DOCSLIB.ORG

Diplomarbeit

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Diplomarbeit Diplomarbeit Titel der Diplomarbeit „They haven't gone away, you know?“ Northern Ireland After the Peace Agreement in 1998 Verfasserin Valerie Erwa angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. phil) Wien, im Dezember 2010 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 307 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Kultur- und Sozialanthropologie Betreuer: Ao. Univ. Prof. Mag. DDr. Werner Zips “They haven't gone away, you know?” Northern Ireland after the Peace Agreement in 1998 To those who remain unheard And to Chris, my friend and comrade in struggle for life, politics and happiness La lucha continua! Table of Contents Preface............................................................................................................... v Acknowledgements..........................................................................................vi Abbreviations....................................................................................................vii Chapter 1. “They haven't gone away, you know?”......................................1 1.1. An Introduction..................................................................................... 1 1.2. No Typical Colony ............................................................................... 3 1.3. After the Peace Treaty..........................................................................5 1.4. On Division........................................................................................... 7 Chapter 2. A Brief History of Northern Ireland............................................10 2.1. Plantation and Early Formation..........................................................10 2.2. The Birth of a Country – Northern Ireland's Nascence......................13 2.3. Civil Rights..........................................................................................15 2.4. Bloody Sunday – A date impossible to avoid.....................................16 2.5. The Collapse of the State...................................................................18 2.6. The Peace Process............................................................................ 20 2.7. The Good Friday Agreement..............................................................21 Chapter 3. Theoretical Concepts.................................................................23 3.1. Why Governance?.............................................................................23 3.1.1. Governance Concepts........................................................... 24 3.1.2. Who are the Actors?.............................................................. 29 3.2. Embedded.........................................................................................33 3.2.1. What is Habitus?...................................................................33 3.2.2. Durable - but not eternal.......................................................39 3.2.3. We're one but we're not the same.........................................40 3.2.4. Tool Kit..................................................................................41 3.3 Violence and the Effects of Violence..................................................43 3.3.1. Public Support of Violence....................................................48 3.3.2. It's the wall in people's minds................................................52 3.3.3. Reflexivity..............................................................................52 3.3.4. Interviews..............................................................................54 Chapter 4. Loyalist Paramilitaries and the Situation Now.........................57 4.1. Paramilitary Nicknames..................................................................... 58 4.2. They haven't gone away, you know?.................................................59 4.2.1. A Paramilitary Country........................................................... 59 4.2.2. They are like Chameleons – Formation of Paramilitaries.....60 4.2.3. Ian Paisley.............................................................................62 4.2.4. The Civil Rights Movement....................................................63 4.2.5. First Steps in a Post War Society.......................................... 60 4.3. The UVF – The Men in Black............................................................. 70 4.4. The UDA – Simply the Best................................................................72 4.5. Fighting for Peace.............................................................................. 75 4.5.1. Just because it's legal it doesn't make it right.......................77 4.5.2. Different Arms ....................................................................... 79 4.5.3. New Volunteers......................................................................80 4.5.4. Never-ending Story................................................................81 4.5.5. The 2005 Feud...................................................................... 82 4.5.6. Friendship.............................................................................. 83 4.5.7. Believers................................................................................ 83 4.5.8. Supporting the Unpopular......................................................84 4.5.9. State Forces...........................................................................85 4.5.10. Recruitment............................................................................86 4.5.11. Infiltration............................................................................... 87 4.5.12. Funding – who's going to pay for it?......................................87 4.5.13. Funding Today....................................................................... 88 4.6. Governance and Paramilitaries..........................................................89 4.7. Future Scenarios................................................................................ 91 4.7.1. Opinions on the Future..........................................................92 4.7.2. Endangerments for the Peace Process................................94 4.7.3. The Hope for a continuing Peace ......................................... 95 Chapter 5. Conclusion..................................................................................95 Chapter 6. References................................................................................100 Appendix 1: Additional Reading.................................................................cvii Appendix 2: Internet Sources......................................................................cx Appendix 3: Pictures....................................................................................cxi Appendix 4: Formal Interviews...................................................................cxii Appendix 5: Informal Conversations and Anonymous Sources.............cxii Preface It needs to be mentioned here, that the literature on Northern Ireland is vast, compared to the size of the country, but small in information regarding what I was aiming to explore. Many have looked rather closely at paramilitaries, at the unique historical circumstances as well as in the field of political science at the indeed very interesting peace treaty and it's aftermath. Even though the literature is so unnaturally large, I haven't found a book, nor an article, on the concrete topic I wanted to analyze. What happened to paramilitaries after the Peace Agreement is a question treated in some books, mainly they describe demilitarization and decommissioning. What I wanted to examine, in how far paramilitaries have changed towards a Mafia network and thus are integrated in all levels of daily life, from private sector to the government decisions. During my fieldwork I have also been “warned” not to dig deeper. “Fieldwork under fire” can have many different meanings, in my case I was lucky to know the country so well. Through this I could adapt certain ways of behaviour as well as the Belfast- dialect, which is in my opinion a very important factor to gain people's trust. Since many years I dealt with Northern Ireland and I was trying to scratch the surface to look behind it. Many times I have been told off. What I found often were closed minds, who acted like the either have never heard of anything or showed clearly that it was not a matter of interest to anybody. Since 1998 some significant changes have taken place. By 2010 all paramilitaries have officially decommissioned, so the chances that another war breaks out are smaller than before. Although the military importance is almost eliminated, “they” are still in the game, operating behind the scenes. v Acknowledgements This paper would not have been possible without the kind help of some persons and institutions who have believed in me. I owe them a lot for trusting me in my idea of letting them speak. First of all, I want to thank the people in Austria, my family who has supported me during all these years with all my plans and who always accepted the paths I chose to follow, as well as my friends Maria, Philipp, Steffi, Valerie and Jenny who make life worthwhile. Hence I want to thank the staff of the City of Belfast YMCA, especially Colin and Diane, who have most kindly given their best to make our stay in Belfast as comfortable as possible and who have been there in the following years to answer my questions. Further, I want to thank all the people who were willing to talk to me, especially Adele, Chris, Patrick, Simon, Tracy and the lads from
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Identity, Authority and Myth-Making: Politically-Motivated Prisoners and the Use of Music During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1962 - 2000
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Identity, authority and myth-making: Politically-motivated prisoners and the use of music during the Northern Irish conflict, 1962 - 2000 Claire Alexandra Green Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Claire Alexandra Green, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 29/04/19 Details of collaboration and publications: ‘It’s All Over: Romantic Relationships, Endurance and Loyalty in the Songs of Northern Irish Politically-Motivated Prisoners’, Estudios Irlandeses, 14, 70-82. 2 Abstract. In this study I examine the use of music by and in relation to politically-motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland, from the mid-1960s until 2000.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lessons of Northern Ireland: Lessons of Northern Ireland and the Relevance of the Regional Context
    Adrian Guelke The lessons of Northern Ireland: lessons of Northern Ireland and the relevance of the regional context Report Original citation: Guelke, Adrian (2011) The lessons of Northern Ireland: lessons of Northern Ireland and the relevance of the regional context. IDEAS reports - special reports, Kitchen, Nicholas (ed.) SR008. LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/43485/ Originally available from LSE IDEAS Available in LSE Research Online: May 2012 © 2011 The Author LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. Lessons of Northern Ireland and the Relevance of the Regional Context Adrian Guelke t should be stated at the outset that the notion of Northern Ireland’s political settlement Ias a model for other societies evokes as much hostility as it does enthusiasm. Indeed, at least as much has been written in criticism of the idea of Northern Ireland as a model as in its support. Understanding the perspective of the critics on this issue is a useful starting point for reviewing the lessons to be learnt from the application to Northern Ireland of a variety of counter terrorism and conflict resolution policies, since it provides a means of sorting out in which respects Northern Ireland’s experience might be relevant to other cases and in which it is not.
    [Show full text]
  • Unionism and Loyalism
    Unionism and Loyalism Gordon Gillespie 26 June 2018 Unionism: Historical Viewpoint Defines itself in opposition to Irish nationalism. Rejects the idea of a historic Irish nation. Ireland only became a nation after the Act of Union in 1800 (ie within the UK). The 26 counties of the Free State/Irish Republic seceded from the United Kingdom – the six counties of NI did not withdraw from an Irish state. After partition in 1921 the Irish government encouraged political instability in NI by continuing the territorial claim to NI in the Irish constitution (removed in 1999). Academic Definitions Jennifer Todd: Ulster Loyalist – primary loyalty to the NI Protestant community. Ulster British – primary loyalty to the British state/nation. In practice there is an overlap between the two. John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary: Devolutionists – a NI assembly provides best defence against Irish nationalism because British government is unreliable. Integrationists – Union best maintained by legal, political, electoral and administrative integration with the rest of the UK. Norman Porter: Cultural Unionism – rooted in Protestantism. The concepts of liberty and loyalty are central. Liberal Unionism – aims to achieve a similar political way of life as the rest of the UK Unionist and Loyalist Organisations Organisations reflect social and economic divisions in the PUL community. Complicated by emergence of organisations in response to the Troubles or to specific political initiatives. Churches: Presbyterian, Church of Ireland, Methodist, Baptist, etc. Political parties: Ulster Unionist Party, Democratic Unionist Party, Vanguard, etc. Loyal Orders: Orange Order, Apprentice Boys of Derry, Royal Black Preceptory. Paramilitary Organisations: Ulster Volunteer Force, Ulster Defence Association and associated organisations.
    [Show full text]
  • Dziadok Mikalai 1'St Year Student
    EUROPEAN HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY Program «World Politics and economics» Dziadok Mikalai 1'st year student Essay Written assignment Course «International relations and governances» Course instructor Andrey Stiapanau Vilnius, 2016 The Troubles (Northern Ireland conflict 1969-1998) Plan Introduction 1. General outline of a conflict. 2. Approach, theory, level of analysis (providing framework). Providing the hypothesis 3. Major actors involved, definition of their priorities, preferences and interests. 4. Origins of the conflict (historical perspective), major actions timeline 5. Models of conflicts, explanations of its reasons 6. Proving the hypothesis 7. Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Northern Ireland conflict, called “the Troubles” was the most durable conflict in the Europe since WW2. Before War in Donbass (2014-present), which lead to 9,371 death up to June 3, 20161 it also can be called the bloodiest conflict, but unfortunately The Donbass War snatched from The Troubles “the victory palm” of this dreadful competition. The importance of this issue, however, is still essential and vital because of challenges Europe experience now. Both proxy war on Donbass and recent terrorist attacks had strained significantly the political atmosphere in Europe, showing that Europe is not safe anymore. In this conditions, it is necessary for us to try to assume, how far this insecurity and tensions might go and will the circumstances and the challenges of a international relations ignite the conflict in Northern Ireland again. It also makes sense for us to recognize that the Troubles was also a proxy war to a certain degree 23 Sources, used in this essay are mostly mass-media articles, human rights observers’ and international organizations reports, and surveys made by political scientists on this issue.
    [Show full text]
  • DCU Business School
    DCU Business School RESEARCH PAPER SERIES PAPER NO. 31 November 1997 ‘Ulster Like Israel Can Only Lose Once’: Ulster Unionism, Security and Citizenship, 1972-97 Mr. John Doyle DCU Business School ISSN 1393-290X ‘ULSTER LIKE ISRAEL CAN ONLY LOSE ONCE’: ULSTER UNIONISM, SECURITY AND CITIZENSHIP, 1972-97. 1 ‘R EBELS HAVE NO RIGHTS ’ INTRODUCTION The idea that unionist political elites perceive themselves as representing a community which is ‘under siege’ and that their ideology reflects this position is regularly repeated in the literature. 2 Unionists are not uncomfortable with this description. Dorothy Dunlop, for example, is certainly not the only unionist politician to have defended herself against accusations of having a siege mentality by countering that ‘we are indeed under siege in Ulster.’ 3 A Belfast Telegraph editorial in 1989 talks of a unionist community ‘which feels under siege, both politically and from terrorism.’ 4 Cedric Wilson UKUP member of the Northern Ireland Forum said ‘with regard to Mr. Mallon’s comments about Unionist’s being in trenches, I can think of no better place to be ... when people are coming at you with guns and bombs, the best place to be is in a trench. I make no apology for being in a trench’ 5. Yet despite this widespread use of the metaphor there have been few analyses of the specifics of unionism’s position on security, perhaps because the answers appear self-evident and the impact of unionists’ views on security on the prospects for a political settlement are not appreciated. 6 This paper examines how the position of unionist political elites on security affects and reflects their broader views on citizenship.
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Irish Society in the Wake of Brexit
    Northern Irish Society in the Wake of Brexit By Agnès Maillot Since the 2016 referendum, Brexit has dominated the political conversation in Northern Ireland, launching a debate on the Irish reunification and exacerbating communitarian tensions within Northern Irish society. What are the social and economic roots of these conflicts, and what is at stake for Northern Ireland’s future? “No Irish sea border”, “EU out of Ulster”, “NI Protocol makes GFA null and void”. These are some of the graffiti that have appeared on the walls of some Northern Irish communities in recent weeks. They all express Loyalist1 frustration, and sometimes anger, towards the terms of the Withdrawal Agreement reached in 2019 between the UK and the EU, which includes a specific section on Northern Ireland.2 While the message behind these phrases might seem cryptic to the outsider, it is a language that most of the Irish, and more specifically Northern Irish, can speak fluently. For the last four years, Brexit has regularly been making the news headlines and has dominated political conversations. More importantly, it has introduced a new dimension in the way in which the future of the UK province is discussed, prompting a debate on the reunification of the island and exacerbating a crisis within Unionism. Brexit has destabilised the Unionist community, whose sense of identity had already been tested over the last twenty years by the Peace process, by the 1 In Northern Ireland, the two main political families are Unionism (those bent on maintaining the Union with the2 The UK) withdrawal and Nationalis agreementm, wh wasich reached strives into Octoberachieve 2019a United and subsequentlyIreland.
    [Show full text]
  • How New Is New Loyalism?
    HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice.
    [Show full text]
  • UNITED Kingdompolitical Killings in Northern Ireland EUR 45/001/94 TABLE of CONTENTS
    UNITED KINGDOMPolitical Killings in Northern Ireland EUR 45/001/94 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1 Killings by members of the security forces ........................................................... 3 Investigative Procedures: practice and standards ...................................... 8 The Use of Lethal Force: Laws and Regulations/International Standards ..................................................................................... 12 Collusion between security forces and armed groups ........................................ 14 The Stevens Inquiry 1989-90 ..................................................................... 14 The Case of Brian Nelson .......................................................................... 16 The Killing of Patrick Finucane .................................................................. 20 The Stevens Inquiry 1993 .......................................................................... 23 Other Allegations of Collusion .................................................................... 25 Amnesty International's Concerns about Allegations of Collusion ............ 29 Killings by Armed Political Groups ...................................................................... 34 Introduction ................................................................................................. 34 Human Rights Abuses by Republican Armed Groups .............................. 35 IRA Bombings
    [Show full text]
  • The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
    The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition.
    [Show full text]
  • The Agreed Truth & the Real Truth
    14 | VARIANT 29 | SUMMER 2007 The Agreed Truth & The Real Truth: The New Northern Ireland Liam O’Ruairc The ‘historic’ restoration of devolution in Northern UK national average of 100.8 The province is on Notes Ireland, on 8 May 2007, has been hailed by the life support from the British government: in a 1 Gerry Moriarty and Deaglán de media as marking the symbolic end of the conflict recent editorial, The Economist characterised the Bréadún, ‘Stormont ceremony there.1 Like most aspects of the peace process, North as a “subsidy junkie” that receives every marks end of Northern conflict’, Irish Times, 8 May 2007 the opening of the Assembly was “carefully stage year from Westminster £5bn more than is raised managed to present a positive and progressive locally in taxation.9 Compared to the 720,000 at 2 Colm Heatley, ‘United Fronts as parties vie for success’, Sunday 2 image.” This is in line with news reports about work, there are 530,000 ‘economically inactive’ in Business Post, 6 May 2007 the North being dominated by the ‘success the workforce (the term ‘economically inactive’ 3 Editorial, ‘Ulster moves forward’, story’ of the ‘New Northern Ireland’. “There is covers anyone neither employed nor receiving The Times, 5 October 2006. See an optimism and realism in Northern Ireland unemployment-related benefits, including the also Editorial, ‘A sign of rising today that is dissolving ancient prejudices and long-term sick and disabled, students, carers confidence’, The Independent, 3 boosting business confidence, the essential and the retired. In Northern Ireland, only 8% of February 2007 underpinning for growth and prosperity.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction
    Notes 1 Introduction 1. For an understanding of the background to the Northern Ireland conflict see Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1999 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1999); Brendan O’Leary and John McGarry, Explaining Northern Ireland (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995); and Jennifer Todd and Joseph Ruane, The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland: Power, Conflict and Emancipation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 2. Inter-party talks were launched by the Secretary of State, Peter Brooke, in January 1990. These continued after the 1992 British general election under Sir Patrick Mayhew. See David Bloomfield, Political Dialogue in Northern Ireland: The Brooke Initiative, 1989–1992 (London: Macmillan, 1998). 3. The Agreement was unofficially dubbed the ‘Good Friday Agreement’ because it was signed on Good Friday, two days before Easter Sunday. However, the Agreement is also referred to as the ‘Belfast Agreement’ because it was signed in Belfast. The official document is simply titled ‘The Agreement’. 4. Hugh Miall, Oliver Ramsbotham and Tom Woodhouse, Contemporary Conflict Resolution (Oxford: Polity Press, 1999) p. 154. 5. See Cynthia Arnson, ed., Comparative Peace Processes in Latin America (Cali- fornia; Stanford University Press, 1999); John Darby and Roger MacGinty, eds, The Management of Peace Processes (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000); John Darby and Roger MacGinty, Contemporary Peace Making: Conflict, Viol- ence and Peace Processes (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); Chester A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson, and Pamela Aall, eds, Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2001); and Chester A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds, Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1996).
    [Show full text]
  • Reintegration of Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland BIONN NTERNATIONAL C ENTER for C ONVERSION
    BIONN NTERNATIONAL C ENTER FOR C ONVERSION. I NTERNATIONALES K ONVERSIONSZENTRUM B ONN paper 18 Conversion from War to Peace: Reintegration of Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland BIONN NTERNATIONAL C ENTER FOR C ONVERSION. I NTERNATIONALES K ONVERSIONSZENTRUM B ONN Conversion from War to Peace: Reintegration of Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland Brian Gormally Published by BICC, Bonn 2001 This paper emerged in the context of the BICC project Demilitarisation in Northern Ireland - The Role of 'Decommissioning' and 'Normalisation of Security' in the Peace Process (DINI). The project involves co-operation with the Initiative On Conflict Resolution and Ethnicity (INCORE) in Londonderry, and is funded by the Volkswagen Foundation. See BICC website for further information. The author is an independent consultant in Belfast dealing with policy analysis and the support of community-based organisations. He was Deputy Director of NIACRO, Northern Ireland's leading voluntary organisation in the field of criminal justice from 1975-2000. Contents Contents Introduction 2 The Northern Ireland Peace Process and the Reintegration of Former Combatants 3 Prisoner Release in Northern Ireland 8 Reintegration as a Concept 11 Political Reintegration 12 Social and Economic Reintegration 16 Reintegration Needs 17 The Categories of Need 19 Economic Issues 19 Housing 22 Families 22 Personal Problems 23 Women Ex-Prisoners 24 History of Reintegrative Efforts 24 External Support – The EU Special Programme 26 The Current Practice of Ex-Prisoner Reintegration Projects 29 Victims vs. Prisoners Debate – A Matter of Reconciliation 33 Issues and Conclusions 34 References 39 Appendix I Facts and Figures on Northern Ireland Political Prisoners and their Release 41 Appendix II Ex-Prisoner Organisations and Others Mentioned in the Text 43 1 Brian Gormally Conversion from War to Peace: Reintegration of Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland “Those who renounce violence…are entitled to be full participants in the democratic process.
    [Show full text]