The Conservative Party's Approach to Devolution in 1997-1998 I II
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BDOHP Biographical Details and Index Lord Wright of Richmond
BDOHP Biographical details and index Lord Wright of Richmond (28.06.31-06.03.20) - career outline with, on right, relevant page numbers in the memoir to the career stage. Served Royal Artillery, 1950–51 p 3 Joined Diplomatic Service, 1955 pp 2-3 Middle East Centre for Arabic Studies, 1956–57 pp 3-6 Third Secretary, British Embassy, Beirut, 1958–60 - Private Secretary to Ambassador and later First Secretary, pp 12-15 British Embassy, Washington, 1960–65 Private Secretary to Permanent Under-Secretary, FO, 1965–67 pp 10-11 First Secretary and Head of Chancery, Cairo, 1967–70 - Deputy Political Resident, Bahrain, 1971–72 - Head of Middle East Department, FCO, 1972–74 - Private Secretary (Overseas Affairs) to Prime Minister, 1974–77 pp 7-10, 25, 34-35 Ambassador to Luxembourg, 1977–79 pp 30-31 Ambassador to Syria, 1979–81 pp 30-33 Deputy Under-Secretary of State, FCO, 1982–84 - Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, 1984–86 pp 33-34, 36 Permanent Under-Secretary of State and Head pp 11-12, of Diplomatic Service, 1986–91. 16-18, 21, 30 Member, Security Commission, 1993–2002. - General comments on Middle East and United States, pp 6-8; political versus professional diplomatic appointments, pp 15-20; retirement age in diplomatic service, pp 21-23; recruitment, pp 23-25; Foreign Office image, pp 38-40; John Major, pp 40-42; leaking of restricted papers, pp 43-45. Lord Wright of Richmond This is Malcolm McBain interviewing Lord Wright of Richmond at his home in East Sheen on Monday, 16 October 2000. MMcB: “Lord Wright, you were born in 1931, educated at Marlborough and Merton College, Oxford, you did a couple of years’ national service in the Royal Artillery, and then joined the Diplomatic Service, presumably after going to Oxford, in 1965. -
Copy of 2008122008-Cwells-Regulated
1 donation information continues on reverse Late reported donation by regulated donees 15 February 2001 - 31 January 2008 (where data is available) Regulated donee Donor organisation Donor forename Donor surname Donor status Address 1 Address 2 Jimmy Hood MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Keith Simpson MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Cheryl Gillan MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Elfyn Llwyd MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Ian Stewart MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Ian Stewart MP Manchester Airport Plc Company PO Box 532 Town Hall John Gummer MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Christopher Beazles BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Chris Smith MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Mike Weir MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Tony Worthington MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Ian Davidson MP BAA plc Company 130 Wilton Road Paul Tyler BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Matthew Taylor MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Menzies Campbell MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Archy Kirkwood BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road David Hanson MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Colin Breed MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road David Marshall MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Mark Oaten MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Diana Wallis MEP Manchester Airport Plc Company PO Box 532 Town Hall Christopher Ruane MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Tim Loughton MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Robert Wareing MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road Robert Wareing MP Manchester Airport Plc Company PO Box 532 Town Hall John McFall MP BAA Plc Company 130 Wilton Road -
Discussing What Prime Ministers Are For
Discussing what Prime Ministers are for PETER HENNESSY New Labour has a lot to answer for on this front. They On 13 October 2014, Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield FBA, had seen what the press was doing to John Major from Attlee Professor of Contemporary British History at Queen Black Wednesday onwards – relentless attacks on him, Mary, University of London, delivered the first British which bothered him deeply.1 And they were determined Academy Lecture in Politics and Government, on ‘What that this wouldn’t happen to them. So they went into are Prime Ministers for?’ A video recording of the lecture the business of creating permanent rebuttal capabilities. and an article published in the Journal of the British Academy If somebody said something offensive about the can be found via www.britishacademy.ac.uk/events/2014/ Government on the Today programme, they would make every effort to put it right by the World at One. They went The following article contains edited extracts from the into this kind of mania of permanent rebuttal, which question and answer session that followed the lecture. means that you don’t have time to reflect before reacting to events. It’s arguable now that, if the Government doesn’t Do we expect Prime Ministers to do too much? react to events immediately, other people’s versions of breaking stories (circulating through social media etc.) I think it was 1977 when the Procedure Committee in will make the pace, and it won’t be able to get back on the House of Commons wanted the Prime Minister to be top of an issue. -
Eyeless in Gaza 21
Acram 1/24/04 1:49 AM Page 19 19 Eyeless Michael Ancram: Good to see you. Lots has happened since we last met.1 I guess you have in Gaza been busy, Gaza has been interesting, I’m keen The liberation of Alan to hear what has been going on. How do you Johnston and the think things will go? imprisonment of Gaza Usamah Hamdan: I will start from the Mecca Agreement. At Mecca there were three Daily in the common Prison important points. The first one was on the else enjoyn’d me, National Unity Government; the second point Where I a Prisoner chain’d, covered the reform of the security services and scarce freely draw called for a new security plan for the Palestinian The air imprison’d also, territories, and the third point was on the reform close and damp, of the PLO and the new political arrangements Unwholsom draught … inside the Palestinian political body. That means John Milton, the relations within the PLO itself, the relations Samson Agonistes between the PLO and the Palestinian Authority, the internal Palestinian relations.2 And we [in the Hamas movement] went back to Gaza and within one month there was the formation of the Usamah Hamden National Unity Government. We started talking about security. There was a security plan that Michael Ancram MP was put forward and that was endorsed by the Jonathan Lehrle government and that was then endorsed by Abu Mark Perry Mazen himself as President.3 When we started to apply that [the security plan] on the ground we faced an important problem – which was that the main General in the security service failed to apply and rejected 1. -
Thatcher's Legacy from 1979 Into the 21St Century: Work Sheet
Thatcher’s Legacy from 1979 into the 21st Century: Work Sheet 1. Introduction This worksheet supports discussion of the film ‘Society Politics and Change: Exploring the Legacy of Thatcherism’. Reading is not essential, but it may aid understanding of the issues raised. Who was Margaret Thatcher? Margaret Thatcher came into power in 1979 as the first female Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. By the 1980s an ‘ism’ became attached to her name - ‘Thatcherism’. This represented a new branch of Conservative ideology which encompassed the role of competition and a free market, limited government involvement in industry, low taxes and individual responsibility. This framework of economic and social arrangements continued after Thatcher left office in 1991 and was pursued by following Prime Ministers, such as John Major (Conservative) and also Tony Blair (New Labour). Who made this film? A group of academics and a film-maker made this film together. It is based on a long-term study of Thatcherism – and the detailed findings of this research are available to read in online. The academics are Professor Stephen Farrall and Dr. Emily Gray. 2. The economy The graph below depicts unemployment from 1970 to 2010. It had been rising throughout the 1970s as companies began modernising their working practices, but it rose dramatically after the Conservatives took power in 1979, rising to over three million out of work in 1983. Unemployment hit Northern Ireland, along with the industrial areas of northern and central England as well as parts of Scotland. It impacted the working classes first, before a further rise in unemployment in the 1990s, which affected the middle classes and the housing market. -
“We Wanted a Parliament but They Gave Us a Stone” the Coronation Stone of the Scots As a Memory Box in the Twentieth Century
“We wanted a parliament but they gave us a stone” The Coronation Stone of the Scots as a Memory Box in the Twentieth Century JÖRG ROGGE In this article a memory box is presented, in which and to which different meanings were contained and attached in the course of seven centuries.1 This memory box is the coronation stone of Scottish kings, nowadays on display in Edinburgh Castle, the external form of which has remained for the most part unchanged. The roughly 150 kg heavy, 67 cm long, 42 cm wide and 28 cm high sandstone block was used in the Middle Ages at the inauguration of Scottish kings.2 In the course of history, however, it was removed from its original functional context and transferred to other cultural and political contexts. In this connection, both diachronic and also synchronic transfers of the coronation stone and the concepts of political order in the island of Britain stored in it were carried out. At present it is still an important memory box filled with political concepts, and it was and is a starting point for research into the relationship between the Scots and the English over the past 700 years. It is remarkable that this stone was used by nationally emotional Scots and also by the Government in London as symbol in important debates in the twentieth century. Historical recollections are transported by the Scots and the English with the stone that one may certainly call a container of memory. Here I 1 My thanks go to John Deasy for translating the German text into English as well as to the editors for finishing the final formatting. -
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity A dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy , Claire Elizabeth Harris Department of Politics, University of Sheffield September 2005 Acknowledgements There are so many people I'd like to thank for helping me through the roller-coaster experience of academic research and thesis submission. Firstly, without funding from the ESRC, this research would not have taken place. I'd like to say thank you to them for placing their faith in my research proposal. I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Andrew Taylor. Without his good humour, sound advice and constant support and encouragement I would not have reached the point of completion. Having a supervisor who is always ready and willing to offer advice or just chat about the progression of the thesis is such a source of support. Thank you too, to Andrew Gamble, whose comments on the final draft proved invaluable. I'd also like to thank Pat Seyd, whose supervision in the first half of the research process ensured I continued to the second half, his advice, experience and support guided me through the challenges of research. I'd like to say thank you to all three of the above who made the change of supervisors as smooth as it could have been. I cannot easily put into words the huge effect Sarah Cooke had on my experience of academic research. From the beginnings of ESRC application to the final frantic submission process, Sarah was always there for me to pester for help and advice. -
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript Date: Thursday, 24 May 2007 - 12:00AM PRIME MINISTERS IN THE POST-WAR WORLD: ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME D.R. Thorpe After Andrew Bonar Law's funeral in Westminster Abbey in November 1923, Herbert Asquith observed, 'It is fitting that we should have buried the Unknown Prime Minister by the side of the Unknown Soldier'. Asquith owed Bonar Law no posthumous favours, and intended no ironic compliment, but the remark was a serious under-estimate. In post-war politics Alec Douglas-Home is often seen as the Bonar Law of his times, bracketed with his fellow Scot as an interim figure in the history of Downing Street between longer serving Premiers; in Bonar Law's case, Lloyd George and Stanley Baldwin, in Home's, Harold Macmillan and Harold Wilson. Both Law and Home were certainly 'unexpected' Prime Ministers, but both were also 'under-estimated' and they made lasting beneficial changes to the political system, both on a national and a party level. The unexpectedness of their accessions to the top of the greasy pole, and the brevity of their Premierships (they were the two shortest of the 20th century, Bonar Law's one day short of seven months, Alec Douglas-Home's two days short of a year), are not an accurate indication of their respective significance, even if the precise details of their careers were not always accurately recalled, even by their admirers. The Westminster village is often another world to the general public. Stanley Baldwin was once accosted on a train from Chequers to London, at the height of his fame, by a former school friend. -
Young People & Brexit
YOUNG PEOPLE & BREXIT by Flavia Williams, Dominic Brind, and Thomas Peto Published by Our Future, Our Choice Our Future, Our Choice is a youth movement campaigning for a People’s Vote on the final Brexit deal. Our Future, Our Choice Millbank Tower, Millbank, Westminster, London SW1P 4QP www.ofoc.co.uk The authors would like to extend their thanks to all those who have helped with this report. As well as those who would prefer not to be named, we would like to thank Dr. Manmit Bhambra for her kind advice and guidance, and the policy team at Open Britain. !2 CONTENTS Foreword 4 The RT Hon Sir John Major KG CH .……………………………………………….……………………………………………………….. Executive Summary 7 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… An Outward Looking Generation 11 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… The Price of Brexit 14 Tommy Peto ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Youth Opportunity: Education and Employment 24 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Children and Brexit 27 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Securing Data after Brexit 31 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Protecting Young Workers 35 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… The Environmental Cost 38 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Bibliography 40 !3 FOREWORD The RT Hon Sir John Major KG CH Our decision to leave the EU is one of the most divisive policies in British history. Our Future, Our Choice sets out with great clarity the implications for young people, and I commend it warmly. Brexit has divided the component parts of the UK, placing England and Wales (as “Leavers”), in opposition to Scotland and Northern Ireland. It has divided our mainstream political parties; business and commerce; communities; friends — and even families. In many cases, these scars run deep. People who voted for Brexit did so with high hopes — most of which will be unrealised. We were told that we would keep the advantages of the Single Market. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
Conservative Party Leaders and Officials Since 1975
BRIEFING PAPER Number 07154, 6 February 2020 Conservative Party and Compiled by officials since 1975 Sarah Dobson This List notes Conservative Party leaders and officials since 1975. Further reading Conservative Party website Conservative Party structure and organisation [pdf] Constitution of the Conservative Party: includes leadership election rules and procedures for selecting candidates. Oliver Letwin, Hearts and Minds: The Battle for the Conservative Party from Thatcher to the Present, Biteback, 2017 Tim Bale, The Conservative Party: From Thatcher to Cameron, Polity Press, 2016 Robert Blake, The Conservative Party from Peel to Major, Faber & Faber, 2011 Leadership elections The Commons Library briefing Leadership Elections: Conservative Party, 11 July 2016, looks at the current and previous rules for the election of the leader of the Conservative Party. Current state of the parties The current composition of the House of Commons and links to the websites of all the parties represented in the Commons can be found on the Parliament website: current state of the parties. www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Conservative Party leaders and officials since 1975 Leader start end Margaret Thatcher Feb 1975 Nov 1990 John Major Nov 1990 Jun 1997 William Hague Jun 1997 Sep 2001 Iain Duncan Smith Sep 2001 Nov 2003 Michael Howard Nov 2003 Dec 2005 David Cameron Dec 2005 Jul 2016 Theresa May Jul 2016 Jun 2019 Boris Johnson Jul 2019 present Deputy Leader # start end William Whitelaw Feb 1975 Aug 1991 Peter Lilley Jun 1998 Jun 1999 Michael Ancram Sep 2001 Dec 2005 George Osborne * Dec 2005 July 2016 William Hague * Dec 2009 May 2015 # There has not always been a deputy leader and it is often an official title of a senior Conservative politician. -
The Conservative Parliamentary Party the Conservative Parliamentary Party
4 Philip Cowley and Mark Stuart The Conservative parliamentary party The Conservative parliamentary party Philip Cowley and Mark Stuart 1 When the Conservative Party gathered for its first party conference since the 1997 general election, they came to bury the parliamentary party, not to praise it. The preceding five years had seen the party lose its (long-enjoyed) reputation for unity, and the blame for this was laid largely at the feet of the party’s parliamentarians.2 As Peter Riddell noted in The Times, ‘speaker after speaker was loudly cheered whenever they criticised the parliamentary party and its divisions’.3 It was an argument with which both the outgoing and incoming Prime Ministers were in agreement. Just before the 1997 general election, John Major confessed to his biographer that ‘I love my party in the country, but I do not love my parliamentary party’; he was later to claim that ‘divided views – expressed without restraint – in the parliamentary party made our position impossible’.4 And in his first address to the massed ranks of the new parliamentary Labour Party after the election Tony Blair drew attention to the state of the Conservative Party: Look at the Tory Party. Pause. Reflect. Then vow never to emulate. Day after day, when in government they had MPs out there, behaving with the indiscipline and thoughtlessness that was reminiscent of us in the early 80s. Where are they now, those great rebels? His answer was simple: not in Parliament. ‘When the walls came crashing down beneath the tidal wave of change, there was no discrimination between those Tory MPs.