Containing Tito: U.S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Containing Tito: U.S View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bilkent University Institutional Repository CONTAINING TITO: U.S. AND SOVIET POLICIES TOWARDS YUGOSLAVIA AND THE BALKANS The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by LEVENT İŞYAR In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2005 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in History. ...................................... Asst. Prof. Dr. Edward P. Kohn Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in History. ...................................... Prof. Dr. Evgeni Radushev Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in History. ...................................... Assistant Professor Dr. Nur Bilge Criss Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences …………………….…. Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel Director ABSTRACT CONTAINING TITO: U.S. AND SOVIET POLICIES TOWARDS YUGOSLAVIA AND THE BALKANS, 1945-1955 İşyar, Levent M.A., Department of History Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. Edward P. Kohn September 2005 This thesis examines the early Cold War in the Balkans by bringing historical and regional factors into play. In particular, it focuses on the plans for a Balkan federation and the Balkan Pact. The major actor in these cooperation attempts was Yugoslavia, and it was a privileged state in its relations with the superpowers. By putting Yugoslavia into the centre of analysis, this thesis reconsiders this period and the influence of these two regional alliances upon the regional and Cold War relations. Balkan federation plans were the extension of historical tendencies of the contributing parties. Balkan Pact was completely a Cold War tool but its demise was triggered by non-Cold War reasons rooted in the regional relations. Early Cold War in the Balkans should be studied by treating the role of historical and regional factors as equal with the superpower policies. Key Words: Tito, Yugoslavia, Balkan Federation, Balkan Pact, Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, Soviet Union, U.S.A., Cold War. iii ÖZET TİTO’YU ÇEVRELEMEK: AMERİKA VE SOVYETLERİN YUGOSLAVYA VE BALKAN POLİTİKALARI, 1945-1955 İşyar, Levent Yüksek Lisans, Tarih Bölümü Tez Yöneticisi: Yrd. Doç. Dr. Edward P. Kohn Eylül 2005 Bu tez Balkanlarda Soğuk Savaş’ın erken dönemlerini tarihsel ve bölgesel etkenleri de hesaba katarak incelemektedir. Özellikle, Balkan federasyonu planları ve Balkan Paktı’na odaklanmaktadır. Yugoslavya bu işbirliği çabalarında temel aktördü ve süpergüçlerle ilişkilerinde imtiyazlı bir ülkeydi. Tez Yugoslavya’yı analizin merkezine koyarak bu dönemi ve iki bölgesel ittifakın bölge ve Soğuk Savaş üzerindeki etkilerini yeniden ele almaktadır. Balkan federasyonu planları katılan tarafların tarihsel eğilimlerinin Soğuk Savaş’taki uzantısıdır. Balkan Paktı ise tamamen bir Soğuk savaş aracıdır ama çöküşünü kökü bölgesel ilişkilerde yatan Soğuk Savaş dışı sebepler tetiklemiştir. Balkanlardaki erken dönem Soğuk Savaş, tarihi ve bölgesel etkenlerin rolünü süpergüç politikalarıyla eşit muamele ederek çalışılmalıdır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Tito, Yugoslavya, Balkan Federasyonu, Balkan Paktı, Türkiye Yunanistan, Bulgaristan, Sovyetler Birliği, ABD, Soğuk Savaş iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In the preparation of this thesis, my thanks are due above all to my mother and brother. Their support has served me as a backbone for years. Thanks Leyla and Bülent İşyar; all for one, one for all! My special debt of gratitude is owed to Edward P. Kohn, my mentor, my master, for his devotion in the organizational work. May the Force be with him! Special thanks to Nur Bilge Criss and Evgeni Radushev for the meticulous care she and he invested in the editing work. I also received great deal of advice from many other academics. I am particularly grateful to all good people of Bilkent History Department for their fruitful collaboration. I am thankful to total strangers who indirectly supported me, namely Dimitrakopulo Wines Inc., British-American Tobacco Inc. and internet reversi players. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ..............................................................................................................iii ÖZET..........................................................................................................................iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......................................................................................v TABLE OF CONTENTS..........................................................................................vi CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION..............................................................................1 CHAPTER II: THE BALKANS UNTIL THE COLD WAR.................................8 2.1 Introduction...............................................................................................8 2.2 Attempts and Extent of Cooperation after the Great War.................11 2.3 Balkan Entente........................................................................................12 2.4 World War II and Its Impact on the Balkans......................................18 2.4.1 Turkey and the Soviet Threat.................................................18 2.4.2 Greece and Greek Civil War..................................................21 2.4.3 Tito Strikes Back......................................................................24 2.5 Conclusion................................................................................................27 CHAPTER III: PLANS FOR A BALKAN FEDERATION.................................29 3.1 Introduction.............................................................................................29 3.2 Initial Plans for a Balkan Alliance........................................................30 3.3 Moscow-Belgrade Relations: Tito-Stalin Conversation of May 27-28, 1946......................................................................................34 3.3.1 Tito: Mission Greece! .............................................................36 3.3.2 Yugoslav-Albanian Relations..................................................39 vi 3.4 Yugoslavia and the U.S...........................................................................41 3.5 Resurrection of Cominform...................................................................46 3.6 Background to the Crisis: From Secret Soviet-Bulgarian-Yugoslav Meeting of February 10, 1948 to the Tito-Stalin Split.........................49 3.6.1 Last Phase: Cold War Crisis and the End of Tito’s Balkan Dream.................56 3.7 Conclusion: Entirely New Problem.......................................................63 CHAPTER IV: TRANSITION PERIOD: WHEN THE DEVIL WAS SICK, THE DEVIL A MONK WOULD BE..........................................................67 4.1 Introduction.............................................................................................67 4.2 Difficulties of Developing a Sound Policy Towards Yugoslavia.........69 4.2.1 Danube Conference and the Early Symptoms......................73 4.3 Good-bye Uncle Joe - Welcome Uncle Sam..........................................75 4.3.1 American Support Without Strings Please!..........................78 4.4 NSC 68 and the Korean War.................................................................80 4.4.1 What about aiding a Communist Country?..........................82 4.5 The Road to the Balkan Alliance is Opened.........................................84 4.5.1 Passionate Neighbors: Turkey, Greece and Yugoslavia.......87 4.6 Conclusion: Great Expectations and Unstatisfying Results................96 CHAPTER V: CACOPHONY: THE ROAD TOWARDS THE BALKAN PACT..........................99 5.1 Introduction.............................................................................................99 5.2 One Alliance Born, One Leader Dies..................................................100 5.3 Military Talks and Turkish-Greek Competition...............................102 5.3.1 Full Throttle...........................................................................105 vii 5.4 U.S. Increases Control and Tito’s Maneuvers................................................107 5.4.1 The Question of How to Slow Down the Process................109 5.4.2 Big Brothers and the Text of the New Treaty.....................112 5.5 Happy End: Dulles’ Scheduling and the Balkan Pact.......................115 5.6 Surprising Developments in the Cold War and the Balkans............120 5.6.1 Tito- Khrushchev Correspondence......................................120 5.6.2 Cyprus Issue...........................................................................124 5.7 Conclusion.............................................................................................127 CHAPTER VI: CONCLUSION............................................................................129 BIBLIOGRAPHY...................................................................................................137 APPENDICES.........................................................................................................147 APPENDIX I...............................................................................................147
Recommended publications
  • Marshall Plan & Berlin Airlift
    Objectives: 1. Explain how the Marshall Plan, the Berlin airlift, and the creation of NATO helped achieve American goals in postwar Europe. 2. Assess the impact of two Communist advances on American foreign policy. 3. Summarize the effects of the cold war on American life. Main Idea: As the cold war intensified, American policy focused on rebuilding and unifying Western Europe. At home, emotionally charged spy cases raised fears of Communist infiltration into American society and government. Marshall Plan & Berlin Airlift • Secretary of State George C. Marshall created an economic plan to rebuild Europe after World War II. The Soviet Union and their Eastern European allies refused to take part in the Marshall Plan, but 16 European countries did accept economic aid from the U.S. ($13 billion over 4 years). • In 1948, to keep people from fleeing communism, Stalin blockaded Berlin. To avoid a war, the U.S. and Britain airlifted supplies to Berlin for 15 months called the Berlin Airlift. 1948 Berlin Airlift NATO & Warsaw Pact In 1949, NATO created a military alliance between 10 Western European countries, the U.S., and Canada. The countries viewed an attack against one country, as an attack against them all. In 1949, China becomes communist and Soviets create their atomic bomb, causing the U.S. to drastically increase peacetime defense spending to enforce Containment. In the 1950s, President Eisenhower will continue with Containment, even though his Secretary of State John Dulles wanted to end communism. The U.S. did not interfere in situations involving Soviet Satellite Nations. President Eisenhower did not want the Cold War to become an actual war.
    [Show full text]
  • Truman Doctrine / Marshall Plan, Comecon & Cominform
    Cold War Aim: To understand how USA used financial develops… aid to fight Communism in post-war Europe (Marshall Plan) Imagine you were reading this at the breakfast table, have a conversation with your neighbour, what might have been said? How does this headline make you feel? What is it trying to say? Key terms: Before WW2 After WW2 Isolationism: Containment: US policy before WW2 was US policy after WW2 was Isolationism, basically staying Containment (limiting the out of other countries affairs, spread of something), basically especially Europe’s as it is “so stopping the spread of far away” anyway! Communism outside a small number of countries What was the impact of the Truman Doctrine? Kennan’s ’Long Telegram’ confirmed Truman’s worst fears Stalin intended to spread Communism across Europe Truman’s military advisors told Truman the Soviets weren't strong enough to fight the USA. Truman said they didn't need to fight to increase their territories and power. What would you do if you were Truman at this stage? What can you see here, and why might this help Stalin out? Post war damage in Europe • Many European countries were in ruins • Homes, factories, infrastructure (roads, railways) • Poverty increases with anger and desperation Communism is actually quite attractive right now, the wealth of the rich will be redistributed (shared) to help us all, not just the few at the top! I see what Stalin is offering us! So, you see, Stalin doesn't need to go to war, he has a perfect scenario, the people are already discontented, he When you put
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 26: the Origins of the Cold War Chapter Review
    Chapter 26: The Origins of the Cold War Chapter Review Terms United Nations: 1. An international peacekeeping organization 2. Founded in 1945 a. Represented 50 nations 3. Purpose a. Promote world peace b. Promote security c. Promote economic development Satellite Nations: 1. A country dominated politically and economically by another. a. Much of Eastern Europe became part of the Soviet Union as satellite nations Containment: 1. A measure used to block another nation’s attempts to spread its influence to other nations Iron Curtain: 1. Term used to describe the imaginary line separating Communist Eastern block countries with Western Europe. 2. Terminology first used by Winston Churchill in 1946 Cold War: 1. A conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union a. Neither country directly confronted the other in a battle situation 2. Dominated world affairs from 1945‐1991 3. Dominated United States foreign policy between 1945‐1991 Truman Doctrine: 1. United States policy during the Truman Administration a. Presented by Truman in 1949 2. Doctrine provided economic and military aid to free countries under the threat of takeover a. Threat by internal or external forces 3. Stopped communism in Greece Marshall Plan: 1. Plan was proposed by Secretary of State George Marshall in 1947 a. United States would provide economic aid to help European nations rebuild following World War II. Berlin Airlift: 1. An operation where the United States and Britain flew supplies into West Berlin in 1948. a. Began when the Soviet Union blockaded the city 2. Operation lasted 327 days a. They made 277,000 flights b.
    [Show full text]
  • The Balkan Entente in Turkish-Yugoslav Relations
    Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić To cite this article: Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić (2016) The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective, Middle Eastern Studies, 52:6, 1011-1024, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 Published online: 18 Aug 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 113 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 Download by: [Koc University] Date: 16 January 2017, At: 00:18 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES, 2016 VOL. 52, NO. 6, 1011À1024 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 The Balkan Entente in TurkishÀYugoslav relations (1934À41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlasa and Anđelko Vlasicb aDepartment of History, Koc¸ University, _Istanbul, Turkey; bCroatian Institute of History, Branch for the History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranya, Slavonski Brod, Croatia Most of the works written in Turkey on the formation of the Balkan Entente in 1934 and its effects on the region reflect the Turkish perspective. This perspective intended to glorify the role of Turkey, by emphasizing how Ankara initiated such a pact and was able to con- vince other Balkan countries to participate in its establishment. In other words, the Turkish perspective underlined how Ankara’s policy was driven not by self-interest, but by the interests of all Balkan countries during the formation of the Balkan Entente.1 However, in other Balkan countries, there exist more nuanced views of the Balkan Entente and the Turkish role in its formation.
    [Show full text]
  • France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
    France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so.
    [Show full text]
  • At the Core of the Cold War: Soviet Foreign Policy and the German Question 1945-1990
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1991 At the Core of the Cold War: Soviet Foreign Policy and the German Question 1945-1990 Marc Randall Cheek College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Cheek, Marc Randall, "At the Core of the Cold War: Soviet Foreign Policy and the German Question 1945-1990" (1991). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625680. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-jxmr-vm44 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AT THE CORE OF THE COLD WAR: SOVIET FOREIGN POLICY AND THE GERMAN QUESTION 1945 - 1990 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Marc R. Cheek 1991 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Author Approved, September 1991 Michael T. Clark ClaytonyM. Clemens . ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...................................... iv ABSTRACT.............................................. V INTRODUCTION.......................................... 2 I. PROVOKING THE WEST, 1945 TO 1955.................. 13 II. THE POLARIZATION OF EUROPE, 1955 TO 1961.......... 19 III. CONSOLIDATING SOVIET HEGEMONY, 1961 TO 1968......
    [Show full text]
  • Nasserism 1 Nasserism
    Nasserism 1 Nasserism Nasserism Ideology Arab nationalism, Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism Nasserism is an Arab nationalist political ideology based on the thinking of the former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It was a major influence on pan-Arab politics in the 1950s and 1960s, and continues to have significant resonance throughout the Arab World to this day. It also metamorphosed into other nationalist movements during the 1970s. However, the scale of the Arab defeat in the Six Day War of 1967 severely damaged the standing of Nasser, and the ideology associated with him. Nasser himself died in 1970, and certain important tenets of Nasserism were revised or abandoned totally by his successor as Egyptian President, Anwar El-Sadat. During Nasser's lifetime, Nasserist groups were encouraged and often supported financially by Egypt, to the extent that many became seen as willing agents of the Egyptian Government. Ideology Nasserism is an Arab nationalist and pan-Arab ideology, combined with a vaguely defined socialism, often distinguished from Eastern bloc or Western socialist thought by the label 'Arab socialism'. Though opposed ideologically to Western capitalism, Arab socialism also developed as a rejection of communism, which was seen as incompatible with Arab traditions, and the religious underpinnings of Arab society. As a consequence, Nasserists from the 1950s to the 1980s sought to prevent the rise of communism in the Arab World, and advocated harsh penalties for individuals and organizations identified as attempting to spread communism within the region. Though mindful of the Islamic and Christian heritage of the Arab World, as with Ba'athism, Nasserism is largely a secular ideology.[1] [2] Just as with other manifestations of Arab nationalism, this led to direct conflict with Islamic orientated Arab political movements from the 1950s onwards, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood.
    [Show full text]
  • Conspiracy of Peace: the Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Conspiracy of Peace: The Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956 Vladimir Dobrenko A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2015 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 90,957 words. Statement of conjoint work I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by John Clifton of www.proofreading247.co.uk/ I have followed the Chicago Manual of Style, 16th edition, for referencing. 2 Abstract This thesis deals with the Soviet Union’s Peace Campaign during the first decade of the Cold War as it sought to establish the Iron Curtain. The thesis focuses on the primary institutions engaged in the Peace Campaign: the World Peace Council and the Soviet Peace Committee.
    [Show full text]
  • Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
    Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma­ lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi­ ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate­ gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo­ slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo­ slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'.
    [Show full text]
  • The Basic Principles and Practices of the Turmsh Foreign Policy Under Atatürk
    THE BASIC PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES OF THE TURMSH FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ATATÜRK YÜCEL GÜÇLÜ The fifteen years during which the Republican Turkey had been in existence under Kemal Atatürk's leadership were filled with an almost incredible activity in every field—including the foreign affairs. Few more surprising metamorphoses were recorded in history than the transformation which in the course of one decade and a half had changed old Turkey into a progressive modern country and a pillar of peace and stability in the Balkan Peninsula, in the eastern Mediterranean and in Western Asia. Turkey enjoyed the respect of all. No one dreamed of interfering in its internal affairs. Its neighbours, far from watching for opportunities to despoil it, were anxious to cultivate its friendship and they welcomed its co-operation in maintaining their common interests. Turkish diplomacy, in the period between the two world wars, wise and moderate as it showed itself, as well as vigorous and far-seeing, could not have accomplished so much if it had not been supported by radical reforms at home removing old shackles and inhibitions and opening the way for a tremendous revival of national energy and for a great development of national resources, both economic and cultural. The Turkish Constitution of 1924 had reserved a special foreign policy role to the President of the Republic. The President was well acquainted with the nation's diplomatic and security concerns. Atatürk had able lieutenants and devoted followers; but the realism and radicalism that marked Turkish foreign and internal policy since the foundation of the Republic were the fruit of his original genius.
    [Show full text]
  • 1950-1960 Arası Türkiye'de Uygulanan Sosyo-Ekonomik Politikalar
    Mustafa Kemal Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi Mustafa Kemal University Journal of Social Sciences Institute Yıl/Year: 2012 Cilt/Volume: 9 Sayı/Issue: 19, s. 47-63 1950-1960 ARASI TÜRKİYE’DE UYGULANAN SOSYO-EKONOMİK POLİTİKALAR Arş. Gör. Osman Cenk KANCA Kafkas Üniversitesi İİBF, İktisat Bölümü, [email protected] Özet Demokrat Parti 1950 yılında 27 yıllık tek parti iktidarına seçimle son vermiştir. DP iktidarı döneminde siyaset, halkın tabanına yayılmış böylelikle Türk siyasal hayatına pozitif katkıda bulunurken baskıcı devletçi anlayıştan milli, liberal bir sosyo-ekonomik yapının doğmasını sağlamıştır. Tarım reformu, dış ticaretin serbestleştirilmesi, yatırım harcamalarının yükselişi, sanayileşmede özel sektöre öncülük verme, işçilere yönelik sosyal politika yasalarının çıkarılması dönemin en belirgin özellikleri arasında yer almaktadır. Bu bağlamda Türkiye’de katı politik yapı son bulmuş ve ülke tarihinin en önemli değişimine tanık olmuştur. Çalışmada DP dönemindeki sosyo-ekonomik politikalar incelenmiştir. Bu inceleme gerçekleştirilirken bazı makro ekonomik göstergelerden yararlanılmıştır. Çalışmanın bir durum tespit araştırması olmasından hareketle anılan dönemin ilk yarısında gerek sosyal gerekse ekonomik gidişatın iyi olduğu izlenmiştir. Ancak dönemin ikinci yarısı itibariyle üstteki gelişmelerin tam anlamıyla sağlanabildiğini söylemek güçtür. Anahtar Kelimeler: Demokrat Parti, Sosyo-Ekonomik Politikalar, Siyasal Tarih, Adnan Menderes. SOCIO-ECONOMIC POLICIES APPLIED IN TURKEY BETWEEN THE YEARS OF 1950-1960
    [Show full text]
  • YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
    YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process.
    [Show full text]