Global Hegemony Vs. Regional Hegemony: How the Us Strategically Influences Power

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Global Hegemony Vs. Regional Hegemony: How the Us Strategically Influences Power СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ КОНЦЕПЦИЙ И ИНСТИТУТОВ DOI: 10.24411/2221-3279-2020-10001 GLOBAL HEGEMONY VS. REGIONAL HEGEMONY: HOW THE US STRATEGICALLY INFLUENCES POWER Matthew Crosston American Military University, the United States of America Article history: Abstract: The article explores the controversial thesis that the United States strategically and consistently Received: maneuvers against the emergence of regional hegemons 19.07.2019 across the globe. Whether it is Russia in the former Soviet space, China across the South China Sea, the United States Accepted: works to disallow the expression of regional hegemonic 28.11.2019 power despite its own continued reliance on its global hegemony being accepted. The author goes to the heart About the author: of power positioning and exploitation in the 21st century: Professor, Program Director of Intelligence Studies; is the emergence of regional hegemons disruptive to Senior Doctoral Faculty, the global system or benefi cial? Is the United States’ Global Security and Strategic Intelligence concerns altruistic or selfi shly motivated by its own national security interests and global infl uence? Does it e-mail: [email protected] matter who is trying to wield regional infl uence? These and other questions are addressed, providing a new Key words: approach to understanding how power is being wielded hegemony; regionalism; today and for the foreseeable future. United States; foreign policy; Russia; China; power This article explores the controversial American power positioning and exploitation thesis that the United States strategically and in the 21st century. consistently maneuvers against the emergence Is the emergence of regional hegemons of regional hegemons across the globe. Whether disruptive to the global system? Are the it is Russia in the former Soviet space or China United States’ concerns about regional power across the South China Sea, the United States expressions altruistic or selfi shly motivated works to disallow the expression of regional by its own concerns about national security hegemonic power despite its own continued interests and its long-term global infl uence? reliance on its global hegemony being accepted. Does it matter who is trying to wield regional Up to now, most examinations have considered infl uence? These and other questions will be this simply an exercise of American foreign addressed, lensed through both the current policy and global positioning according to its state of thought on hegemony and real-world own best interests. What has gone largely absent empirical investigation, providing a new from this is how much our understanding of perspective on how American power today American hegemony (its structure, its theoretical is not just being utilized but projected out to underpinnings, and its ultimate purpose over other critical security regions of the world. time) can provide a better explanation not just Understanding how that projection is viewed of American positions but also the interaction (and adapted to/countered by) regional powers with major regional powers in this fi rst fi fth will provide unique insights into the medium- of the 21st century. Consequently, this article term future of systemic power and world goes to the heart of regional perceptions about order. COMPARATIVE POLITICS RUSSIA . 2020 Vol.11 No.1 5 СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ КОНЦЕПЦИЙ И ИНСТИТУТОВ The hegemony muddles another, this work posits a perhaps controversial assertion: that they are instead two sides of the The fi rst thing this work will declare is same American power coin and have, for years, what it is not: it is not a review of the mountains regularly been interchanged, often with one of literature that offers slightly different but being used to justify and rationalize the need ever-more complex interpretations of what for the other. Those who deal with hegemony hegemony is or isn’t. For the purposes of this strictly from the theoretical perspective might work, it will suffi ce to take the relatively benign easily miss this important distinction, for its and non-controversial defi nition of hegemony most vivid expressions come not within the as a prevailing order upheld by some mixture of academy but from the real world. Some have consensual and coercive forces and that across even taken to giving it a sinister-sounding most of the literature in international affairs autonomous nickname, The Deep State. But the term ‘hegemony’ has a generally more this article rejects the notion that the Deep State 1 benefi cial connotation than the term ‘empire.’ is something running perniciously alongside This work is also not challenging the assertion regular transparent power and undermining that since the end of WWII, and certainly since its most coveted principles. Rather, it is the the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the United functional amoral center of American foreign States has occupied unquestioned hegemonic policy power and it has for a long time been dominance within the global system. That actively serving the purpose of prolonging its dominance has been material, ideational, global hegemony and preventing the emergence institutional, and structural and pursued of any other contenders on the regional level. through both the aforementioned consensual This last point is important: too often 2 and coercive actions. discussions of American hegemony are focused What is more intriguing to this project is on the plausibility of a new player emerging teasing out that consensual/coercive dynamic and taking the crown, as it were. Since that within American global hegemony, how it has has always seemed an almost insurmountable impacted the development of regional power objective, most of these discussions have around the globe, and to what ultimate purpose. rejected the idea outright. The most liberal will Some works have deftly pointed out that this say simply that American hegemony is unlikely consensual/coercive diode has quite literally to continue forever and thus will eventually created a dual state: the ever-famous democratic dissipate, but to be replaced by...something other 3 one and the less-recognized security state. The than a new global hegemonic power. I am more former is always highlighted by the United States interested in how other major powers around and touted as the reason why American power the world (China, Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, should not ever be considered an empire proper, Nigeria, just to name some popular ones) have that its initiatives and actions can rightly be been met with resistance by American global seen as endeavoring to help the global common hegemony while trying to express their own good in numerous and diverse ways. The latter limited form of regional hegemony. What will is less public but increasingly more potent and be seen in this article is how that resistance is seems to be behind many global maneuvers perhaps the greatest evidence of the United that work against the ideals and principles of States doing everything it can to prevent future liberal Western traditions (think invasive mass contenders from ever emerging. American surveillance, rendition and indefi nite detention, hegemony is not resting on its laurels and it torture, and the violation of sovereignty). is not going complacently into the good night. While some like to point out these two ‘states’ It is, and has been, fi ghting tooth and nail for of hegemony as diametrically opposed to one its continued dominance on the world stage and has viewed regional hegemonic power 1 Good, A. American Exception: Hegemony and expression as a challenge of relevance that the Dissimulation of the State // Administration demands elimination. & Society, 2018, No. 50(1), pp. 4-29. 2 It is rather fascinating how the literature Ibid. has played close to this idea for quite some time 3 Ibid. 6 СРАВНИТЕЛЬНАЯ ПОЛИТИКА . 2020 Т.11 №1 СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ КОНЦЕПЦИЙ И ИНСТИТУТОВ but yet never explicitly made the connection to institutions.6 While this is indeed laudable as the impact it had on regional power around the a goal for humanity, it is curious that we have globe. not been able to draw strategic lines between Perhaps with the focus so exclusively this project and the manner in which America focused on whether or not a singular rival could has always tried to project is global power emerge to replace the United States it made it hegemonically. If you can get others to buy less possible to see the smaller-scale but so into the idea that your power is somehow ‘good signifi cant infl uence at the lower regional level. for all,’ then anyone rising to assert their own The debate, for example, about how second-tier grander power gestures would not just be about states seemed to not necessarily seek to frustrate themselves, or even about challenging the American power but rather aligned with the US United States, but actually serving as agitators is quite telling: it was the fear of rising regional against the common global good. powers (often emphasized to the second-tier It is an interesting conception, given that states by American foreign policy positions) the US has so actively tried to suppress publicity that made alignment with the global hegemon away from its pursuit of national interests and more attractive.4 The purpose of this debate cloak/veil them instead under the guise of this was to provide evidence as to why American benevolent form of hegemony. In short, rather hegemony, despite being weaker than in decades than being two different kinds, the security past, still might endure and be longer-lasting state in America has sought to rationalize its than anyone presumed. What the debate missed own actions by convincing others it is in fact was how this was not an organic event at all working for democratic hegemonism. Indeed, but rather the purposeful strategy of the United another form of this has been how globalization States to further undermine growing regional (the supposed projection of democratic power.
Recommended publications
  • John J. Mearsheimer: an Offensive Realist Between Geopolitics and Power
    John J. Mearsheimer: an offensive realist between geopolitics and power Peter Toft Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Østerfarimagsgade 5, DK 1019 Copenhagen K, Denmark. E-mail: [email protected] With a number of controversial publications behind him and not least his book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, John J. Mearsheimer has firmly established himself as one of the leading contributors to the realist tradition in the study of international relations since Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics. Mearsheimer’s main innovation is his theory of ‘offensive realism’ that seeks to re-formulate Kenneth Waltz’s structural realist theory to explain from a struc- tural point of departure the sheer amount of international aggression, which may be hard to reconcile with Waltz’s more defensive realism. In this article, I focus on whether Mearsheimer succeeds in this endeavour. I argue that, despite certain weaknesses, Mearsheimer’s theoretical and empirical work represents an important addition to Waltz’s theory. Mearsheimer’s workis remarkablyclear and consistent and provides compelling answers to why, tragically, aggressive state strategies are a rational answer to life in the international system. Furthermore, Mearsheimer makes important additions to structural alliance theory and offers new important insights into the role of power and geography in world politics. Journal of International Relations and Development (2005) 8, 381–408. doi:10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800065 Keywords: great power politics; international security; John J. Mearsheimer; offensive realism; realism; security studies Introduction Dangerous security competition will inevitably re-emerge in post-Cold War Europe and Asia.1 International institutions cannot produce peace.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Scholvin, Sören Working Paper Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization GIGA Working Papers, No. 128 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Scholvin, Sören (2010) : Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization, GIGA Working Papers, No. 128, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Emerging Era of International Competition Theoretical and Historical Perspectives
    Research Report C O R P O R A T I O N MICHAEL J. MAZARR, JONATHAN BLAKE, ABIGAIL CASEY, TIM MCDONALD, STEPHANIE PEZARD, MICHAEL SPIRTAS Understanding the Emerging Era of International Competition Theoretical and Historical Perspectives he most recent U.S. National Security KEY FINDINGS Strategy is built around the expectation ■ The emerging competition is not generalized but likely to of a new era of intensifying international be most intense between a handful of specific states. Tcompetition, characterized by “growing political, economic, and military competitions” ■ The hinge point of the competition will be the relation- confronting the United States.1 The new U.S. ship between the architect of the rules-based order (the United States) and the leading revisionist peer competitor National Defense Strategy is even more blunt that is involved in the most specific disputes (China). about the nature of the emerging competition. “We are facing increased global disorder, ■ Global patterns of competition are likely to be complex and diverse, with distinct types of competition prevailing characterized by decline in the long-standing 2 in different issue areas. rules-based international order,” it argues. “Inter-state strategic competition, not terrorism, ■ Managing the escalation of regional rivalries and conflicts is now the primary concern in U.S. national is likely to be a major focus of U.S. statecraft. security.”3 The document points to the ■ Currently, the competition seems largely focused on “reemergence of long-term, strategic competition status grievances or ambitions, economic prosperity, by what the National Security Strategy classifies technological advantage, and regional influence. as revisionist powers.”4 It identifies two ■ The competition is likely to be most intense and per- countries as potential rivals: China and Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Concept of Emerging Power in International Politics and Economy O Conceito De Potência Emergente Na Hierarquia Política E Econômica Internacional
    Brazilian Journal of Political Economy, vol 36, nº 1 (142), pp 46-69, January-March/2016 The concept of emerging power in international politics and economy O conceito de potência emergente na hierarquia política e econômica internacional PEDRO CEZAR DUTRA FONSECA LUCAS DE OLIVEIRA PAES ANDRÉ MOREIRA CUNHA* RESUMO: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o conceito de potências emergentes criado para a compreensão dos assuntos internacionais. O trabalho observa que o emprego do léxico emergentes – em relação aos mercados, países ou poderes – como qualificador para uma gama de fenômenos de relações internacionais tornou-se parte integrante da questão. Apesar disso, a denotação empírica do predicado está à frente da quantidade de esforços em sua contextualização teórica. Nossa hipótese metodológica é que a negação racional dos conceitos predominantes do espectro conotativo, reconhecendo a sabedoria incorporada sobre fenômenos cognatos sintetiza um quadro teórico sobre a sua utilização precisa. Palavras-chave: potências emergentes; potências regionais; potências médias; pemi- periferia. abstract: This paper aims to analyze the concept of emerging power established to the understanding of international affairs. The work observes that the use of the lexicon emerging – regarding to markets, countries or powers – as qualifier for a range of international relations phenomena became a constituent part of the matter. In spite of that, the empirical denotation of the predicate is ahead of the amount of efforts on its theoretical contextualization. Our methodological hypothesis is that the rational denial of the concepts prevailing connotative spectrum by acknowledging the embedded wisdom about cognate phenomena synthesizes a theoretical framework on its accurate use. KEYworDS: emerging powers; regional powers; middle powers; semi-periphery.
    [Show full text]
  • American Decline and Changing Global Hegemony Addison Daniel Huygens Iowa State University
    Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2017 American decline and changing global hegemony Addison Daniel Huygens Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Huygens, Addison Daniel, "American decline and changing global hegemony" (2017). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 16148. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/16148 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. American decline and changing global hegemony by Addison Daniel Huygens A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: Political Science Program of Study Committee: Richard W. Mansbach, Major Professor James M. McCormick Timothy S. Wolters The student author, whose presentation of the scholarship herein was approved by the program of study committee, is solely responsible for the content of this thesis. The Graduate College will ensure this thesis is globally accessible and will not permit alterations after a degree is conferred. Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2017 Copyright © Addison Daniel Huygens, 2017. All rights reserved. ii DEDICATION To my parents and sister who have loved, supported, and pushed me to improve and overcome. To my grandparents who always supported and believed in me during my studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Realism in Practice an Appraisal 
    EDITED BY DAVIDE ORSI, J. R. AVGUSTIN & MAX NURNUS Realism in Practice An Appraisal This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Realism in Practice An Appraisal EDITED BY DAVIDE ORSI, J. R. AVGUSTIN & MAX NURNUS ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2018 ISBN 978-1-910814-37-6 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-38-3 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please con- tact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials/scholarly use.
    [Show full text]
  • Bjørn Møller Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2
    Working Paper no. 57 - Regional and Global Axes of Conflict – THE AFRICAN UNION AS SECURITY ACTOR : AFRICAN SOLUTIONS TO AFRICAN PROBLEMS ? Bjørn Møller Danish Institute for International Studies August 2009 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © B. Møller, 2009 24 Crisis States Working Paper The African Union as a Security Actor: African Solutions to African Problems? Bjørn Møller Danish Institute for International Studies Introduction A Google search for the phrase ‘African Solutions to African Problems’ in April 2009 yielded almost 10,000 hits, indicating that it has indeed struck a cord, probably both in Africa and in the rest of the world. In Africa it seems to connote pride and a ‘can do attitude’. This marks a break with the not so distant past when all the continent’s problems were blamed – with considerable justification, to be sure – on the European colonialists and their neo-colonialist successors, a blame-passing that was usually accompanied by demands that the affluent and powerful West should solve Africa’s problems. The phrase thus signals a new and more constructive attitude, but it is not clear whether to understand it as a moral admonition, a political rallying cry or an empirical statement. Does it mean that all African countries have a special responsibility to help in solving problems anywhere on the continent simply as a function of their location? Or is the phrase simply intended as a ‘Come on, Africa!’ cheer as when spectators are cheering their favourite football team? Or should it be taken to mean that African solutions to problems in Africa are simply more likely to succeed than those promoted by extra-continental actors and often imposed on African nations.
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary Realism in Theory and Practice the Case of the Ukrainian Crisis
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository of the Academy's Library Polgári Szemle, 13. évf. 1–3. szám, 2017, 362–369., DOI: 10.24307/psz.2017.0930 József Golovics Contemporary Realism in Theory and Practice The Case of the Ukrainian Crisis Summary This paper analyzes the Ukrainian crisis through the lenses of the contemporary real- ist schools of the theory of international relations. One the one hand, it is claimed that Russian responses were motivated by the logic of the balance of powers, upset by actions taken by the West. On the other hand, we prove that realism still has signifi- cant explanatory power in the context of 21st century. Journal of Economic Literature (JEL) codes: F50, F51, F59 Keywords: international relations theory, realism, Ukraine, Russia The significance of realist thinking in international relations is unquestionable. Real- ism has been the predominant theory after the emergence of international relations as an academic discipline, and despite harsh criticism it has considerable relevance in the globalized world of the 21st century (Dunne–Schmidt, 2014:99–112). Never- theless, it cannot be regarded as the sole theory, as several schools of realism exist parallel to one another. Nowadays, and especially after the end of the Cold War, three different schools predominate the realist way of thinking: defensive realism, offensive realism and neo-classical realism. In this paper it is claimed that realism undoubtedly has a significant explanatory power in the field of international relations, however, different schools of realism József Golovics, PhD student, Corvinus University of Budapest, Interna- tional Relations, Multidisciplinary Doctoral School (jozsef.golovics@uni- corvinus.hu).
    [Show full text]
  • How to Compare Regional Powers: Analytical Concepts and Research Topics
    Review of International Studies (2010), 36, 881–901 2010 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S026021051000135X How to compare regional powers: analytical concepts and research topics DETLEF NOLTE Abstract. Although the concept of regional power is frequently used in International Relations (IR) literature, there is no consensus regarding the defining characteristics of a regional power. The article discusses different theoretical approaches that address the topic of power hierarchies in international politics and make reference to the concept of regional power. Marking differences as well as common ground with the more traditional concept of ‘middle powers’, the article outlines an analytical concept of regional powers adequate for contemporary IR research. The analytical dimensions of the framework may be employed to differentiate regional powers from other states and to compare regional powers with regard to their power status or relative power. Furthermore, the article investigates the possible repercussions of the rise of regional powers for international politics and discusses the probable importance and functions of regional governance structures for regional powers. Detlef Nolte is Dr. Phil. Political Science, University of Mannheim; Vice President of the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Hamburg; Director of the GIGA Institute of Latin American Studies, Hamburg; and Professor of Political Science (University of Hamburg). Detlef can be contacted at: {[email protected]}. Introduction The debate concerning regional power shifts, the rise of regional powers and the future configuration of the global order has been going on for a while. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, investment bankers promoted the concept of the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, China, India) as the future emerging economic powers to prospective investors.1 Having started as an analytical concept, in June 2009 the BRICs organised their first presidential meeting, making constructivist colleagues in International Relations (IR) theory feel reaffirmed.
    [Show full text]
  • Pathways to Peace, Progress, and Public Goods
    Pathways to Peace, Progress, and Public Goods: Rethinking Regional Hegemony By Charles Ripley A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Approved March 2013 by the Graduate Supervisory Committee: Roxanne Doty, Chair Sheldon Simon Lynn Stoner ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY May 2013 ABSTRACT The purpose of this dissertation is to study not only relations between Latin America and the United States, but also Latin American states with each other. It specifically aims to examine the extent to which the United States, the principal hegemonic power in the Americas, can play a constructive role by providing regional public goods. These goods include conflict resolution and economic progress. Although the United States has the potential to create such goods, it also has the potential to create public bads in the form of regional instability, political terror, and economic stagnation. This raises two fundamental research questions: Under what conditions can Washington play a positive role and if these conditions cannot be met, under what conditions can Latin American nations bypass the United States and create their own economic progress and conflict resolution strategies? Drawing upon qualitative research methods and case studies that have attracted scant academic attention, this dissertation finds that through regional multilateral diplomatic negotiations, the United States can play a positive role. However, due to U.S. parochial economic interests and the marginalization of diplomacy as a foreign policy tool, these conditions rarely occur. This research further finds, however, that through flexible regionalization Latin American nations can bypass the United States and create their own goods.
    [Show full text]
  • The People's Republic of China As a Counter-Hegemonic Actor
    The People’s Republic of China as a Counter-Hegemonic Actor Arthur Smith-Windsor [email protected] Introduction: with some considerations regarding the future viability of the current hegemonic system. The implications and nature of China’s rise is a subject of heavy debate within the dis- Beyond the “big two” international relations cipline of International Relations. In this paper, theories I will explore this pivotal development through When analysing China’s rise, it is common a neo-Gramscian lens to argue that China’s pol- for scholars to apply Neo-Realist and Liberal-In- icy of independent institution-building such stitutionalist theories of international relations,1 as that of the Asia Infrastructure Development as these perspectives offer straightforward and Bank (AIIB), its open desire to reshape the admittedly powerful theoretical frameworks for world system through global initiatives such as understanding the decision-making behaviour its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and its re- of states in the context of a dynamic interna- jection of international norms as demonstrated tional system. However, while Neo-Realist and by its activities in the South China Sea, demon- Liberal-Institutionalist theories offer compel- strate an open challenge to the US-led liberal ling arguments regarding the manner in which international order and firmly identify China as China, the United States, and other regional a counter-hegemonic actor. In developing this actors behave and react to changes in regional argument, I will first briefly explore the main- and global security environments, they ignore stream perspectives of neo-realism and liberal or heavily de-emphasize the role that ideology institutionalism as they relate to China’s rise, or ideational factors play in the strategic calcu- as these are two of the theoretical perspectives lations of states.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding “Hegemony” in International Relations Theories
    Aalborg University Development and International Relations Understanding “Hegemony” in International Relations Theories Written by: Goda Dirzauskaite Nicolae Cristinel Ilinca MAY 31, 2017 Understanding “Hegemony” in International Relations Theories ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes the concept of hegemony in the field of international relations. Commonly viewed and understood from different angles, the concept of hegemony appears to be fragmented and limited to philosophical and theoretical standpoints one has. Thus, this thesis attempted to comprehensively compare conceptualizations and understandings of the concept placed in different theories. Three theories of international relations were chosen for a comparative method: neo-realism, neo- liberalism and neo-Gramscianism. The thesis took use of the constructive paradigm with a relativist ontology and subjective epistemology. Firstly, the chosen theories are reviewed in terms of their basic assumptions and philosophical considerations, further incorporating the concept of hegemony into review. Commonalities and varying differences of the theories are highlighted. In addition, this thesis includes empirical data collected from secondary sources to illustrate explanations of American hegemony through the different theories` standpoints. The conception of hegemony is found to differ in two principal terms: actors who pursue hegemony and underlying conditions to establish and maintain hegemony. States are potential hegemons in neo-liberal and neo-realist theories, while neo-Gramscian state
    [Show full text]