Challenging Gender Planning Orthodoxy in Area-Based Urban Development Operated in the Public Good

View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by IDS OpenDocs Headlines and Head-space: Challenging Gender Planning Orthodoxy in Area- based Urban Development Jo Beall and Alison Todes* 1 Introduction paid significant attention to gender relations and Gender planning orthodoxy holds that an explicit women’s involvement. To explain this, we argue for gender focus needs to be maintained in the the importance of understanding history and the formulation, design and implementation of legacy of women’s organisation, as well as the impact development programmes and projects. This has of higher level policy on gender. With this in place, given rise to calls to mainstream gender in we show how the efforts of politicised women at development (Jahan 1995) and to institutionalise community level and the support of social justice gender competency in development planning (Levy advocates working within project structures 1996). Some have gone so far as to make the rendered insignificant the lack of an explicit gender argument for the ‘development of gender planning planning focus and allowed for the emergence of a as a separate planning tradition in its own right’ gender “head-space” among the practitioners and (Moser 1993: 1). Others have been satisfied with partners involved. As such, we argue that gender a more generalised trend to foster gender sensitivity planning is not the only way in which development in existing development policy and practice (Beall initiatives can bring positive change to the 1998; Goetz 1997). Whatever the starting point, conditions of women’s lives and lead to the the gender and development industry has spawned transformation of gender relations. Indeed, we show a proliferation of competing frameworks designed that even when a gender focus did begin to inform to guide gender integrated development the Cato Manor initiative, it was made more effective interventions. Critics have questioned whether by the historical legacy of women’s struggles in Cato these different frameworks are grounded in feminist Manor and the political and policy conditions in theory (Kabeer 1994) or are simply instrumentalist post-apartheid South Africa. (Jackson and Pearson 1998). Drawing on the experience of a highly acclaimed 2 History of Cato Manor area-based urban development initiative in Cato Situated only some 7 km from Durban’s city centre, Manor, Durban, we ask whether in the context of Cato Manor has been a highly contested part of the the favourable political conditions such as those city for many years. In the post-war period it housed that prevailed in South Africa during the first post- thousands of African tenants who rented apartheid decade, rendered unnecessary an explicit accommodation from the Indian landlords who gender planning focus at project level. In its design owned homes in Cato Manor before the area was and documentation, the Cato Manor Development proclaimed “white” in terms of apartheid legislation Project (CMDP) was largely devoid of the in 1963. Following the forced removals of Indians compulsory “headlines” and “headcounts” of gender and Africans in the 1960s, the land laid dormant planning, against which progress on gender for many years. This situation prevailed until awareness and women’s participation are usually squatters invaded the area in the late 1980s measured. Nevertheless, during implementation, (Makhathini 1992; Hindson and Byerley 1993), at the Cato Manor Development Association (CMDA) a time when the legitimacy of apartheid institutions 43 IDS Bulletin 35.4 Repositioning Feminisms in Development was under concerted political attack from those engagement with communities or understanding of within the national liberation movement. the settlement dynamics in the area. This proved to The historical record pays considerable attention be a source of tension in later years. Moreover, to the role of women in Cato Manor’s history. In the successive land invasions, rising crime and violence, post-war years many sustained themselves through alongside complex and shifting local politics meant beer brewing and by so doing, resisted the infamous that the early years of the CMDA were preoccupied “Durban System” whereby the municipality paid with simply establishing the conditions for an area- for the maintenance of African townships through based development project to proceed at all (Hindson profits from their monopoly on African beer. In et al. 2002). addition, the women of Cato Manor were vocal and Squatters started moving into Cato Manor from visible in their opposition to the infamous pass laws the late 1980s. As South Africa moved closer to a in the 1950s, as well as to the removals to the political settlement their numbers swelled through townships of KwaMashu and Umlazi in the 1960s a series of land invasions, so that by 1994 the (Maylam 1996: 24). Dorothy Nyembe, a key activist population had increased from around 3,000 to in Cato Manor, became recognised nationally as a 14,868. Although some were no doubt political leader and the role of the African National opportunistic, keen to get a foothold in this prime Congress Women’s League (ANCWL) was location close to the city, most came to escape significant in the struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. political tensions elsewhere and most had some Hence, Cato Manor was known as an important direct or indirect experience of violence in their island of women’s resistance during the dark days areas of previous settlement (Makhathini 1992: 2). of apartheid (Edwards 1996: 102). In the They were predominantly young, single and contemporary period we found that this history of unemployed, with nearly half being women women’s resistance was evoked in justification of household heads (48 per cent) and many moving women’s involvement in land evasions in Cato to the area after the death of their husbands Manor and later to rally women into organising (Makhathini and Xaba 1995). Important for towards development in the area. subsequent community politics in Cato Manor is that women were at the heart of these land invasions. 3 The Cato Manor Development An important part of the history of Cato Manor Project is the fact that by the mid-1990s crime and violence With the end of apartheid in sight in 1990 a multi- had become major problems, only in part linked stakeholder body known as the Greater Cato Manor to earlier patterns of political violence. At its height, Development Forum (GCMDF) was formed. It much of the conflict was attributed to wars between sought to develop consensus between different parties rival groups of taxi-owners who were contesting through the formulation of an integrated planning lucrative new commuter routes, as well as gang framework for the area. The plan envisaged Cato violence between groups of unemployed youths. Manor as a model for post-apartheid development: The gender dimensions of the conflict were a socially mixed area offering housing, employment highlighted by a dramatic rise in teenage pregnancies and facilities in a well-located residential part of the and a significant increase in rape during this time. city, which reversed the legacy of apartheid Petersen et al. (2003) show that the extent of social segregation. However, conditions did not favour fragmentation and disintegration in the area, in part mould-breaking development strategies. Local associated with the high proportion of people government was caught in a period of considerable displaced by violence, has resulted in a generalised political uncertainty and suspicious government social ethos of distrust, isolation and social bodies, threatened by the project, were unwilling to fragmentation. These conditions have been cede control. The CMDA did not anticipate having associated with higher levels of rape than elsewhere to deal with land claims from former Indian and in the province, and with higher rates of HIV/AIDS. African residents and in addition to competing land The fluid and socially fragmented nature of the claims, they confronted a conservative and reactive area militated against collective action. Nevertheless, white population on its borders. Within Cato Manor an engaged if not inclusive civil society emerged in itself, problems came in waves. The area development Cato Manor. It was infused with political agendas plan was conceived and initiated without sufficient and driven by strong leaders, not all of whom 44 Challenging Gender Planning Orthodoxy in Area-based Urban Development operated in the public good. Powerful women were in project start up, as well as the tremendous among them, exerting pressure towards their own backlogs in basic infrastructure and services in the ends as much as for the development interests of area. The focus on the provision of basic the residents they represented. Against this difficult infrastructure, housing, roads, schools and social background the CMDA has managed in its decade- facilities was a further factor explaining the absence long existence to make some incredible strides on of a gender perspective. Indeed, the contested nature behalf of both women and men in Cato Manor. The of the project and the emphasis on getting it next section reviews some of the project’s underway after a difficult start meant that social achievements in relation to gender issues. analysis in general was neglected. Nevertheless, even in the first phase of delivery 4 Gender achievements in the there was an evolving recognition of the need for Cato Manor Development Project a better understanding of social and indeed gender The CMDP was established in 1993 and in the year dynamics in the area. The growing awareness of following the first democratic elections in 1994 gender among CMDA staff took a particular form. became a presidential lead project under the First, there was an implicit view that women Reconstruction and Development Programme constituted the stable base of the community and (RDP). For much of its ten-year lifespan, vast should be the focus of development initiatives.

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