Julie Smith Liberal Parties in Europe s the UK was negotiating its departure the United Kingdom, even of Europhile Liberal from the European Union, one Liberal Democrats. Avoice appeared frequently on the British The Liberal Democrats have long been por- media: the European Parliament’s Brexit coordi- trayed as the most pro-European party in British nator, former Belgian prime minister, Guy Ver- politics, and indeed the early conversion of the hofstadt. He was invited to speak because of the Liberals to the European cause (see Wallace else- parliament’s role in approving any withdrawal where in this volume) and their impassioned calls agreement, but his parallel role as leader of the for an ‘exit from Brexit’ after the 2016 referendum Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in on EU membership might make this portrayal the European Parliament (EP) was undoubtedly wholly appropriate. Yet for many years their pro- significant to his thinking about the future of the Europeanism remained muted as the party’s cam- European Union. Yet for a British audience, Lib- paign strategists believed it was unlikely to win eral Democrats included, Verhofstadt’s language votes by espousing pro-European policies. Thus, and clear Euro-federalism served only to high- while the Liberals and later Liberal Democrats light the differences between the most commit- were signed up to the manifestos of the Euro- ted pro-Europeans in the EU27 and attitudes in pean Liberal ‘family’ for every set of European 46 Journal of Liberal History 98 Spring 2018 Liberal Parties in Europe Parliamentary elections from 1979 onwards, the cooperation so powerfully advocated by Robert discourse in the UK was typically less enthusi- Schumann in his eponymous Declaration of May astic than in many other European Liberal par- 1950 fitted well with the ideals that had under- ties. With notable individual exceptions such as pinned the creation of the Liberal International Andrew Duff, the most pro-European British just a few years earlier.2 Yet, the prospects for Lib- party fell far short of the federalist zeal of some eral parties were rather limited in Europe in the of its European sister parties. What appear pro- middle of the twentieth century as centrists of European positions in the UK may appear sub- right and left sought to take on a Liberal mantle dued and even intergovernmental in EU terms. while parties of the far right and far left contin- Meanwhile, so-called ‘like-minded’ parties ued to threaten Liberal values which had been so within the Liberal family could seem anything deeply challenged in the early years of century.3 but like-minded to those on the left of the Liberal Thus, while Liberals have been in office at vari- Democrats. ous times since the end of the Second World War, So, what brings European Liberal parties they were rarely key governing parties in West together if their views appear so different? What European countries in the early years of European do they have in common and what do they seek integration. to achieve? The aim of this article is to outline the The establishment in 1953 of the Common development of relations between Liberal par- Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Com- ties in Europe since the creation of the Common munity in Strasbourg saw the appointment of the Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Com- first European parliamentarians. At that time, munity (ECSC) in 1952. It looks at the factors that members of the Common Assembly were all led parties which sometimes seem radically dif- members of their respective national parliaments, ferent to join forces and remain within the Liberal ‘double-hatted’ to represent their constituents in family, while noting the fragmentary nature of their national parliaments and to represent the European-level party cooperation, where alli- ‘peoples of Europe’ in the Assembly. Government ances have often shifted around the time of the ministers meanwhile would represent the mem- five-yearly elections to the European Parliament, ber states in the Council of Ministers (and from as shown by the ever-changing titles used to 1974 in the European Council, which brought denote Liberals and their allies at European level.1 together presidents and prime ministers), as the It argues that some parties have sought to link up dual legitimation of Europe was established. The with Liberal parties (or indeed leave the Liberal nature of party politics in the founding member family) less for reasons of ideology than as a result states was such that only three party ‘families’ of the sheer practical understanding that larger were present in the early days of the Assembly: groupings have more influence within the Euro- Christian Democrats, Socialists/Social Demo- pean Parliament. crats and Liberals, although the Socialists were often rather reluctant Europeans in the early years. (Other parliamentary parties did exist in Origins of European integration and of certain states, but they were either too small or Liberal cooperation too extreme to be allowed to send delegates to an The European communities established in the Assembly whose membership consisted largely of 1950s, which paved the way for what we now MPs who were already supportive of the embry- know as the European Union, were created by onic integration process.)4 predominantly Christian Democrat politicians The symbolism of representing the people was in office throughout the six founding member not lost on the Liberal MPs taking their seats in states. Yet, if European integration was a Chris- European forums. When the Common Assembly The European tian Democrat initiative, European Liberals were met for the first time in 1953, the Liberal delegates Parliament chamber favourably inclined. Indeed, the logic of peaceful opted to sit with fellow Liberal parliamentarians in Strasbourg Journal of Liberal History 98 Spring 2018 47 Liberal parties in Europe from other countries in a ‘Liberals and Allies Liberal parties the establishment of the Federation of Liberal and Group’ rather than congregate on national lines: Democratic Parties of the European Community politics ‘beyond the nation state’ had begun. Yet, in Europe cover (ELD), a title that explicitly acknowledged the while symbolic representation may have started hybrid nature of the grouping. These disparities in the 1950s, it was wholly divorced from any a large swathe were rendered even more apparent over the years electoral dimension at the European level. More- as the ELD become the European Liberal, Demo- over, even though the MPs quickly identified of the politi- crat and Reform Party (ELDR), and even more so like-minded colleagues in the 1950s, questions cal spectrum, so with the creation in 2012 of the Alliance of Liber- about what constitutes a ‘Liberal’ party in Europe als and Democrats for Europe (ALDE).7 The fact were, and remain, contested as the integration finding common that the Liberals were seated to the right of the process evolved from the ECSC to include both European People’s Party in the European Par- the Atomic Energy and the Economic communi- cause on policy liament hemicycle gives a graphic indication of ties, before becoming the European Union (EU) where the party families were seen to fall on the in 1993, and membership expanded from just six matters has not political spectrum, even though the views of sev- member states in the 1950s to twenty-eight when eral parties would place them more clearly on the Croatia joined in 2013. always been easy. centre-left alongside the Liberal Democrats. Broadly speaking, The differences that characterised the Liberal ‘family’ at the outset of integration would only Who are our sister parties? they are divided become greater as the European Union expanded The show of unity that began in the early 1950s geographically, notably to countries that had masked considerable disagreements then as now. into social liber- been behind the Iron Curtain until thirty years The term ‘Liberal’ is never sufficient to indicate a ago. Repeated enlargements of the communities/ convergence of views. As Emil Kirchner has put als and economic union brought in countries with little experience it: ‘no clear definition has emerged as to what Lib- of Liberalism and, in the cases of the most recent eralism is or what Liberal ideology consists of.’5 liberals, although enlargements, rather transient parties and fluid Where social democrats might to refer to a coher- party systems. Those new democracies frequently ent set of values and principles, this cannot be the labels only saw the emergence of so-called Liberal parties universally assumed of Liberals for whom there is partially explain which materialised and declined with consider- no guiding canonical text, such as On Liberty, to able rapidity, having few real roots. A country which the Liberal Democrats look but others may the different atti- with three Liberal parties one day might soon find not. The works of Friedrich Hayek might give itself with none, raising questions about which a more apposite rendering of the views of some tudes and pol- parties to accept and how long they would last. continental Liberals. Yet, despite the shaky foundations, the newcom- Liberal parties in Europe cover a large swathe icy preferences ers strengthened the Liberal family. As Graham of the political spectrum, so finding common Watson noted, four of the countries that joined cause on policy matters has not always been easy. of those who the EU in 2004 proposed Liberals as their nomi- Broadly speaking, they are divided into social nees for the European Commission.8 By 2018, liberals and economic liberals, although the labels call themselves leaders of Liberal parties were the second most only partially explain the different attitudes Liberal. numerous in the European Council, with eight and policy preferences of those who call them- compared to the nine EPP prime ministers, a selves Liberal.