How could we defend ourselves, our personal space, the work in which we had invested so much of ourselves? We experienced both fear of the frenzy outside our doors and anger at being victims of student terrorism. 116

Appended to the letter is an editor's note saying that the letter was signed by thirty Admissions Center employees. Vice Chancellor for Student AffairsJo-Anne Vanin was questioned by telephone a few days after the occupation of the Admissions Center about pos- 86 Academic Questions / Spring 1995

sible disciplinary action. She said that no disciplinary action was taken against the protesters. When asked whether those working at the Admissions Center had been inconvenienced by the takeover, Vanin admitted that they had and added, by way of explanation, "That's what happens when there are lots of students dem- onstrating. That's what demonstrations are supposed to do. "117 The graduate students who organized the occupation were proud of their activism and, if the following letter is any indication of their attitudes, were unconcerned about the effects of their actions on university staff. Shyamala Ivatury, president of the Graduate Student Senate, wrote the letter, titled "Graduates support building takeover," to the editor of the Collegian.

On behalf of the Graduate Student Senate, I would like to thank and con- gratulate the Student Government Association, UMass Student Trustee AI [Arnold] Lizana and all the concerned students for leading an organized and principled fight against tuition increases. As we all know, the University of Massachusetts at Amherst is the second most expensive public university in the country. The result is that higher education has become inaccessible for the working poor of this state, a disproportionate number of whom are people of color. In the struggle to lower the cost of higher education, the student protestors have highlighted the inherently racist and elitist consequences of this policy of continuous increases in tuition and fees. Risking their status as students, the protestors decided to fight for the future of the youth of Massachusetts and deserve the broadest possible support of all Massachusetts residents who, in fact, are the true shareholders of this Univer- sity. 118

If the student protesters were "risking their status as students," it could only have been in their imaginations. The historical pattern of the administration, confirmed in the cases of the takeovers of Whitmore, the Collegian offices, Memorial Hall, Washington Tower, and the Undergraduate Admissions Cen- ter has been to take no action whatsoever against student protesters. Chancellor Scott, like Chancellor O'Brien before him, has chosen to ignore student illegalities undertaken in the name of multiculturalism even when the students' victims are university employees. In addition, Scott sup- ports past inaction by the administration. Scott also confirmed, without comment, the administration's silence regarding the assault on Joshua Reynolds and the arrest of Alex Delgado. President Hooker, for his part, chose to condemn apparent racism by a white non-student against a black student, but to ignore alleged racist assaults by unidentified blacks (possibly students) against white students. Without significant changes in the way top administrators understand and handle campus affairs, more racial unrest, assaults, building occupations, and lawlessness are likely. Amherst's journey toward Weimar will continue. Bruor 87

Notes

1. Pamphlet on Social Thought and Political Economy Program, University of Massachu- setts at Amherst. 2. Pamphlet on STPEC. 3. STPEC Internship Policy statement (updated) [1992]. 4. IJflJustifi~ The STPEC Alumni/ae Newsletter, Summer 1992, p. 1, p. 7. 5. A~rmativeAction Plan, University of Massachusetts, September 1992-August 1993, p. 72. 6. A~rmatiw Action Plan, September 1992-August 1995, p. 72. 7. Announcement of Award Recipients, The Chancellor's Commission on Civility in Hu- man Relations (undated) [1994]. 8. Announcement of Award Recipients, [1994]. 9. Martin F. Jones, "Students rally to protest verdict," Ma~achusetts Daily Collegian, 1 May 1992. 10. "L.A. Trial Verdict Sparks Demonstrations, ~ Campus Chronicle, 8 May 1992. 11. Caldwell and Cannellos, Boston G/obe, 2 May 1992. 12. "L.A. Trial Verdict, etc., ~ Campus Chronicle, 8 May 1992. 13. "Protests Win Commitment to Hire Minority Faculty," Campus Chronicle, 8 May 1992. 14. Lisa Freiman, "cofleg/an still in hiding," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 5 May 1992. 15. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 5 May 1992. 16. Freiman, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 5 May 1992. 17. David Rivera, "Ten new minority faculty promised, ~ Massachu~tts Daily Collegian, 4 May 1992. 18. "Protests Win, etc.," Campus Chronicle, 8 May 1992. 19. Rivera, Maxva~usetts Daily Collegian, 4 May 1992. 20. Caldwell and Cannellos, Boston Globe, 2 May 1992. 21. Caldwell and Cannellos, Boston Globe, 2 May 1992. 22. Rivera, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 4 May 1992. 23. "Protests Win, etc.," Campus Chronicle, 8 May 1992. 24. Rivera, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 4 May 1992. 25. Rivera, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 4 May 1992. 26. "Protests Win, etc.,* Campus Chronicle, 8 May 1992. 27. Lefl Justifie~ TI~ STPEC Alumni/ae Newdetter, Summer 1992, p. 1. 28. Freiman, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 5 May 1992. 29. Freiman, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 5 May 1992. 30. Freiman, Mokcsa~usetts Daily Collegian, 5 May 1992. 31. Jean Caldwell, "UMass paper protesters win point, ~ Boston Globe, 7 May 1992. 32. Freinmn, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 5 May 1992. 33. Freiman, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 5 May 1992. 34. Jean Caldwell, "Critics of minority coverage intercept UMass student paper, ~ Boston G/obe, 5 May 1992. 35. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 5 May 1992. 36. Freiman, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 5 May 1992. 37. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 5 May 1992. 38. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 5 May 1992. 39. "Spring 1992," student flier #2. 40. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 7 May 1992. 41. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 7 May 1992. 42. Campus Tensions in Massachusetts Searchingfor Solutions in the Ninetiea (October 1992 ), p. 14. 43. BJ. Roche, ~A~ault by UMass protester is alleged, ~ Boston Globe, 20 May 1992. 44. Roche, Boston Globe, 20 May 1992. 45. Dan Wetzel, "Is mob rule any way to fight racism?" Boston Globe, 17 May 1992. 46. Jean Caldwell, "UMass-Amherst protesters storm office of student paper," Boston Globe, 8 May 1992. 88 Academic Questions / Spring 1995

47. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 8 May 1992. 48. C,aldwell, Boston Globe, 8 May 1992. 49. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 8 May 1992. 50. Cosmo Macero, Jr., "Protest flares anew at UMass' Collegian," Daily Hampshire Gazette, 8 May 1992. 51. Macero, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 8 May 1992. 52. Macero, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 8 May 1992. 53. Macero, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 8 May 1992. 54. Macero, Daily Hampshire Ga~tte, 8 May 1992. 55. Macero, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 8 May 1992. 56. Wetzel, Boston Globe, 17 May 1992. 57. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 8 May 1992. 58. Caldwell, Boston Globe, 8 May 1992. 59. John Riley, "Collegian bows to protest demands," Daily Hampshire Gazette, 9 May 1992. 60. "Collegian Concedes On Race Challenges Following Standoff," Campus Chronicle, 15 May 1992. 61. Riley, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 9 May 1992. 62. "Collegian Concedes, etc.," Campus Chronicle 15 May 1992. 63. Roche, Boston Globe, 20 May 1992. 64. Riley, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 9 May 1992. 65. Riley. Daily Hampshire Gazette, 9 May 1992. 66. Roche, Boston Globe, 20 May 1992. 67. Riley, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 9 May 1992. 68. Roche, Boston Globe, 20 May 1992. 69. Roche, Boston Globe, 20 May 1992. 70. Roche, Boston Globe, 20 May 1992. 71. Jeff Donn, "UM Co/leg/an threatened with civil suit," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 21 September 1992. 72. Cosmo Macero, Jr., ~Arrest startles UMass dorm," Daily Hampshire Gazette, 16 Septem- ber 1992. 73. Macero, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 16 September 1992. 74. Macero, Daily Hampshire Gazette, 16 September 1992. 75. Michelle Bayliss, "Teenager charged in assault on RA, ~ Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 2 November 1992. 76. ~Racial incidents in Washington Tower probed," Campus Chronicle, 9 October 1992. 77. Bayliss, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 2 November 1992. 78. Christina Rothwell, "Attack suspect told to stay off UM property," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 8 October 1992. 79. "Racial incidents in Washington Tower probed," Campus Chronicle, 9 October 1992 80. Rothwell, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 8 October 1992. 81. ~Racial incidents in Washington Tower probed," Campus Chronicle, 9 October 1992. 82. "Hooker, O'Brien condemn racial violence and acts of intolerance," Campus Chronicle, 9 October 1992. 83. ~Hooker, O'Brien condemn racial violence and acts of intolerance," Campus Chronicle, 9 October 1992. 84. Martin F. Jones, "UMass explodes with racial tensions," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 9 October 1992, 105. 85. Yvette Baez, "Rally e[x]presses anger, frustration," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 9 Oc- tober 1992. 86. Baez, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 9 October 1992. 87. Jones, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 9 October 1992. 88. Jones, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 9 October 1992. 89. Jones, Massachusetts Daily Co/leg/an, 9 October 1992. 90. Jones, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 9 October 1992. 91. "Students sit-in, etc.," Campus Chronicle, 9 October 1992. Brasor 89

92. Stacy Malone, "Building sit4n continues," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 8 October 1992. 93. Malone, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 8 October 1992. 94. Marc Elliott, "Notes from the Campus Center Basement, ~ Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 22 October 1992. 95. Christina Rothwell, "Memorial Hall occupiers stage Columbus teach-in," Massachusetts Daily Co/leg/an, 13 October 1992. 96. Rothwell, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 1S October 1992. 97. ~Action pledged against Columbus protesters, ~ Campus Chronicle, 23 October 1992. 98. Martin F. Jones, "Hooker hears concerns of UM community," Massachusetts Daily Colle- g/an, 14 October 1992. 99. Jones, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 14 October 1992. 100. Jones, Massac)tusetts Daily Collegian, 14 October 1992. 101. Jones, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 14 October 1992. 102. MicheUe Bayliss, ~Accord reached in minority negotiations," Massachusetts Daily Colle- g/an, 9 November 1992. 103. Bayliss, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 9 November 1992. 104. Christina Rothweli, "Assaults investigated: Unit looks at possible racial overtones," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 11 March 1993. 105. Michael Morrissey, "Assaults raise questions," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 12 March 1993. 106. Rothwell, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 11 March 1993. 107. Christina Rothwell, "UMass student beaten outside Munchy Store," Massachusetts Daily Co/leg/an, 10 March 1993. 108. Rothwell, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 10 March 1993. 109. Rothwell, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 10 March 1993. 110. Rothwell, Massachusetts Daily Collegian. 11 March 1993. 111. David Arnold, "Minuteman comes under '90s-style fire," Boston Globe, 14 October 1993. 112. Arnold, Boston Globe, 14 October 1993. 113. Jean Caldweil, "UMass student on hunger strike, Boston Globe, 19 October 1993. 114. Gregory Zenon, "UMass Patriots Defend the Minuteman," The Minuteman, November 1993. 115. Zenon, The Minuteman, November 1993. 116. Arlene Cash, "Admissions staff responds to protestors," Massachusetts Daily Collegian, 15 February 1994. 117. Author's telephone conversation withJo-Anne T. Vanin, 18 February 1994. 118. Shyamala Ivatury, "Graduates support building takeover," Massachusetts Daily Colle- 84an, 15 February 1994.