GENDER, POVERTY and RECREATION in LENASIA: an AGENDA for CHANGE ZULEYKIA ADAM DISSERTATION in Partial Fulfillment of The
2'7
GENDER, POVERTY AND RECREATION IN LENASIA: AN AGENDA FOR CHANGE by
ZULEYKIA ADAM
DISSERTATION
in partial fulfillment of the requirem~nts for the degree
of
Master of Arts in Sport Management
in the
Faculty of Arts
at the
Rand Afrikaans University
Supervisor: Prof. C. Burnett· Co-supervisor: Prof. W. J. Hollander May 2000 DecLARATION
I declare that the contents of this dissertation are original except where due references have been made. It has not been submitted before any degree to any other institution.
ZULEYKIA ADAM ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Professor Burnett and Professor Hollander's insight and meticulous supervision has ensured the completion of this research, I am deeply grateful to them for the opportunity and support.
To my dear friend Brenda Weimers lowe so much. Without her persistence and perserverence I would never have embarked on this journey on which we discovered that what we missed during the years of marginalisation was in fact what made us who we are.
I thank my colleagues Shaida Mohammed and Sheila Dorsammy for their assistance and moral support.
. I am grateful to all the women at the Protea Recreation Centre for placing their trust in me. iii
"We need to understand that there is no formula for how women should lead their lives. That is why we must respect the choices that each woman makes for herself and her family. Every woman deserves the chance to realize her God-given potential. We also must recognise that women will never gain full dignity until their human rights are respected and protected."
Hillary Clinton, 5 September 1995, Beijing. iv
ABSTRACT
This research report seeks to examine and analyse the role of recreation and leisure in improving the quality of life of women. The critical areas of poverty alleviation and the engendering of self sufficiency and empowerment through appropriate and goal directed programming and strategies will be investigated.
Gender relations and hegemonies that govern women's choices will be critically explored with the assumption that women's participation and enjoyment of leisure are dependent on economic capacity and decision making freedom. The underlying aim of recreation is seen to provide an avenue for women to address these inequalities, find means to alleviate poverty, and learn skills for personal growth and enhancement of quality of life.
The perceptions that women have of their leisure needs and the constraints to
realising those needs are reflective of the amount of, freedom of choice that
women are able to exercise. The relationship between freedom to experience
leisure and social and ideological constraints to other social aspects of women's
lives are important considerations. This research argues that lack of participation
in recreational activities is indicative of a range of inequalities experienced by
women. Data for this research has been collected from questionnaires and focus
groups and contextualised within a feminist framework with a view to effect
change in the understanding of recreation's role in the empowerment of women
and the establishment of programmes that address inequalities and social
problems. v
This research presents a case study involving African and Indian women
residents of Lenasia to illustrate the significance of recreation as a potential site for change. An examination of the leisure perceptions of historically
disadvantaged women reinforced the assumption that socio-economic factors as
well as tradition and culturally held beliefs impact on women's choices. The most
critical constraint to women's recreation is their dependency and lack of access
to adequate resources. Addressing poverty and improving women's status may
lead to an improvement in their enjoyment of leisure. vi
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
TABLE 4.1 THE POPULATION OF LENASIA 69
TABLE 5.1 QUESTIONNAIRE SAMPLE DETAILS 74
TABLE 5.2 PERCEIVED CONSTRAINTS 81
FIGURE 5.2 DISCRETIONARY FUNDS AVAILABLE TO WOMEN 76
FIGURE 5.3 CREATIVE RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES 78
FIGURE 5.4 SOCIAL RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES 78
FIGURE 5.5 PASSIVE RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES 79
FIGURE 5.6 EXERCISE ORIENTED RECREATIONAL
ACTIVITIES 79
FIGURE 5.7a FREQUENCY OF PARTICIPATION 80
FIGURE 5.7b FEELING WHEN BUSY WITH ACTIVITY OF
CHOICE 80
FIGURE 5.7e PARTICIPATION OF HUSBAND IN LEISURE
ACTIVITY 80
FIGURE 5.7d PARTNER RESTRICTION IN LEISURE 80 vii
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
ANC African National Congress CGE Commission for Gender Equity FRA Federation of Rate Payers NOCSA National Olympics Council for South Africa NSC National Sports Council NUSAS National Union of South African Students SACOS South African Council of Sport SANGOCO South African Coalition of Non-Governmental Organisations SISA Sports Information and Science Agency viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
Declaration I Acknowledgements ii Quotation iii Abstract iv List of Tables and Figures vi Glossary of Terms vii
Chapter One: Recreation as a site for women's empowerment
1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Recreation as a potential site for change 5 1.3 The research problem 8 1.3.1 Sub-problems 8 1.4 Research Methodology 9 1.4.1 Questionnaires 10 1.4.2 Focus groups 10 1.4.3 Delimitation 13 1.5 Key Concepts 13 1.5.1 Gender 14 1.5.2 Gender Relations 14 1.5.3 Empowerment 15 1.5.4 Recreation 16 1.5.5 Leisure 18 1.6 Current Status of South African women's participation in recreation and sport 19 1.7 Conclusion 20
Chapter Two: Women's leisure experiences: A feminist perspective
2.1 Introduction 21 2.2 A feminist contextualisation of the leisure experience 22 2.3 The leisure family conflict 28 2.4 Work and leisure 31 2.5 Conclusion 34 ix
Chapter Three: Charting gender development in South Africa
3.1 Introduction 35 3.2 The colonial period 37 3.3 Race and gender relations 39 3.4 The period of transition (1990-1994) 42 3.5 Povertyaruiineqtlality-__ 43 --~-~~~--~~""~,~-_ ..._.~,-..-....-.~--...... _--~-~ 3.6 Gender violence 46 3.7 Culture and Gender 48 3.8 Conclusion 51
Chapter Four: Lenasia: a community profile
4.1 Introduction 52 4.2 A brief historical overview 52 4.3 Apartheid legislation 56 4.4 Lenasia: a community profile 58 4.5 Social implications 62 4.6 The women of Lenasia 61 4.7 Demographics 68 4.8 Conclusion 70
Chapter Five: Recreational constraints and opportunities for women in Lenasia
5.1 Introduction 71 5.2 Recreational patterns and perceived constraints 71 5.3 Research Methodology 72 5.4 Focus Groups 82 5.5 Conclusion 94
Chapter Six: An agenda for change 6.1 Introduction 97 6.2 Conclusions 98 6.2.1 Global strategy 98 6.2.2 Implementation and infrastructure 99 6.2.3 Women's burden 99 6.2.4 Patriarchy 99 6.2.5 Social Action 100 6.3 Strategies for change 100 x
BIBLIOGRAPHY 102
Appendices
A. Questionnaire 108 B. Photographs 109 Chapter One
Recreation as a site for women's empowerment
1.1 Introduction
The United Nations' proclamation of women's decade (1975-1985) drew
attention to the situation of women in industrialized as well as postcolonial
emerging democracies. At the Conference on Population Development held in
Cairo in 1994 women's empowerment was identified as essential to sustainable
development. Historically women in developing countries were affected
negatively by development programs. The IMF (International Monetary Fund)
and the World Bank have pursued trade liberalisation and privatisation that has
resulted in higher prices, higher unemployment and more poverty.]
[Many women were compelled to leave rural communities to enter the labour
market in under-remunerated and under valued 'NOrk.' Boserup (1970) showed
that 'NOmen were losing their right to O\lVll land, the relative productivity of their
labour and their decision-making authority within the family as third 'NOrld
economies teetered and became indebted to donor agencies and structural
adjustment. The rapid process of change from colonialism to democracies led
to an expansion of "unspeakable poverty" (Beijing Platform of Action, 1995: 4).
Of the more than 1 billion people living in abject poverty, 'NOmen became an
overwhelming majority. Economic recession, ethnic strife and political 2
upheavals impacted adversely on women, particularly in developing countries
in Africa, Asia and Latin America. ~
As globalisation intensifies, free trade has resulted in economic growth at the
cost of job losses, retrenchments and increasing unemployment; ~evels of
poverty have instead risen. Substantial economic transformation never affects
everyone equally and women bear a disproportionate share of the cost
resulting. Increasing male unemployment has forced women to work harder
and longer, reforms have led to removal of food subsidies leading to a
deterioration in food intake for women who eat less and last, this in turn has
increased their susceptibility to diseases (Sparr, 1994; Women's Health, 1999).
The feminisation of poverty surfaced as directly related to socially ascribed
gender roles and women's efforts at combating poverty were obstructed and
limited by lack of access to training and productive resources (Beijing Platform , of Action, 1995). Women bear a disproportionate burden in the household and
workplace making access to education, training, economic power, critical
factors in eradicating poverty and ensuring sustainable development and
consequently social development and gender equity. Women's well being is
both absolutely and relatively lowered by economic and cultural bias
(Aslanbeigui et al., 1994; Beijing Platform of Action, 1995; Sparr, 1994).
[South Africa's post-apartheid constitution in it's commitment to address the
needs of the previously disadvantaged, by ensuring a more equitable 3 distribution of wealth and use of resources places a strong emphasis on improving the quality of life of the general population. The empowerment of women and improvement of their status are important ends in themselves and are essential for the achievement of sustainable development (Stucky, 1999:; ~ 1). The redistribution of wealth and resources and the formulation of government's poverty alleviation strategy, reviewed after the Poverty Hearings of March 1998, has collapsed and with cuts in expenditure on social welfare and the mismanagement of poverty relief programmes the poor continue to be , , disadvantaged. Of the R204 million allocated for poverty relief in 1998/1999, only R1 423304 about 7% was spent (Randall et al., 2000; SANGOCO, 1998).
The widening gap between policy and practice intensifies as dominating
traditional patriarchal structures continue to exclude most women from political,
economic and social power. "While the new legislation grants women equal
rights, the majority's lives are governed by customary law under which they
remain voiceless minors all their lives" (Lowe-Morna, 1999: 4).
The feminization of poverty, the increasing direct and structural violence
against women and the female capacity for production and reproduction
continue to undermine women's human rights and obstruct the processes for
change. At a recent conference on women in Southern Africa the minister of
Culture asserted that, "The dire situation of women in South Africa remains I unchanged" (Mbandla, 1999). A recent opinion survey by Community Agency 4
for Social Enquiry (CASE, 1999) showed that although women are often heads
of households they do not make decisions and are still governed by their
fathers, husbands, sons and male relatives. The South African Commission on
Gender Equality also asserts a need to challenge the system of patriarchy and
customary practices that undermine women's legal and personal rights.
(Patriarchy and the exercise of male domination manifests in the unequal
access to free time. Women's multiple roles and responsibilities as wage
earners, caregivers and nurturers of children and significant others within the
family and community, leave little or no time for personal pursuits. Roberts
(1993: 10) states that: "Women are not seen to earn the right or privilege to
leisure in the same way as men who are engaged in paid work". Sports and
recreation as a sphere which is predominantly male, is essentially an area for
male social interaction, physical development and competition.)
On South Africa emphasis on biological differences and masculinity is
exacerbated by disparities between privileged and previously disadvantaged
population groups. Women, especially poor black, living in rural areas, continue
to be marginalised, with few facilities programs or pro-active planning strategies
that aim to include them. They continue to be relegated to the role of spectators
'Nho service the leisure needs of children and men (Shaw, 1997). It is
important to challenge the myth that women are not inclined to use "leisure time 5
for recreation and personal development. Decision-makers and service
'-, providers need to create opportunities for women to redress the imbalances. I ..--J
1.2 Recreation as a potential site for change lThis research aims to show that affiliation and interaction at a recreational level
with others leads to self-expression, learning and development and a sense of
accomplishment, important to self-empowerment. .D-eem---t4-986} explains that
examining feminism and gender has led to rethinking theoretical aspects of
paid, unpaid work, family and leisure. Women have been excluded from leisure
experiences that provide opportunities for self-actualisation, self-definition and
self-determination~ ~'
-,/~ \ The omission of sport, leisure and recreation as an article in the Women's \..-- CRaFteMor--EffeetivErEql:laHty-~indicates that at the time women had not
researched the importance of leisure and did not perceive it as a critical area of
concern. No mention is made of women's needs and access to leisure in article
one and two demanding equal rights in political and civic life, nor in articles six,
eight, and nine dealing with social services, family life and custom, culture and
religion. This underscores ~claim that studies on gendered
leisure are relatively marginalised, an almost forgotten or not thought of area of ---_.----"-- ,--'--', study. Subsequent research by "'Romm.s...{19Wj;-.JoneS-f-1-~'Gostin-t1S91;
1·900L~~_weH.as-Grant-CfnaMefckelfonn-t1-994) make a case for reCreation as
an important site for changing perceptions and addressing social issues. Jones 6 who focussed on research in historically disadvantaged communities in the
Western Cape, in particular believes that recreation has the potential for achieving the empowerment of South African women. -I, .~
In the context of global and local commitments to gender education and upliftment, recreation and leisure time and recreational space become especially significant for developing awareness and fostering both personal and social empowerment. It is especially significant to analyse gender in the sphere of recreation and leisure, in terms of popular feminist education (Walters &
Manicom, 1996:20).
This research is informed and motivated by the substantial changes in the status of women and the assertion in the White Paper of the National
Department of Sports and Recreation (1998:3) that "recreation contributes to the improvements of general health, well being and the skills of both individuals and society". It is also challenged by the strategies adopted by feminist
pedagogues in enhancing the quality of life of women through popular
education and the need for linkages with women in the spheres of health,
domestic violence and social welfare (Walters & Manicom, 1996).
The establishment of the National Gender Machinery and the incorporatfon of
gender programmes in all tiers of government. including local municipalities
'8nd involvement of non-govemment organisations and community initiated 7 projects need to be filtered down to community and individual level. This research will focus on the needs and expectations of individuals in a small community in the context of national initiatives to empower women (Albertyn,
1995). It is also gUided by the principle that leisure is a valued component in community development and can serve the educational needs of a vast section of the community that was deprived of formal education. More than 2 million
South African women over the age of twenty have no education while 1.8 million have some primary education (Statistics South Africa, 1996:40). Given the bias against women's access to adult education and lifelong education, skills development through recreation presents an informal opportunity for women to improve their status by acquiring some marketable skills that may open a passage to the informal sector. By establishing links between
educational frameworks, commercial and private institutions and voluntary
organisations within the community, optimal use of recreation programmes and
leisure facilities and resources may serve to integrate divided and deprived
communities.
The study will be located within a specific geographical area initiating dialogues
with women of the area and identifying their leisure priorities and utilizing
recreation for skills training. Through this approach the recognition of the
constraints and the solutions to overcoming them will be shared experience
and women will be encouraged to set aside time and space for themselves. 8
1.3 The research problem
The research problem emanates from the premise that women's participation and access to leisure is shaped by economics, socialisation into gender roles, reinforced by family, education, societal institutions norms, values, culture, religion, politics and policies that foster gender division and unequal power relations.
The research aims to uncover the perceptions women have of their leisure needs what they perceive as the constraints to the needs to be, the resources, opportunities and potential for attaining those needs. To gain insight into the lives of South African women in a post apartheid, emerging racially heterogeneous community, the area known as Lenasia south of Johannesburg has been earmarked as the locus of the study with special focus on the needs of previously disadvantaged women.
1.3.1 Sub-problems
a. How is women's access to and practice of recreation related to global
trends in terms of ideology, culture and dominant social institutions?
b. What are the structural. ideological, economic and personal constraints that
restrjct women's experience of leisure? 9
c. What recreational opportunities exist, in the area and to what extent are
these needs met by government, community, educational, and social
institutions? d. How do women in the Lenasia community perceive their leisure and
recreational needs? e. How can women be encouraged to identify their recreational needs and
be empowered to collectively and individually address these needs?
Global trends indicate that women's leisure needs are not sufficiently
investigated in relation to the socio-economic conditions poverty and gender
power relations. The objective of the following methodology is to analyse broad
feminist principles, historical factors, and relate this to the situation of women in
South Africa.
1.4 Research Methodology
For this descriptive study both qualitative and quantitative techniques were
applied to gather data related to the leisure practices and perceptions of the
women residents of Lena;:Jia, in the Southern Metropolitan Area, south of
Johannesburg. A profile of the Lenasia community will be ~reset:lted through
an investigation of historical narratives, ethnographical data, population census,
statistical data, historical and geographical characteristics a~ well as
documentqfion related to its rnana~ement, municipal status and goY~rnance in
the broader context {)f ~th Africa. 10
1.4.1 Questionnaires
An initial exploratory questionnaire was used to obtain a sample (N=100) women from the area twenty women will be randomly selected from five demarcated extensions of the area. Since literacy levels were not known the questionnaires were completed through structured interviews. This allowed the researcher an opportunity to record data not explicitly required by the questionnaire. To maintain objectivity and confidentiality skilled female volunteers, not resident in the area, were asked to assist with collection and distribution of questionnaires. Women volunteers were selected with the assumption that they would relate easily to the respondents and would be accepted by them without fear.
The questionnaire design incorporated questions that indicated demographic details, gauged needs, aspirations and possible aWareness of constraints.
Women's attitudes and perceptions were recorded through open-ended questions eliciting responses that provided descriptive evidence.
1.4.2 Focus Groups
Probably the most agreed upon principle in feminist research is the need to create spaces for women to voice their concerns without the threats of power relations and hierarchies. Focus groups are effective in providing that shared space in which women feel free to express thoughts and feelings. It is hoped 11 that through group discussion, the nominal group technique and the provision of a contained venue and non-judgmental environment participants will explore their leisure needs and confront possible obstacles and reflect on gender relations as experienced by themselves (Krueger, 1998; Morgan, 1988;
Narayan & Srinivasan, 1994).
Since large groups often do not accommodate personal input and viewpoints it is hoped that manageable groups of 10 participants over 8 sessions will result in reliable and valid inputs. To ensure that all viewpoints are represented the important variables of age, marital status, employment and educational status will be used to select participants. The recruitment of women according to these criteria will allow for comparative analysis of similarities and differences in recreational needs, avoiding the bias of omitting anyone group. Since the overriding topic of discussion will be perceptions of leisure needs or control characteristics any differences that may emerge in each group will have both control and break characteristics. The composition of the group will determine the break characteristics as opinions expressed may differ in relation to the age, marital or employment status. Since two race groups are featured in the research, perceptions and needs may be completely different or common in some areas.
In ensuring the inclusion of the full spectrum of recreational needs and aspirations focus groups from the various population groups residing in the
lenasia community will be recruited. The women will be selected from both the 12
Indian and African communities, ranging from married to unmarried, working or unemployed with an age range of eighteen to fifty five. Since the aim of this research is to allow the previously marginalised to articulate their experiences it is important that the researcher share in their common history, that she become both the subject of the text and the theorizer of the experience.
Though critical analysis is important my own position as an Indian woman living in the area allows me the identity that becomes a means of encouraging women to think of oppression, since it is the same oppression that has shaped
my feminist ideology. It gives me a sense of own~rship of the experiences that I
aim to record, an insight of the context of cultural conditions, that connect me to
the women whose lives I aim to understand it also allows for authenticity and
creation of knowledge that speaks of my experiences. As an Indian woman I
experienced the same dislocation from home and school, I gained my
education at Apartheid institutions and failed to attain the aspirations or realized
my potential as a writer. Like most women growing up in Apartheid South Africa
I adjusted to social obstacles, these were not entirely due to legislated
exclusion but were created by social and religious perceptions of my
community. Being Muslim, being woman, meant being restrained and
conditioned to accept less, in fact being in the position of subject, and
accepting the hegemonic privileges of others at the cost of self. It is this
silencing of my being that motivates me to break the silence and mediate the
experiences of women of my community so that theory and knowledge does
not fail to speak of our lives. I hope that by engaging women in the historical 13 and political discourse that we can effectively change our lives. Like most
critical Feminists I see theory and research as an instrument for change, the
challenge is to increase the visibility of women and to address cultural
assumptions and stereotyping.
As researcher I will facilitate the discussion and elicit responses from the group,
with the intent of addressing the problem. A moderator and assistant moderator
will record the proceeding on tape and by note taking to capture the view of the
participants.
The responses to the questionnaire will precede further exploration through the
group interviews allowing multi-data gathering, or triangulation of formal data
to "the human element" (Frey and Fontana, 1993: 20).
1.4.3 Delimitation
The research will be limited to women residing in the 'suburb of Lenasia, south
of Johannesburg.
The focus will be on their perceptions of leisure and recreation and the
opportunities and constraints that facilitate or impede participation in their
specific socio-cultural environment as such the results may not be generalised.
1.5 Key Concepts
The terminology to describe women is not neutral, ~nd currently prevailing
definitions of 'gender', 'gender relations' and 'empowerment' used in social
analysis form the basis of understanding women's experiences. 14
1.5.1 Gender r-The first annual report of South Africa's Commission on Gender Equality (1999) ~ defines gender as "the economic, social and cultural attributes and
opportunities associated with being male or female". It also notes that gender
differs from sex in that it is social and cultural rather that biological and that
gender attributes differ from society to society, and change with time, the
economy, religion, culture and traditional value systems also shape these
attributes. Hall (1990: 223) states that "gender is a socially constructed set of
power relations" central to women's lives. In the late 1960's feminists
eliminated the use of the word sex, which was essentially a biological
description that gave rise to discriminatory use; for gender that designated
psychological, cultural and social dimensions of maleness and femaleness.
Gender, refers to whole set of expectations held as the likely behaviour,
characteristics and aptitudes men and women will hav~ (Walters & Manicom,
1996).
1.5.2 Gender Relations
'Gender Relations' is a term used to describe a system of relations structured
by gender. In the same way as class or race relations are relations of
domination and subordination, gender relations are characterised by male and
female domination. This concept was preceded by concepts 'like 'sexual
politics', 'patriarchy' and 'gender order'; they were used to define power 15
relations whereby men as a social group have more power over women than
women have over them. These relations are socially constructed, not
biologically given; they are not fixed, but are subject to historical change and
can be transformed (Hall, 1990).
1.5.3 Empowerment
!The concept of women's empowerment is the outcome of several important L- critiques and debates generated by the women's movement, with roots in
popular education as developed in Latin America. The concept arises from the
insight that, meeting of such material needs as food, health-care, fuel and
water are necessary but insufficient conditions for enabling women to meet
their strategic needs: to abolish the sexual division of labour, end male control
of women's bodies and establish political and social eqUity for women ((Patel,
1996). Batiwala (1994:7) explains that 'empowerment' contains 'power',
defining this as control over material assets, intellectual resources and
ideology. It is a process of gaining influence in decision making and the
ideology governing social relations. The goals then of empowerment are to
challenge patriarchal ideology, transform structures and institutions that
reinforce and perpetuate gender discrimination, and enable women to gain
access to power in relation to control of both material and information
processes.
Empowerment lies in giving women access to new ideas for changing their self-
image. Identity empowerment theory (Hall, 1992) begins to explain the critical 16 social and clinical processes that increase the probabilities and possibilities of women's wellbeing and optimal functioning by examining the self within the family, community and society. The assumption being that women renegotiate values and held beliefs and make meaningful commitments and undertake effective, goal directed activities that they choose for themselves. Activities that are income generating or self-enhancing and recreational. ''The process of empowerment is a spiral involving changing consciousness, locating areas of change, planning strategies, acting for change, analysing outcomes, changing
consciousness again. It is a process that affects everyone involved activists,
the community-it cannot be top-down" (Patel, 1996: 92).
1.5·4~~~~~~~!1
Recreation theorists have explored the various dimensions of activities that
serve to restore and revitalise people after the concerns of subsistence are
met. Kelly (1996) refers to the role of recreation 'as one of restoring the
wholeness of mind, body and spirit, that presupposes some other activity that
depletes tires or deteriorates that wholeness. In criticising an elitist perspective
that "recreation is an activity that rests men from work", Kelly (1996: 20)
strongly emphasizes that "we do not only recreate to live".
. The generic definition of recreation is that it is a range of experiences that
provide particular benefits spanning from passive through· to active,
unorganised to organised activities. Recreation comprises choice, opportunity, 17
equal access, self-responsibility, self-management and most importantly
building of self-esteem (Fraser, 1996).
Recreation's narrow definition as activity away from work often fails to highlight
the perspectives of women and people of cultures and ethnicity's that are not
western industrialised, capitalist. Green, Hebron & Woodward (1990) in their
groundbreaking study of women's recreational patterns highlighted the need for
different approaches and perspectives that recognise the needs and
perceptions of women, especially in relation to their work and family
commitments.
Recreation patterns in developing countries and cultures differ considerably
from the west. The delineation between work and free time, cultural activities,
religious commitment is often blurred and indistinct. Work and play are not
compartmentalised but incorporated into daily activities and social interaction,
often religious ceremony, ritual, practices are interwoven into the fabric of
community and social life giving it a distinct identity (Khan, 1997).
~~ r Recreation, has traditionally been viewed in a narrow context as provision of ~ facilities and physical activity programmes "little regard has been given to the
changing community context and the specific needs within it" (Fraser, 1996:
19). This study is motivated by the belief that changes in the way recreation is
viewed is imperative to facilitate recreational opportunities that are relevant to 18 the context of women's lives particularly as South African communities shift from one dimensional racially segregated communities to racially and culturally mixed groups.! -l
1.5.5 Leisure
Leisure is a multidimensional experience characterized by both positive and unpleasant experiences. Kelly (1996:20) explains that leisure occurs in interrupted episodes, rather than over extended periods. It can be relational not only in the interpersonal sense but as a reflection of political hierarchies and social order. A historical perspective of leisure reveals that leisure is often dependent on the complexities of personal and political contexts, and is entwined with the struggle for improvement in economic and living status, as
//~ well as race, culture, religionantfgender.
Bialeschki & Walbert (1998:99) emphasize the need 'for historical perspectives that "will situate much of our understandings of recreation and leisure within historical contexts that not only establish links with our past but provide credibility to the importance of recreation and leisure in the development of social identities. This perspective underscores the need to place the Lenasia community within a historical context and explore the leisure patterns with a view to effect positive social change. Leisure is relational on a social- psychological level, where the focus is more personal on social interaction with family and community where freedom of choice is exercised and is dependent 19 on the role of the individual within the family, with the attached obligations and responsibilities.
Leisure therefore cannot be merely "non productive consumption" of time as nor merely discretionary time but "person-enhancing freedom expressed activity" (Kelly 1996: 20).
1.6 Current Status of_South African women's participatior1jnJ~cre~ti()n . -'- -_.------_.. _~._ .. _. ---,"-- .---" - -~~-----,._--
~nc:!_sport
SISA (1997), a joint research venture of the Department of Sport and
Recreation, the National Sports Council (NSC) and the National Olympics
Council of South Africa (NOCSA), determined the needs attitudes and perceptions of three thousand women's participation in sport. They found that there were no specifically designed development, training or motivational programmes aimed at women and their particular needs. The research concluded that lack of time, family demands, financial constraints as well as safety and transport were major obstacles to participation. An investigation of women's recreational needs at a local level may confirm the findings of the national project and mpy serve to define some soh..,Itions and possible programmes of action. Service providers and recreation programme practitioners will be motivated to provide leisure services from a feminine perspective. -~i J 20
1.7 Conclusion
{this research aims to explore the leisure in the lives of previously ' disadvantaged women, with the underlying belief that their economic and racial
identity as well as position within their families determine the quality of their
leisure experience and that leisure can be a site for change and empowerment.
It aims to understand how the capacity of women can be strengthened and
supported so they are able to engage in self-enhancing activities and
investigate and determine their own lives. Feminist research provides the
framework within which constraints and opportunities can be explored:i --.) 21
Chapter Two
Women's leisure experiences: a feminist perspective
2.1 Introduction
This study is based on the premise that recreation has the potential to facilitate women's empowerment and development through the creation of opportunities and partnerships with community, religious and private groups who are sensitive to the issues that contribute to the enhancement of their quality of life.
South African research into recreation has recognised the cumulative deprivation caused by apartheid in terms of the unequal distribution of recreational space and recreational opportunity. Butler-Adam (1986) and Jones
(1998) have in various ways examined the role of apartheid in the imbalances in physical and social infrastructure and the negative, impact of unemployment, poverty and family destabilisation and dislocation on recreation and leisure behaviour.
Apartheid through separate development and group areas was responsible for maintaining traditions that perpetuated strict gender role socialisation and inequalities. Customs and traditions that marginalised women thrived in communities where men felt undermined and emasculated by the system of racial superiority. loss of personal and political space resulted in male control 22 and dominance within the family and community and often resulted in domestic violence and crimes against women.
Leisure research emanating from euro-centric ideologies and philosophies provide the basis for understanding the role of leisure in women's lives by examining constraints and opportunities and gender role definitions as well as issues related to power and control within the family and society researchers are able to understand, analyse and interpret the ways in which leisure can facilitate empowerment. In this chapter some theoretical perspectives will be explored in relation to women generally, review some specific examples internationally and relate these to women in South Africa and more specifically to women in Lenasia.
2.2. A feminist contextualization of the leisure experience
"Leisure as a concept meaningful to women, is dynamic and highly personal mix of experiences. In women's day to day lives its definition shifts, is never static, but blurs into and out of areas of life, it is also a highly political concept" (Green et al.,1990:2)
In recent years the political nature of women's role in society, the hegemony of power, unequal access to resources and opportunities have lead to political action in the form of the feminist movement; underscored by the development of feminist theory.
Feminism is a school of thought that emanates from critical neo-Marxist
paradigms, that oppose any fixed set of proscriptive axioms or models, inspired 23 by emancipatory intentions that aim at abolishing social injustices and explore the quality of present-day social cultural environments as the condition for development of humanity. Resistance of oppressed groups against hegemonic domination, opposition of the individual strengthened by a free education
against institutional power and control establish it as a political theory; "the feminist project is to change the world not merely to describe it" (Hall,
1990:232). Like critical theory, feminism is based on the idea that agreement
and conflict exist simultaneously in social life, and the agreements and shared
values are never permanent because they depend on the never-ending
processes of negotiation, compromise, and co-ercion between the various
groups in society (Coakley, 1994:37). While critical theorists are sympathetic to
feminists and incorporate gender, as well as race and ethnicity, in their class
based analysis the research on leisure and sport is still dominated by the view
that class is the really important struggle and that gender is something that
women worry about (Deem, 1986).
Feminism like critical theory, is an emancipatory theory that connects
experience and theory and seeks to examine the domination of women by men
Le. patriarchy. In her groundbreaking research in the late eighties Deem (1986)
and later the Sheffield study of Green et a/. (1990), established the significance
and impact of leisure on women's lives, both resulted in informing policy and
political change and subsequent interest in leisure as a relevant area for social
action and further research. 24
Critical theory's emphasis on alienation, the mutability of human nature and the stultifying effects of advanced industrial society made it relevant to feminists.
Martin Jay (1973) has suggested that critical theory raises the right questions even if the answers offered are not.
Deem (1986) outlined the similarities between the critical theory and feminism
in the context of sport and leisure, both theories share an assumption that sport
and leisure are practices that are struggled over and connected to the exercise
of power and control. Both recognise that radical strategy involving sport and
leisure is important for social and economic changes, as are strategies for the
economy. They also share a belief that it is possible to transform sport and
leisure that continues to subordinate and oppress disadvantaged social groups
into practices that can alter exploitative behaviour and situations. Both critical
and feminist theorists view the world as constantly changing. Critical theorists
and feminists share similar assumptions that:
• all thought is mediated by power relations that are historically and socially
consmuted;
• language is central Ih the formation of subjectivity. Feminists are especially
concerned about the way language is used to demean and -subjugate
'NOmen;
• certain grbU'P~1)rivil$d over others; 25
• oppression, (race, class, gender, age) is reproduced when subordinates
accept their status or situation as natural or inevitable and internalise their
inferiority;
• power is the basis of society, this assumption is essentially Marxist and
refers to the conflict that exits between those who have the power and those
who don't;
• empirical data is interrogated with the intent of uncovering contradictions;
and
• information always involves acts of human judgement and interpretation.
(Kincheloe & McLaren, 1994).
Feminism applies critical theoretical principles to end oppressions that women
experience, its basic tenet is to facilitate empowerment and eliminate
invisibility. Feminist thought and critique revolves around uncovering the . implications of discrimination, sexist assumptions, and cultural stereotyping.
Feminist analysis asks "how and why women's experiences have been ignored,
distorted or misrepresented" (Bialeschki & Henderson, 1991:31 ).
There is a strong trend towards ethnographic production of knowledge and a
move away from eurocentric standards and models. Feminist theory has not
escaped criticism for representing a privileged white position that obscures the
position of 'NOmen of colour. In North America 'NOmen of colour have strongly
favoured value based analyses grounded in emotion rather than dispassionate 26 theorising, they fear that "under the auspices of white feminists, feminism and feminist theory are losing their critical edge. These women strongly resist the tendencies in theory to abstract. to generalise, to reword experience. fearing that their concerns and experiences will be overlooked, devalued or actively subverted (Birrell, 1990:180). In South Africa these cleavages manifested during the transition from apartheid to democracy as black and white women sOllght to include gender in the development of the new constitution from polarised perspectives and values emphasing again the critical analysis of historical factors in feminist theory. (In chapter three a detailed review of the
processes that lead to gender being placed on the South African agenda will be
discussed).
In recent years feminism has adapted to the needs of non-western economies
and women in the developing world have illustrated that there is no one single
approach to women's emancipation. National ethnic action and organisations of [ women embody a new revolutionary emergence of feminist consciousness in
Africa, Asia and Latin America. There are deep rooted similarities as well as
differences between women's struggles. in the developing world national
liberation struggles have to some measure obscured women's organisation
around family, personal freedom, exploitation and sexual and domestic
violence. As previously colonised nations attained freedom and established
democracies in the early eighties, women began to recognise and identify the
specific nature of their oppression in third world situations. They realised that 27
"they may join guerrilla movements, participate in the economy, enter politics and organise trade unions, but at the end of the day they are still seen as women, second class citizens, inferiors to men, bearers of children, and domestic servants" (Davies, 1983). The new feminist consciousness led to increasingly outspoken criticism of the way subordination of women had consistently been ignored by freedom fighters and political activists.
The initial hostility to western feminism is also linked to economic issues that see it as another form of imperialism and imposition of foreign culture and values and economic exploitation. In 1975 Domitila de la Chungara voiced these fears at the United Nations Women's Conference in Mexico W1en she said:
II I could see two types of liberation. One type involves those W10 think women will only be free W1en they have equaled men for the right to smoke and drink as they do... the oth~r type of liberation consists of women being respected as intelligent human beings capable of solving problems and of participating in everything in the field of culture, art, literature, politics and trade-unionism" (Davies, 1983).
In recent years however feminism and feminist thought has developed into a credible theory that has united women around the issues of poverty, education access to resources, sexuality, genital mutilation, rape, abortion, tradition and the complex faces of patriarchY and representation at all levels of political and social life. 28
2.3 The leisure family conflict
The underlying hypothesis of this study is the leisure may be the context for the empowerment of women and that feminist theory provides the theoretical and critical grounding for the investigation. Gender, as stated earlier, is a socially and historically constructed set of power relations. By confining men and women to gender roles attention is drawn to the individual rather than to social structures that govern gender relations, this serves to depoliticize the central questions of power and control (Hall, 1990). The challenge is to apply the tenets of feminism to end oppressions that women experience and to facilitate empowerment and eliminate invisibility.
Investigations into gender and leisure have resulted in new insights about women's leisure experiences, since women occupy more roles in the family
and social structures as mothers and caregivers, workers, housekeepers; they
have less time available for their personal and 'autonomous leisure'
(Henderson, 1996:145). Women's marital status and position within the family
structures also result in womm, serving the needs of men, children and
significant others.
Leisure re~earch grounded in a feminist framework has led to an identification
of major fheme~ that underlie women's experiencE!S of leisure·:~tudiesby Shaw , (1997), Harrington et al. (1g§~) and Green et 8/.(1990) construct a picture of women's activities within ami outside the home that show how far leisure 29 patterns are a reflection of women's social situation. Broad themes emerging from the various empirical studies are that leisure can be both freeing and constraining and that families are responsible for both creating opportunities
and restricting women's access to leisure.
Women's leisure can be victimizing and a source of family conflict compelling a
women into either conforming or resisting family constraints, choosing
autonomous leisure for personal satisfaction can be an empowering
experience. The family is seen by feminist as the playground in which conflict
around leisure is either created or resolved. Two paradigms emerge on that
sees family structures as enhancing togetherness, communication and
providing healthy mechanisms for reducing tensions by building a bond of
mutual interests that knit the family together.
The other paradigm looks at family as part of women's oppression, as a power '\ base with unequal gender refCflions that reduce and constrain women's options.
The family is seen as a component of the system of patriarchal unequal power
where issues of family conflict, violence, wife battering and child abuse are
masked.
Family lei,ure can incorpprate contradictory meaning and emotions
simultaneously and family activities maybe leisure and work at the same time,
motivations may be a complex mix of intrinsic and obligatory factors and both 30 positive and negative outcomes may result from anyone family leisure situation
(Shaw, 1997:102).
Some leisure theorist believe that when women seek personal leisure through the family they are able to attain autonomy and independence while others describe the effects of familism and patriarchy as a constraint to women's leisure resulting in less time for themselves (Henderson, 1996:146). Gilligan's
(1982) socio-psychological analysis of women's moral and ethical choices is epotimized in the phrase "ethic of care". She found that women struggled with the "dilemma between compassion and autonomy, between virtue and power".
Women often choose the home and non-structured activities as the primary place and means of leisure expression resulting in much of women's leisure being fragmented, in short women do not feel entitled to free time (Deem, 1986;
Henderson, 1996; Melamed, 1991; O'Neil, 1991; SISA, 1997). Feminist researchers found that women attach guilt to leisure, and speak of leisure in terms of tasks. Irrespective of their employment status most mothers are still vie'Ned as holding primary responsibility for the day to day care of the home and family. Even during shared leisure time they may feel more constraint and
I less enjoyment and relaxation since they often put the needs of others before their own (Larson et at., 1991:80) they "only fe~1 entitled (to leisure) after a hard life of 'NOtk and self-sacrifice" (HaRderson, 1993:36). 31
2.4 Work and leisure
Harrington, ef aJ., (1992) examined women who were in full-time employment, in part-time employment or homemakers who were not employed outside the home. They found that homemakers were more constrained in their leisure than women who worked part-time or full-time. Part time workers perceived that they had it best in regard to family time and autonomous leisure. (Harrington ef aJ., 1992). Younghill (ef al., 1994) in investigating the leisure orientations of
black, overweight women with low incomes found that they had little leisure
despite being unemployed, to them free-time far from being pleasurable, was in
fact a burden. They found their unemployment and inability to earn an income a
source of frustration, not having access to discretionary funds meant a further
constraint and source of dependency and continuation of the cycle of
oppression within the social structures that governed their lives.
Women's increased contribution in the labour market may lead to financial
advantages, especially if they are able to maintain control over their incomes,
however as they take on more roles with increased participation in male
oriented domains they significantly reduce their free time. Sharing of household
responsibilities with members of the family often leads to conflict. Shaw (1997)
found that women showed a higher preference for work reduction than men did
but th~desire was not based on finding more leisure time but to fuml family
responsibilities. Role definition and patriarchal ideology has entrenched 32 expectations that make it a women's duty to place family needs above personal desires:
"Deprived of sizeable blocks of time, women are less able to delineate particular periods of leisure. Instead they have learned to maximize their options whenever the opportunity arises. "Most women have learned to live with randomness, unpredictability, momentary crises and inevitable change" (Melamed, 1991 :35).
A different picture emerges in the fieldwork of Russel and Stage (1996) among
Sudanese refugee women who expressed distress at the long hours of unoccupied time, time they considered a burden. They explain:
"No work was being done, nor was their play. The entire day, walking through miles of living areas of over 63,000 refugees, we saw only three incidents of children playing... Women interviewees told us how time seemed to drag on" (Russel & Stage, 1996: 114).
The cultural and circumstantial differences in perceptions of free time, work and leisure in cultures other than western are further higHlighted by Khan (1997). In his investigation of the leisure and recreation activities of women in the hill farming districts of Bangladesh the influence of culture and indigenous craft are pivotal to women's lives. Asked to explain what recreation meant to them, a typical response was:
"Leisure is a joy a sense of happiness you feel deep down in your heart by doing something or by making someone happy. I make cane baskets with the help of Rasu and Fazila and buy clothes from the proceeds of them. I feel good to see them smiling. Free time? No.. I'm always busy but when I go to the hill fountain t6 fetch water, I meet neighbours and talk with friends" (Khan, 1997:10). 33
The diversity of women's experiences and the context in which they experience free time and leisure offer the leisure researcher more complex and richer nuances to the concept of women's leisure behaviour.
Leisure research within a developmental paradigm, in South Africa is limited because of investment of resources into welfare, health, education and sport, which are considered critical areas for addressing imbalances. There is however an acknowledgement at both local and national governmental level, that lack of physical and social infrastructure and services impede the development of holistic communities. The continuing job losses that exacerbate poverty, shortage of low income housing result in a range of constraints to recreation and leisure spaces and facilities. The rising crime rate and increases in domestic and rape figures highlight the lack of importance given to the role of recreation as a vehicle for healing and developing disadvantaged communities. Fear and lack of adequate programmes for women with safe childcare have not been piloted in disadvantaged communities. Apartheid ensured that a culture of entitlement found in capitalist countries and more affluent areas of South Africa do not exist in disadvantaged areas where people "seem to accept the asymmetry in their
lives without any obvious signs of general displeasure or calls for
restruduring" (Homa, 1989). 34
2.5 Conclusion
If "truth" and knowledge are always situated in discourse and implicated in power relations then feminism provides the ideology whereby women's empowerment can be facilitated. Recreation and leisure are non-threatening areas that can facilitate change and redress injustices through education, service provision programming and facilitation that puts women in the centre.
Informal, lifelong education mindful of disadvantages and constraints can fill the gaps created by political and cultural structures. Leisure empowerment aims to give women permission and access free time that they did not feel entitled to. The goal of feminism is to empower previously disadvantaged women, marginalised by masculine perspectives through active participation and lobbying for policy changes both individually and collectively to ensure that feminist thoughts atK:I par~Qt§ms are not relegated to secondary status. 3S
Chapter Three
Charting gender development in South Africa
3.1 Introduction
In South Africa women's lives have not been unaffected by historical and political forces that sought, racial, cultural and economic dominance. In the preface to her study Women's Oppression Today, Barret (1980) argues for an analysis of the 'how' and 'why' of women's oppression. Since women's expression and experiences of leisure are not isolated, nor, purely based on ideology a profile of gender and women's historical agency will be mapped in order to connect apartheid and post apartheid perceptions and experiences. An analysis of recreation and leisure in women's lives demands a review of the historical context in which women find themselves.
South Africa's legislated racism and structural separation of people according to race, ethnicity and culture resulted in unequal distribution of resources and development. Black women did not have equal access to education, health, and housing and 'Nere effectively marginalised from participation in the management of their societies. Their silence and invisibility from the media and documentation resulted in the perpetuation of myths about their passivity and lack of political pO'Ner. 36
"In the great mass of women documentary silence may be erroneously equated with historical passivity or, even worse, with historical insignificance, so that, women simply disappear from our view of the past. Where women's presence is acknowledged, it is often to subsume them within the family or hide them behind abstractions such as 'reproduction' and 'oppression - even 'gender' - so that the full complexity of their lives, as well as their historical agency, becomes obscured" (Walker, 1990:3).
In this chapter it is aimed to present women not as a homogenous entity but as shaped by society. African and Indian women, are the residents of the area being studied therefore a focus on their history is necessary. It is also important to contextualise them in relation to other South African women; and to take into consideration the collective as well as individual impact that race, legislation, culture, religion as well as their material conditions, economic opportunities and personal situations have on their leisure behaviour. An assumption of this study is that by addressing women's basic needs such as food, shelter and health, the move towards addressing the strategic needs of empowerment can be achieved through the creation of a flexible recreation and leisure environment.
A brief historical review will serve to explain the processes that lead to the current situation in which women find themselves. 37
3.2 The colonial period
In pre-colonial times women exercised control over agriculture and the production of food; their fertility also ensured considerable status and limited authority. With the advent of colonialism African women found themselves enmeshed in the restructuring of their society and witnessed a reduction in the importance of agriculture that diminished their worth.
The introduction of urbanisation and the migrant labour system reinforced the assumption of male authority that was central to both the indigenous and settler sex-gender systems. In many respects this was reinforced by missionaries and colonists who applied their own culturally bound concepts of gender to circumscribe the position of black women and undermine the pre-colonial ideology that emphasised female activity and self reliance. "Civilising the native", meant forcing men into labour, not for themselves, nor to unburden
African women, but for the labour of whites (Baden et aI., 1999; Walker, 1990).
Colonial policy makers also reinterpreted customary law and accorded African women lesser status than men. One of the strategies to prevent female migration to the cities was instituting direct prohibitions on the mobility of women by enforcing pass laVlS and restricting access to transport. Women's
access to land also depended on their relationship to men, even though the women tended the land and maintained the family unit in the absence of the
men; legally women remained minors. 38
In the 1930's some African women began the move into urban areas in search of work. The most common forms of wage earning for women was domestic work, hawking and beer brewing. The rapidly escalating movement of women threatened not only the migrant labour system but also law and order in the locations (Guy, 1990). Stringent laws and punitive action resulted and forced women into living illegally with their spouses.
The status of Indian women, who arrived in South Africa as indentured labour
after 1860 was as precarious as that of African women. The cheapness of their
labour on the tea and sugar estates and the coal mines of Northern Natal
resulted in exploitation and isolation. Indian men and the employers regarded
women as property, to be bought, sold or given away, women were commonly
used to punish or reward workers, and "a situation was created which
permitted whites to believe that Indians were incapab'le of sustaining bonds of
mutual affection or responsibility" (Beall, 1990). The forms of control developed
in the colonial period were extended further by the Apartheid Government
which lasted from 1948 to 1994.
The aim of the following profile of gender relations in South Africa is not to
engage in an in depth analysis of historical and political develppment leading
up to constitutionally ensured gender equality, but to present a context in which 39 women experience and engage in leisure, and the framework in which they
experience obstacles.
3.3 Race and gender relations
The most marked and fundamental characteristic of South Africa, is its ruthless
and deep divisions of race. Apartheid zealously implemented segregation and
entrenched patriarchal structures that resonated differently in each of the four
race groups. African, Coloured, Indian and White women experienced
oppression differently. "In short all women are oppressed, they are not
oppressed equally. There is an inequality" (Bazilli, 1991 :6). According to Meer
(1985:5) it is difficult to assess which of the component cultures was the most
repressive. The enfranchised white women deferred to the male authority; their
focus was on reinforcing good family life with little or no interest in the impact
their privileged state had on the disenfranchised races.
In acknowledging that a lot of focus has been on black women during Apartheid
Ginwala (1991) states that white women had only limited property rights and
were generally treated as minors but that white women failed to use their
relative power in political, social and economic areas. This prompted her to ask,
"Oid the comfort and privilege blind you to the national oppression around you
and to your own subordinate state?" (Ginwala, 1991 :65). 40
Since the fundamental principle of feminism is the reshaping of society and establishing equitable justice, the women's organisations of the Indian
Congress, African National Congress (ANC) and the Communist Party campaigned in defiance of Apartheid. Women who belonged to Indian and
African congresses envisaged a society which would unite women in common action, they struggled to obtain rights to full employment opportunities with equal pay, protested against and defied pass laws, and demanded free and compulsory education for their children.
These aims were formulated in the ANC Women's Charter (1954) that offered a trenchant critique of male domination of women of all classes. One of the criticisms leveled at the Women's Charter was that while protesting racial discrimination it failed to recognise the class domination that could unite black and white women of any class, and that gender oppression is rooted in a material base. This is understandable because most 'women were living under extremely impoverished conditions and could not envisage a classless society
while being threatened by racist law enforcement. The most important issues
for women to organise around and educate themselves about were mass
removals. passes, influx control and the cost of living.
The ANC ensured that women did not focus on the activities pertaining to
women only to the detriment of the party. The women's position in the liberation
struggle was a shared vision of "a single society: We women do not form a 41 society separate from men. There is only one society and it is made up of both women and men" (Women's Charter, 1954:1). The Black Consciousness
Movement under Steve Biko shifted the focus to a class-based struggle that saw the struggle against Apartheid as no more than a point of departure for an end to racial capitalism (Manifesto of Azapo, 1983). Women have had their consciousness shaped by the liberation movements and these have focused social democratic trends of Europe and the United States. The liberal, capitalistic perspectives have been further propelled by the breakdown of
Marxist socialist states that had allied themselves to the ANC.
Gaidzanwa (1992:106) laments the emergence of the black bourgeoisie in a
post apartheid non-racial capitalist state in \\!hich women's subordination has
been reformed but not challenged substantially. The capitalist perspectives of
social change assumes that the market economy determines the levels of
entitlement on the basis of the type of labour that people can sell, or the
resources at their disposal. The majority of women remain a large part of the
labour that underpins the accumulation and consumption of the bourgeoisie.
This is unlikely to stimulate substantive changes in gender roles and the sexual.
division of labour that subordinates women. Government policy fails to
implement and prevent women from being marginalised on the assumption that
reforms are gender neutral. Traditionally women have little or no money; few
assets and insufficient credit possibilities to take advantage of the restructuring
and reform (Aslanbeigui et al., 1994). 42
Both liberal and radical feminist thought contributed to the inclusion of gender equality in the new democratic constitution of South Africa adopted in May
1996 ( Albertyn, 1995).
3.4 The period of transition (1990-1994)
During the 1980's and early 1990's debates about the relationship of women's struggles and broader issues against apartheid gained momentum. In 1992 women across the political spectrum came together to form the Women's
National Coalition to outline the inclusion of women in the new post apartheid
government. Letlaka-Rennert and Seris (1989) and Nkululeko (1987) painfully
highlighted the differences and similarities of women's experiences. Letlaka
Rennert and Seris, while acknowledging that all women in South Africa were
oppressed claimed that the stereotypical way in which images of women are
portrayed refer mainly to white women. Nkululeko (1987) questioned whether
an oppressed nation or segment of it, engaged in struggle for liberation, could
rely knowledge produced, researched and theorised by others especially those
who are "members of the oppressor nation". She argued that the trappings of
their own history, values, culture and ideology seriously hampered intimate
knowledge of the experiences of black women.
The Charter for Effective Equality was finally adopted by the Women's National
Coalition in February 1994 setting out a programme for the equality in all
spheres of private and public life and committed in the new democratic 43
Constitution. The Bill of Rights and the establishment of a Gender Commission are indicative of the post-apartheid government's commitment to the promotion of the constitutional principle of gender equality in accordance with Act No 39 of
1996. Though ministries and governmental departments have included gender issues in their programmes and policies, many have yet to show how policies can impact on the lives of ordinary women and how the burden of women's household responsibilities can be lessened (CGE 1999; Baden et al., 1999).
Feminist analysis has established that both political and material conditions are determining factors in women's experiences of leisure and that poverty, health, educational status, family situation, culture and religion also impinge on women's lives in varying degrees. An examination of the manifestation of these factors will provide insights into why women's needs, seem secondary.
3.5 Poverty and inequality
A deprivation index has been constructed for South Africa, being a composite
of twelve household indicators thought to represent critical basic capabilities
such as income, nutrition, and access to health services, educational level as
well as perception of quality of life. In 1993, 44% of adult men and adult women
were living in poor households. In rural areas 64% of African men and 70% of
rural African women were living in poor households. Race and gender bias, as
a result of past laws controlling, work, residency and movement continue to
affect women's position in the labour market. Women's work in the informal 44 sector in paid and unpaid fields remain unrecorded and their economic activity is underestimated as they predominate in low-skilled and low paid occupations.
Many poor women are members of stockvels or rotating credit associations, however the poorest who cannot contribute the smallest amount are often excluded from even these saving clubs because they cannot pay regular membersl"lip fees (Baden et al., 1999).
Gender poverty is often measured by comparing households headed by women. A household headed by a woman is more likely to be poor than one headed by a male. The increasing trend toward single mother households has resulted in a worldwide "feminization of poverty." In 1995 almost half (49%) of women headed households were among the poorest by contrast 31 % of male headed households, urban white male-headed households were found to be the wealthiest. The poverty hearings of March 1998 in an attempt to redress
imbalances reviewed the effects of apartheid on destablising rural communities.
Gender poverty was addressed, but tended to be remedial rather than radical in
addressing power imbalances between men and women and the broader
systematic forces such as the free market trade and privatisation and the
increasing influence of the World Trade Organisation on globalisation of the
economy. "Current developments in our region and beyond hammer home the
point that South Africa cannot hope to sustain an isolationist development
policy. A country racked by inequality and poverty, surrounded by even worse
poverty, is a recipe for conflict" (Coleman, 1998:4). 45
Compounded with this is the new democratic government's failure to spend a large part of its budget on poverty alleviation. The National Welfare department spent less than 7% of the 204 million Rand it received for poverty relief programmes in the 1998 financial year (Randall et al., 2000).
In addition to measuring poverty by income it can be measured by education, health status and access to basic services. These affect people's quality of life, as well as their potential ability to earn income and enjoy the material and aesthetic rewards of their labour (Baden et al .,1999; Statistics S.A, 1996).
More women than men have very little formal education in 1995. Twenty three percent of African women aged 25 years or more had no formal education at all compa~~d to 16% of African men. Passing grade five is often used as a ----_ .. ~ measure of literacy. Over a quarter 28% had not passed grade 5. In contrast all white men and 'WOmen had passed at least grade 5. Women's access to education is also curtailed and controlled by customary values and gender bias that favours expenditure on male children rather than on girls. Sexual harassment, abuse and fear of violence as well as distances to schools, libraries and colleges result in drop out rates being higher for girls than boys
(Baden et al.1999; Statistics S.A, 1996).
! 1 -\...... (-r I r-" I (V o !/l/It:I i 46
South Africa has one of the highest rates of increase in HIV/AIDS infection in the world; this will eventually lead to further poverty as the epidemic decimates the population of working age. Sixteen in every hundred women visiting antenatal clinics in South Africa during 1997 were HIV positive. Poverty increases the danger of infection as women feel compelled to use sex to earn money. Aids is dramatically affecting the shape of the population pyramid which is beginning to resemble a barbell standing on one end. The middle that represents the 20-30 age group, of economically and sexually active population is narrowing and dwindling rapidly. Left behind is a large population of dependents; the elderly and orphaned children who will place further strain on a government that is still trying to come to grips with a legacy of inequality
(Stucky, 1999).
3.6 Gender violence
Unequal relationships between men and women mean that women are usually placed in positions subordinate to men. For many men the experience of being men in South Africa is closely bound with exerting power over women, making domestic violence a genderspecific crime. The family as a site for interpersonal intimate relationships has often been characterised as private, this rhetoric of private versus public affords primacy to the public realm and serves to cloud and make invisible the violence against women.
In a patriarchal society women are devalued and vulnerable and violence is 47 seen as a legitimate means of achieving goals. Violence was legitimised by most role players in the period prior to democratisation. Research has found that between one out of four or one out of six women in South Africa are in abusive relationships and that one woman is killed by her partner every six days and that an average of 80% of rural women are victims of domestic violence. The most recent statistics on rape show that 49 289 rapes were reported in 1998 (Vetten, 2000).
South African research on violence shows that domestic violence is a common
phenomenon. The range of abuses are wide, including physical, sexual,
emotional and psychological and other controlling behaviour, including financial
dependency. When domestic violence and rape are detected by the criminal
justice system, the perpetrator frequently goes unpunished: only 9% of rape
cases reported to the police in 1998 resulted in conviction (Bollen et al., 1999).
Abuse affects all women without regard to their level of income, however the
cultures, traditions, politics dominant religion and sociological development of
countries reporting high levels of gender based violence vary. The one risk
factor that is common, globally, is that of being female (Bollen et al.,1999).
Responding to 'M>men's feelings of violation and insecurity is an important part
of improving their quality of life. Reducing the fear of violence in their own
homes, and anxiety related to both physical and emotional abuse becomes an 48 important target area for service providers. Women's non-participation in serious leisure needs to be analysed within the context of women's sense of safety and ability to make decisions autonomously.
Fear of crime is also a serious problem in South Africa. Surveys have shown that South Africans feel unsafe in their neighbourhoods, those living in townships and inner cities tend to feel less safe than those living in the suburbs. The survey of violence against women in Metropolitan South Africa
(Bollen et al., 1999) showed that the fear of crime is likely to be highest among those who think they have the greatest chance of victimisation, and those who worry the most about the consequences of crime, whether social, physical, emotional or economic. A vast majority of women felt safe at work, than in their homes and public places (Bollen et al., 1999). Women's lack of participation in serious leisure may be directly related to fear of being in unsafe, unlit, areas.
Recreation facilities are often far from residences and may require transportation or long distances by foot this may deter women from seeking leisure outside of the home.
3.7 Culture and Gender
Culture is a term that encompasses what is generally referred to as a "way of
life" and includes beliefs, values, mores, tradition and social practices. It is
culture that presents the diversity that colours South African society, it was the
culture of Apartheid that prevailed in the past and marginalised all other 49 cultures and ethnic value systems and beliefs. The democratic constitution recognizes and places equal value on all cultures and races in South Africa.
Cultural changes refer to the bulk of successive transformations that develop within a culture while cultural development is a process through which a community intends to develop its identity and to adapt to various conditions that permanently shape its contours and inner structure (D'Armours, 1991). There are two main sources of change in modern society:
• Deliberate action by political institutions and various levels of government, exemplified by law, regulations and policies e.g. the shift from an apartheid culture to a culture of tolerance and democracy.
• The dynamics of contingencies from which emerge successive unplanned and un-foreseen conditions that intervene with social planning e.g. the impact of television, migration and technology.
Amours is of the opinion that dynamic contingencies have a more important impact on local cultural development than the deliberate actions taken by government. Legislated non-sexism is still deeply influenced by traditionally held beliefs, custom and religious factors and media representations. Cultural transformation remains largely theoretical with little visible change in the lives and circumstances of women.
The phenomenal pace of change in technology, and the globalisation of economies has resulted in what Hollinshead (1998:122) calls "fluidity and cultural hybridity." He likens the new emerging cultures to a melting pot, 50 however instead of being assimilated or integrated completely; strong and vibrant elements of indigenous cultures compete for survival. South Africa is currently experiencing an intersection of cultures as the previously marginalised groups find a new significance and right to self-preservation and pride.
Understanding women's experiences within this continually dynamic and changing social world requires insights about a preViously, highly polarised cultures and an emerging multiculturalism that recognises that there is always a reason behind why people do what they do (Hollinshead, 1998).
Religion, culture and tradition have to a large extent succeeded in maintaining the unequal relationships between men and women by reinforcing gender roles. About 15% of South Africans are African Traditionalists and 80% are
Christians, the rest are Muslims, Jews and Hindus (Stats S.A., 1996). Most religions are patriarchal with customary practices and obligations that prevent women from full and equal participation. African women, married in Customary
Law, were considered minors under the Black Administration Act of 1927. A law commission is currently examining the parameters of customary law that discriminate against women with a view to aligning these to the equality clause in the Bill of Rights. African Customary practices such as lobola and polygamy and Islamic Personal law affect the status of women within a given community
and culture ,and often conflict with legal status and women's self determination
(Law Commission, 1998). Laws against discrimination are only· a first step 51 towards equality for women, the traditional practices are often deep-rooted and women are tom between their spirituality and need for self-expression.
Religious commitment and guilt related to disobedience of conventions often undermine efforts towards emancipation as women often fear ostracism and exclusion from community activities. The rising conservatism and backlash to feminism also acts against women.
3.8 Conclusion
The complexity and diversity of women and the impact of both historical and current legislation and existing social practices and trends indicate that many variables affect women's experiences of equality. South African women's racial, economic, religious, social and educational differences present the challenge and context for an investigation of their recreational and leisure experiences.
Henderson (1996:1) explains that: "Researchers who study women's leisure , are moving into a discourse about the inability and inadequacy of determining that leisure is the same for all women or that one size fits all." This leads to the assumption that women's social position within a particular time frame, or cultural context determines their leisure behaviour and aspirations. Henderson and Bialeschki (1991) as well as Fraser (1996) believe that though recreation and leisure are not the panacea for correcting the social wrongs of the world, or
redress the lack of opportunity that women have experienced, the freedom and
opportunity found in leisure, however, may be one way to begin to improve the
quality of life for all individuals, regardless of their traditional status in life. 52
Chapter Four
lenasia: A community profile
4.1 Introduction
The relationship between women's access to recreation and leisure is directly linked to the political and economic milieu and the structural policies and processes that characterized both apartheid and post apartheid society. Since a feminist analysis of women's recreational needs and leisure experience is grounded in historical forces a further interrogation of South African history will
provide the framework for analysis of the present status of women and profile the historical events that shaped women's lives. At a micro level the impact of
legislation on the community of Lenasia, will be clarified through a
developmental and chronological approach in relation to national policies and
political developments. Lenasia will serve as an example of the impact that
historical factors had on the people of South Africa.
4.2 A brief historical overview
Terreblanche and Nattress (1994) divide South African history into seven
periods each of about 12 years: The first 1910-1922 was characterized by
economic and political dominance of the English establishment and the
structuring of a racially segregated society with the complete exclusion of
blacks from parliament. The Mines and Works Act of 1911 laid the foundation 53 for statutory colour bar in the work place and the Land Act of 1913 restricted
black access to land which exacerbated the steady impoverishment of the
agricultural community and the decline of black mine workers wages. Nineteen
twenty two to nineteen thirty three saw an attempt by mainly Afrikaner miners
and farmers at establishing a welfare state geared towards compensating poor
whites as laid do'M'l in the 1925 Wage Act that ensured that whites be paid at a
rate commensurate with a "civilised" standard of living.
Between 1933 and 1948 the English establishment re-emerged; dUring World
war two, the loss of skilled-labour to the armies enroute to the war resulted in
the authorization of blacks to work in skilled positions. The Fagan commission
of 1948 argued that black urbanisation should be unrestricted in order to meet
economic goals through an increased work force of unskilled black labour. The
fourth period however saw the institutionalisation of Apartheid and a revision to
racially repressive and segregationist legislation such as the Population
Registration Act of 1950, The Group Areas Act of 1950, The Reservation of
Separate Amenities Act and the 1954 Black Resettlement Act (Terreblanche &
Nattress, 1994).
Much of this legislation was ostensibly directed at controlling black labour but
affected Coloureds and Indians equally through job reservation and impairment
of free movement within the country. This resulted in the strengthening of the
African National Congress as a political force, rooted in trade unionism the 54 development of community resistance movements took on a new black unity dimension. In 1952 The Defiance Campaign was launched to demand the repeal of the unjust laws. In 1955 The ANC in collaboration with the Indian
Congresses of Transvaal and Natal drew up the Freedom Charter comprising a list of basic freedoms including the provision of housing, health and education.
The Apartheid State responded by banning ANC leaders and charging the members of the congress alliance with treason. Hendrick Verwoerd's policy of separate development, and the creation of Bantustans or ethnic states and racially segregated townships by instituting forced removals from urban areas reserved for whites, led to renewed tensions and uprisings. The forced removals destroyed whole communities such as District Six in Cape Town,
Sophiatown and Pageview in Johannesburg and the enforcement of the Influx
Control Act and the Native labour Regulations Act rationalised the flow of
blacks into urban areas (Meer, 1985).
Nineteen sixty to nineteen seventy-three is vie\Y8d as the most repressive era
in South Africa 'the dark decade' the time where racial dominance on the basis
of Verwoerdian ideology was established. This was also a period of rapid black
urbanisation and industrialisation and tighter controls on individual and group
freedom.
The growing resistance campaign against pass laws resulted in the killing of 69
people in Sharpeville and led to the complete banning of political activity and 55 the arrest and incarceration for life for the political leadership including Nelson
Mandela. Nineteen seventy-three to nineteen eighty-four witnessed a reorganisation of resistance movements both in exile and within the country.
Fundamental and dramatic changes occurred during this period, the Soweto uprising of 1976 and the subsequent sanctions applied by the Commonwealth and world community resulted in isolation. Government however embarked on the creation of strategic industries such petroleum and arms manufacturing and increased social expenditure that remained radically biased in favour of whites.
The State institutionalised whites only education, health, cultural, sporting and recreational facilities with a view to enhancing white superiority and power.
In September 1984 the tricameral parliament was introduced incorporating
Coloureds and Indians in a 'whites only' parliament that excluded blacks and entrenched white domination. This 'co-optive dominance strategy'
(Terreblanche & Nattress,1994:192) saw an elite with vested interest in the apartheid system trying to sustain separate development, confronted by protests and uprisings by the mass democratic movement organising against
Apartheid. Under J. B. Vorster and P.W. Botha South African society was continually subjected to states of emergencies and military interventions and police brutality in increasingly vain attempts to stem the tide of change and democratisation. 56
In the late eighties the United Democratic Front's mass strikes and protests allied to international pressure and economic, and sporting isolation forced the
Nationalist Government to negotiate a settlement with the ANC leadership in exile. Finally political prisoners were released in 1992 and the difficult process towards a Government of National Unity began, culminating in the first
democratic elections of 1994 (Terreblanche and Nattress, 1994).
4.3 Apartheid legislation
Of special significance to this research is the social engineering implemented
through legislation that curbed interaction and· movement. It is important to
remember that racial classification and division was the central tenet of
Apartheid, and was achieved through the Population Registration Act of 1950
that referred to four racial groups: 'Native' (or Bantu), 'European' (later changed
to White), Coloured and Indian (changed to Asian). By the prohibition to the
Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 marriages between whites and members of other
groups were prohibited and extra-marital sexual contact across the colour bar
was punishable by up to seven years of imprisonment.
The Group Areas Act of 1950 designated specific urban areas for occupation
by particular racial groups. This Act was enforced to remove thousands of black
people from their homes and businesses to townships in their own group areas.
The 1954 Native Resettlement Act led to the removal of 58 000 Africans to 57
Sowato, Coloureds Indians and Chinese throughout the country were forcibly displaced (Group Areas Act No 41,1950:413).
The impact of Apartheid is of particular significance to this study. The area under investigation i.e. Lenasia \AlaS created by The Group Areas Act and resulted from the uprooting of the Johannesburg suburb of Pageview between
1954 and 1977. The Pageview area \AlaS multiracial but it \AlaS unanimously agreed by residents and the Johannesburg City Council that a housing crisis existed, it was a slum area. The minutes of the Councils meeting of 25 Oct.
1944 reflects this looming housing crisis exacerbated by the reluctance of the
Transvaal Indian Congress to rehouse Indians in areas designated for Indians
only. Indians objected strongly to the creation of Ghettos and most people saw
this move as a "Camouflaged attempt by government to foist upon the Indian
Community a policy involving their ruination" (Indian Views, 1944).
Twenty years later the community of Pageview experienced mass removals to
the segregated Indian area of Lenasia 35 kilometres from Johannesburg,
adjacent to SO\Neto the African area, and Eldorado Park the Coloured area.
The Graphic (1967:3) reported that "The Indian people have had no say at all in
the making of the Group Areas Act and all its proliferations but have been
uprooted from homes in which they had lived for generations... ". 58
One of the strategies used by the Apartheid government to expedite segregation was to close down the existing secondary schools in the area and bus children to the designated areas. This move served to reinforce protests and radicalized the youth against the state. It also served to retard the careers of the number of girls that completed matric as "parents protective of their daughters did not allow girls to be bussed to Lenasia" (Carrim, 1990:103). This together with the arrival of bulldozers "concientised the Pageview people about the looming reality of separate Group Areas... They were caught in the grips of a heinous system that now attempted to uproot them from their established ways of living, they were rendered victims of a system not of their making"
(Carrim, 1990: 104).
The move to Lenasia was fraught with tremendous difficulty resulting in jail terms for dissidents and loss of possessions, work, livelihood and poverty for others. Newspaper reports and literature of the time captures some of the fears, and pain of the time and also holds for posterity the personal accounts of the rich cultural and community spirit of the town 'Nhich they did not wish to leave (Essop, 1989).
4.4 Lenasia: a community profile
Between 1954 and 1977 the demolishing and relocation of the Indian
Community to Lenasia was implemented amid resistance and further repression. Lenasia was a barren tract of land and the first families brought to 59 the area were housed in disused army barracks, which were to remain
"temporary" housing for the next ten years. There was no sanitation nor water
or electricity. Eventually the displaced were moved to the Thomsville-Greyville
extension essentially an area for the poor with sub-economic match box style
housing with external toilets (The Rand Daily Mail, 1960; Urban and Regional
Planning Wits, 1971). The township lacked basic amenities and infrastructure,
roads were untarred, streets unlit, there were no traffic lights and transport was
inadequate and unreliable. At this point no provision for health and recreation
or sporting facilities was made.
Much confusion prevailed regarding the development of services in the area;
initially the area was the jurisdiction of the Group Areas Development Board,
which was responsible for the relocation until 1961. This function was
undertaken by the Community Development Board, which allocated houses
and relocated people to extensions 2,3,4,5 and 7, of lenasia. As the numbers
of dislocated persons increased more land was obtained from white small
holdings controlled by the Peri Urban Development Board which then assumed
control of the newer extensions 8, 9 10, 11 This however led to different rental
and rates and taxes systems. This division led for a more concerted effort on
the part of community and civic organisations to lobby the Johannesburg City
Council to provide municipal services for the entire area (FRA, 1980). With
pressure from community based organisations the infrastucture improved, a
Family Health clinic, for immunisation and family planning was established. 60
As rate payers began to recognise their clout and the value of their rates and taxes the Johannesburg Municipality made available a Civic Centre, Library, recreation centre as well as a stadium and tennis courts.
The 1970's as mentioned earlier, saw the increased militarisation of South
African society as the 1976 riots reverberated throughout South Africa. Lenasia had in the twenty years of its existence developed a highly politicized community through the common bond of dislocation and suffering as a result of
Apartheid. Displaced people developed social bonds to create a new sense of community and strengthened its links with political and liberation movements.
There were however two distinct schools of thought on the issues facing the
community; a conservative minority was co-opted to the tricameral system that
offered local management committees, grounded in Apartheid structures, some
say in the running of their areas with the promise of 'separate but equal
development.' The majority, who like all black South Africans looked towards
an end to apartheid and transformation to a one-man one vote democracy
demanded non-participation in any govemment initiated structures.
Nineteen eighty-four was a very important turning point in South Africa's
history. In September of that year the bicameral parliament was introduced and
Lenasia as well as all segregated group areas erupted into widespread
rebellion and unrest. Realising that apartheid was unsustainable the white
government SOUght to move away from segregation to incorporating Coloureds 61 and Indians into a constitution that excluded Africans. This co-opting of certain members of the Coloured and Indian populations resulted in the majority of
Lenasia residents joining civic organisations and rate payers federations that were linked to the United Democratic Front. With the banning of political parties the organisations related to education, health, religion culture and sport filled the vacuum and developed communities and facilities without the aid of government and often inspite of it. The creation of the House of Delegates, the
Indian wing of parliament was met with opposition and the lowest poll of the country was registered in the three constituencies of Lenasia (Lemon, 1984).
With Soweto, and areas in the Cape and Natal, Lenasia became the hotbed of protest, resulting in detentions and house arrests for its community leaders.
Attenuating progress that had been made but new volunteers and activists soon took on the challenges. Dr R.A.M. Saloojee a popular leader and
Chairperson of the Federation of Rate Payers Association (FRA) and vice
President of the United Democratic Front of the Southern Transvaal region was detained for six months in 1984, and again for in1986 for four months. His harassment, detentions and house arrests were a barometer of the repression suffered by the community of Lenasia (FRA, 1987).
4.5 Social implications
The Group Areas Act has resulted in various changes to the lifestyles of people. Lenasia in particular has experienced social patterns that ranged from
alienation and remorse at dislocation to challenging obstacles to rebuild a 62 vibrant community in a segregated location not of their choice. Social life and recreation previously confined to members and relatives of the joint family system changed as a result of Municipal Housing schemes IIthat were not designed to accommodate the joint family pattern of life. A separate dwelling for each nuclear family unit was provided" (Ramphal, 1989:75). This resulted in a disintegration of traditional patterns of recreating. It also necessitated the inclusion of women in the labour market as women's income became essential for the maintenance and survival of the new household.
Lenasia was essentially a dormitory to'M1, with most residents commuting to the city daily leaving early in the morning and returning late at night. With an inadequate transport system the hours spent commuting limited the time spent on sport and recreation and family interaction. The absence of adequate provision of infrastructure and amenities thwarted any efforts at establishing sporting codes for casual and formal involvement. The needs of the community and the lack of interest on the part of the authorities provided the rallying point for action. Welfare organisations independent of government, initiated by the community, were formalised to provide services such as social workers, for addressing poverty and social problems. The Johannesburg Indian Welfare
Association looked at rebuilding of a community as a challenge for leaders in
the area who saw it as a moral and social obligation. Other organisations with
core interest in religion, sport or health and welfare mushroomed and affiliated 63 to national bodies such as the non-racial SACOS (South African Council of
Sport) or the United Democratic Front.
Street committees and civic organisations took on the challenge of engaging the municipal structures in providing services and forming community
organisations across the spectrum of religion and culture. Though the area
remained predominantly Indian the influx of African rural people in search of
work, especially domestic labour resulted in the settlement of squatter
communities in and around lenasia. In the highly politicized community their
inclusion in the civic structures was encouraged. Formalised in 1989 into the
Thembilithle camp its hundred thousand residents became an integral part of
the Lenasia community. After the 1994 elections and total integration of the
schools in the area led to an acceptance that the squatter community would
eventually be rehoused into more permanent low-income housing.
Addressing a workshop of the National Union Of South African Students
(NUSAS), Raymond Suttner (1990:1) urged that: "We wilt build grass roots
organisations only if we build around issues that concern the people. We must
not decide for them that the constitutional guidelines are more important than
n rent, electricity or housing •
It is this principle of self determination that imbued the community organisations
with the spirit that has led to individual and collective commitment to uplift 64 lenasia whether at work, prayer, in schools, on the sports fields or politically.
The sense of place and character of area of lenasia has been encapsulated in the only means of communication available at the time. Freedom of speech was curtailed throughout the Apartheid era the pamphlets and local events newspaper, since 1976. The Lenasia Times served as a link for the community, advertising local businesses and services that began to emerge as the mmunity needs grew. It was the brainchild of a boxing enthusiast and one of the first residents of lenasia. His boxing club was a way to reach the displaced youth who came from poor homes and lived in the army barracks. His identification with the under nourished children and their needs led him to address gang
related activities and provide an alternative through boxing. His newspaper
exposed the plight of the Thomsville area and the growing social problems
related to unemployment. It also provided a forum for informing of religious and
other sporting events (Camroodeen, 2000). later, The Indicator, edited by, a
renowned sports writer for the Rand Daily Mail took a more openly pro-left
political stance, debating and sometimes inciting action and offering solutions
through interactive reporting and editorial.
The involvement of sport and recreational activists in the day to day lives of the
people of lenasia is indicative of the co-hesive role played by recreational
activities and sporting codes. They not only provided an outlet for residents at a
physical and psychological level but also provided a link with alternative
sporting bodies that resisted segregated sports (SACOS) at a national level. 65
By 1992 the Group Areas Act was rescinded and Lenasia was incorporated into the Central Witwatersrand Metropolitan Chamber with Soweto and Greater
Johannesburg; with representation of rate payers federations and civic organisations recognised as legitimate representatives of the community
(CWMC Minutes, 1991). The provision of adequate sports and recreational facilities are to date contentious issues.
4.6 The women of Lenasia
The move to Lenasia resulted in both gains and losses for the women who were dislocated. The need for a second income became imperative and more women were forced to choose entry into the labour market, in a period of job reservation for whites most males found employment difficult to find, women however were acceptable in low paid factory work and as clerks and sales staff.
This move, while freeing some women from househ(!)ld chores, also led to an increase in their responsibilities as breadwinners, mothers and homemakers.
The isolation from other communities led to an increase in focus on religious and ethnic activities; more women participated in cultural activities and community work. Each denomination focussed on the needs of its
congregation. Hindu, Muslims and Christians established social and cultural
centres filling the gaps created by the dislocation, this however also resulted in
the reinforcing of patJiarchal traditional roles and customs that again relegated 66 women to the domestic and nurturing sphere. Within these structures women however developed skills that enhanced their motherhood, marriage and domestic lives. The social separation of men and women during ritual and prayer further exacerbated gender role divisions.
Ramphal (1989), in discussing the changes in the Indian family found that the submissive self-sacrificing attitude of the ideal mother and wife and the strict
authoritarian, distant ideal of the father were not functional as the new economic demands on the family urged changes. Women and girls were
encouraged to continued their schooling beyond high school and working
women had the option of joining trade union organisations or political action,
albeit surreptitiously for fear of political detentions. The Lenasia Women's
Congress, a branch of the ANC, was launched in 1989, it however remained
focussed on political issues especially on the questions of equality of women of
all races.
In 1989 a group of feminists established services for women victims of
domestic violence and rape, this became the first women initiated service for
women, without the overseeing authority of males. It must be noted that this
move towards autonomy from male structures was initiated at a municipal
recreation centre. Women's participation in recreation and handicraft activities
over the years led to the recognition of women's difficulties both personal and
within family and community. More and more women presented problems 67 during group discussions centered around film and book reviews which eventually led to disclosures that required intervention. Through structured workshops women were led to understand the political rather than the personal nature of their problems. These efforts led to advocacy services and the establishment of a shelter for battered women and groups for single mothers as well as skills development and further education groups for women with low
incomes. Volunteers from the community were trained to work with unskilled
women from the Thembilithle informal settlement. Sewing, cooking, handicrafts
became the most favoured form of recreation along with aerobics, yoga, self
improvement and a variety of support groups.
Many community initiated groups serve the needs of the community of Lenasia,
though they are significantly divided along religious lines, class has been of no
consequence because of the shared backgrounds prior to relocation to the
group area. All residents regardless of economic status were compelled to live
in the area designated Indian, attend the same schools and participate in the
same community activities. However with the rescinding of the group areas and
the choice of moving away from the area class differences have manifested
and the poor have lagged behind.
The community however remains vibrant and boasts self-initiated organisations
such as Child and Social Welfare, drug rehabilitation programmes, specialised 68 schools for mentally, visually, audibly, challenged children, facilities for the aged, and health services such as T8 and cancer care.
Recreation facilities include two small halls provided by the local municipal council, a stadium for cricket and soccer and some open fields and parks that residents find inadequate. Recently the erection of a private health club has led to increased physical activity especially among younger women and children.
Annual fetes and marathons for runners and walkers serve a dual purpose in raising awareness and funds for the welfare organisations and afford the residents the opportunities to participate in recreational walking, jogging athletics, soccer and cricket.
4.7 Demographics
Conflicting data with vast discrepancies reflect that the census of the area was
inconclusive and presents an estimate rather than conclusive indicators of the
population and its composition. Table 4.1 reflects the composition of lenasia,
indicating income levels, educational status and employment provided by
Statistics South Africa. According to community organisations these statistics
are grossly underestimated and the figures are inaccurate and misleading, the
total population in reality is closer to two hundred thousand. (Interviews with
Municipal Councilors and Community leaders, 2000). The estimated informal TABLE 4.1 THE POPULATION OF LENASIA AS PER STATS SOUTH AFRICA CENSUS-f~9(j=------
TOTAL FEMALE POPULATION AS PER EXTENTION OF LENASIA AGE WEIGHTED
'I • f • I .. • .1. .' LENASIA- __1~__48_j-_273 ~ 30~ _;380 L_~!_60J~----2§8 _ 425J L'!?_j__llli~----2~----E1-Q.. J:ENASIA CENTRAL L L'L~1!1- l!g-r-_-19-~__!---_1~~J 1j1.+_~Q~~ __190 -----!§J---~~-l---_l~--fl-----. 7Sl-----1.267 I..ENASIA eXT 1 ~=j~.-~-_~~-t-_~~~ _~~ ~~t1iot~~~rla ~~r=- ~~ t=~~t=~~~ifr LENASIA eXT 3 ------L-~L..-!~2..j--1..§.~-j----?1.2l----?.§.~I--.?.9Q..j-.--~!-I- 3f?-~_ 297_+ J.Q[)_ 1. ....J1.1-I___ ---1541----.s~~ .!::.EN~SI~t;~l.L· ~I- .__ !.d_.-.....2U-.§.~--l-- §.~L -.§?_I c~.L-J._. __ !.?.~ ~:w----- ~~ ~ .3.q g_~L j§__ -_.-_~ !::!f~ASIA ex.!..~_. :I---- 39_1_..1.fLL 225-L.--1J_~-L--_.?~ll--~-l-~-t--- ~~Q 4\'?_'!.L_ 459..J "';~"iJ_ :-- --u.?-L----~-i-----...:.19-§.Q.. ~:~:::: :~~ ~ ------}. ---I-;1---~~1--~~-t-----~}-j- ----~ i ----~i+- ---I~~ +--1'~~-~-'~i+- ----~~~-+- ---~; j------~~ I ----}:~- ~~:~~~~-~~~-=-:f·- -~~fF~f~~j- ~-~~t~~F~2~:~~~ ~~--~~~f-~=--~~~--~~~}l-~~rf--: =--:'F-:~---~~~r==1~+~~-' ~._---"-----".- --- ..._------ EMPLOYMENT STATUS - Employed U,omployed. Not _ki" - Not wo INCOME ANALYSIS ,~~c._~----.lli-;-200=--1 ~1~RlO;;q !..5l1Q....LR1~1-R2500 R:!50t'~3.500 ,_!?_~l:R45~_j--R4501-R6QQQJ ;')()~-~~i~OO~.RI ~_I_.i!L~g ,R3!1(~!O -1'1I~!:!'l<: '" EDUCATIONAL LEVELS ! Grade I Grade 2 _~__grode ~_~__..Q"ad.e 4 LGrode 5 I. Grade 6 LGradC<2lGrad.~~ I Grade 9 I Grade 10 I ;r.'d~ lJ~ I. ~~;:=~cenJdil' ~_~~riC onJi·J__p()_~t Ma..... tri_c_JI'1 ~70 I 010 1'(,2 1 ______'28 12'" i i62-, ! _. __._...... lfiS5_,_eo ..•._ ....__i "'""...,.1__.... .•• ~ ."!.. "._,, 2{)i{Q._._,",, 1.,! .._. I 2853 I 51(,8._._. i._ - ._.______;:.,S4 I • sm ... i 10 J09 ._~i ,_'7'; •.•• _< " 70 population is a given as 28 000. This figure also belies reality, as more shacks appear overnight and the migrant domestic labour living with residents appears to be under represented. 4.8 Conclusion Feminist research into leisure is grounded on the premise that women's leisure and recreational needs must be understood in relation to socio-historical factors. The Lenasia community owes its existence and Indian characteristic to confining political forces but its growth and development through the period of segregation to integration has been one of radical involvement and change. Women have been straddling both traditional patriarchal realms and venturing into positions of choices and career directed goals. These two worlds are often incompatible and contradictory and stretch the effort at self-determination from personal conflicts to broader racial and cultural levels, as younger women assimilate newer cultural trends and assert their independence and freedom. The challenge for recreational practitioners is to retain and enhance recreational activities that define positive identity, while initiating an understanding of practices that undermine women and create a space for generating new interests and development. Recreation can be a site for facilitating change in attitudes and perceptions. 71 Chapter Five Recreational constraints and opportunities for women In Lenasia 5.1. Introduction In the previous chapters the complex and varied nature of gender in South Africa was described within a changing tapestry of constitutional freedoms poised against traditional practices. In Lenasia, the containment and isolation of the Indian people reinforced traditional practices while creating opportunities for entry into the labour market and assimilation of new values and attitudes. The objective of this research was to explore the perceptions that women in the area have of their recreation and leisure needs, the structural, ideological, economic and personal constraints that may restrict the attainment of these needs. To this end a Questionnaire was administered to a hundred women (Appendix A) and Focus Group discussions were held with 80 women. 5.2 Recreational patterns and perceived constraints Women's multiple roles and the demands on their time result in a "leisure gap" (Henderson, 1993:18). The availability or lack of leisure time creates interpersonal contlict and feelings of disempowarment. Provision of recreational facilities or opportunities do not necessarily result in increased participation; it is 72 usually not enough to eliminate constraints without looking at the context in which these constraints occur. Circumstantial and situational differences should be examined in the context of women's lives, as a wide range of factors influence leisure experiences for women. These factors revolve around gender role expectations; as women are seen to be the facilitators of the leisure needs of others rather than acquiring their own leisure. As mentioned in chapter two researchers emphasizing gender argue that women have limited leisure opportunities because of traditional stereotyping making leisure incompatible with women's culturally defined roles as home-makers and caregivers (0 'Neil, 1991 ). By assessing the extent to which women are constrained, restricted or inhibited it is possible to understand the levels of non-participation, and design programmes that will take consideration of the inhibiting faelors, and facilitate involvement that may result in empowerment and participation. 5.3 Research Methodology Both qualitative and quantitative data was gathered through the administration of questionnaires and focus group interviews. The sampling frame and methodology implemented for this study provides variables and break characteristics that differentiate the sample according to marital, employment and educational status and also give an indication of their financial and legal status. The assumption being that women who have control and access to an 73 income and decision making freedom are free and able to make choices regarding their leisure needs. These differences are vital to an understanding of the various ways in which women perceive their leisure needs and the ways in which they feel constrained. Differences and similarities are especially important in Lenasia as it emerges from a homogenous group area to a racially integrated modern suburb incorporating all race groups and class structures. The differences in perception and needs were elicited from a sample of a hundred women who live in Lenasia.Table 5.1 (page74) presents a description of the respondents to the questionnaire. Both married and unmarried women were represented. The majority of the respondents were in the thirty five to forty four age range, with some rudimentary schooling but it is evident that African women were disadvantaged in this area with little or no literacy in English. Young Indian women in the eighteen to twenty four year range seemed most advantaged, with twelve out of twenty six (46%) with a post matric qualification. It is also in this group that most women were employed. The majority of African women between twenty five and forty four (50%) were employed as domestic workers. Similarities between African and Indian women do appear in their access to funds, younger women are more advantaged than older women with older African women most disadvantaged, most Indian women appear to have access to an allowance, however meagre. Indian African = single - Married Divorced Widow Working lllllllil ID c enm I~ I:::! Part- time 'IIjjII' 0 Z Z Hindu 1m I~ • J:J Muslim illl I::: 1m ~ Christian a-.. IZ ..... C None • I..... I""0 0 None C Some en primary Q J:J Primary ; 0 Some high .z c school _I "tJ Matric Post Matric Degree = Banking account - No Allowance & ~ Allowance Community of Property Traditional Ante nuptial contract .1,'"' J> . 'I tL 75 The questionnaire was designed to elicit initial descriptive information and indicators about women's perceptions of recreation, however most women viewed the prospect of committing themselves to paper with trepidation. African women with little or no schooling were assisted and Indian women 'Who had not completed primary or high school showed a reluctance to complete the form or admit to a need for help. Single women, working women, young women and professional women completed the questionnaire readily. The amount of money, women have available for personal use and recreation, Le. discretionary funds left over from basic needs appear to be the most critical reason for women's non-participation in leisure. The majority of women, (70%), both Indian and African, of all ages indicated that they had relatively little or no money to spend on personal needs and recreation. The four percent that seemed to have unrestricted control over their income and needs were single and employed. In chapter three various indicators of gender poverty were discussed, data obtained through this sample under scores the assumption that women rarely have enough money to spend on their basic needs such as clothing and toiletries, and almost nothing for personal enhancement and skills development. This becomes especially significant for women with 10'Wer levels of education, and women who 'Were unable to acquire functional levels of literacy. Lack of funds keeps them trapped an unable to improve their social 76 status. Free and accessible programmes that bridge the gap and enable women to attain self sustaining skills are essential to women's development. Figure5.2 reflects the percentage of discretionary funds available to the respondents. It is evident that most women do not have enough to spend on personal needs. Between fifty six (56%) and sixty percent (60%) have difficulty in providing basic necessities making leisure expenditure beyond their reach. It appears that the majority of women do not consider expenditure on leisure as a priority. Most women (70%), do not have discretionary funds for personal recreation. I!ilNONE _SOME CENOUGH CLOTHING TOILETRIES MOVIES TOSPENll BOOKS SKILLS & WITH MAGAZINES LEISURE FRIENllS ACTIVITIES Figure 5.2: DISCRETIONARY FUNDS AVAILABLE TO WOMAN Figures 5.3 to 5.& illustrate the scope of recreational activities enjoyed by the respondents. as well those that they do not participate in. It also offers insight into the need to infqrm a.nd market activities that women are unfamiliar with and those that they aspire to. Physical activities are enjoyed by a small percentage 77 (14%), and seem to be increasing in the younger age range. The majority of respondents, both African and Indian, prefer sedate recreation. Forty three percent (43%) felt that watching sport was enjoyable, while more than 60% preferred activities that revolved around home improvement and crafts. Between 45% and 50% found satisfaction in creative activities but did not participate in activities that they were not exposed to. Painting and drawing seem remote to women who have no experience or information of the subject. It may also be that its value as a commodity that can be used for income generation has not been realised. The learning of crafts however, provide both recreation and the possibility of deriving an income from the final product. Few women considered participation in an activity that was considered a male domain. Only two percent (2%) were interested in motor mechanics and 8% indicated a need to learn the skill. The inclusion of the skill as a creative activity resulted in responses that indicated the entrenched views that women have about their specific roles. Though the respondents accepted that sport and recreation should be enjoyed by both genders, women between thirty five and fifty five preferred domestic activities. A large percentage seemed content with the passive and qUiet activities and the social interaction in their lives. Fifty four percent (54%) of the respondents showed an eagerness for community work, emphasizing their nurturing and caring nature. 18 90 801./------ 70.J..t------ • SEWlNGIHANDICRAFT • COOKINGIBAKING 60 L1------l~1_ soJA------:= I:J PAIN11NGlDRAWING iiiGARDENINGIFLOWER 40 ARRANGING 30 II MOTOR MECHANICS 20 10 o SATISFIED WOULD LIKE TO DO WOULD LIKE TO DO DON'T DO THIS MORE LESS Figure 5.3 : CREATIVE RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES 70 ,,------, • SHOPPING • GOING TO MOVIIlS IJ TALKING TO FRIIlNDS Ii!IVISmNG IiDOING COMMUNllY WORK SATISFIED WOULD LIKE TO DO WOULD LIKE TO DO DON'T DO THIS MORE LESS Figure 5.4 : SOCIAL RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES 79 .WATCIUNGT.V • READING A BOOK 50 IJ LISTENING TO MUSIC 40 30 I!I DOING NOllUNG 20 IISLEEPINGIRESllNG 10 o SATISFIED WOULD LIKE TO DO WOULD LIKE TO DO DON'T DO THIS MORE L~S Figure 5.5 : PASSIVE RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES 70 IIAERomcs 60 50 II WALKING RUNNING 40...u--- CSWlMMING 30...u--- i1WATCfUNGSPORl' 20 iii DANCING 10 o SATISFIED WOULD LIKE TO DO WOULD LIKE TO DO DON'T DO THIS MORE L~S Figure 5.6 : EXERCISE ORIENTED RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES 80 Table 5.7a to 5.7d represent the perceived attitudes of male partners and spouses to women's recreational needs. The majority of women indicate a lack of interest and indifference on the part of the spouse. An overwhelming number, (84%) said that they were never prevented from participating in the activity of their choice however these responses were qualified and negated in almost all the focus group discussions. Women who initially indicated freedom of choice realised that their choices were conditional and the indifference of the spouse often led to feelings of resentment. A substantially large group of women (48%) said that though their husbands did not prevent them for participation in recreational activities they did not see it as a shared activity. D!VlIlItMY DONCEAWfD; aONCl,,\ UONi1l °''F.RRrmPPr DSOMl"mfe QSAnsmm ONlVPll QlGUtLn DA...... m ODISSA11lJl!Il Agure 5.78: Agure 5.7 b: FREQUENCY OF PARTICIPATION IN LEISURE ACTlVmES FEELING WHEN BUSY IN AN ACTIVITY OF CHOICE 10% 2% ....1.W,.l" 48% .NgSDMP:mI!5.... Agure 5.7e: Agure 5.7d: PARTICIPATION OF HUSBANOIPARTNER IN LEISURE ACTlVmES PARTNER RESTRICTION IN LEISURE PARTICIPATION 81 In the categorical section of the questionnaire (See Appendix A) women were given a set of statements and asked whether they agreed or disagreed with these, Responses reinforced earlier answers to questions, the most agreed upon reason for lack of recreation in women's lives, was lack of funds, role responsibilities and spousal attitudes followed closely. TABLE 5.2 : PERCEIVED CONTSTRAINTS OF RESPONDENTS TO SATISFACTORY PARTICIPATION IN LEISURE ACTiVITIES ( N=100) I don't have enough free time -.10"<- <'65 II-'a_m_to_o_b_u_sy=---w_ith_m-'-y_w_o_rk ._ 5 \. ~--193 II-'a_m_to_o_b_U_Sy_W_ith_m_y_fa_m_i1_y i----_20_~-~- I have too many responsibilities 10 I 0 ! 90 I am too tired for leisure / recreation 0 I 1 r 99 I don't know what to do in my free time ~- 24~r 3 fl3 II ,j~_-_l_ __~-- L~! My husband doesn't like me to go alone 49 I 1 I 50 --....:..------'---\--.~_+_-__Il I don't have enough money for fees 69 29 It costs too much to learn a new skill , 73 I 0 ! 27 It------l~~--! 1 There is no opportunity 10 do it near my home i 5 I 0 I 95 II-T_he_re_c_re_a_tio_n_f_ac_il_iti_e_s_ar_e_n_o_ta_v_a_i1a_b_le l=-~5-G _ 8~ It is not safe • 75 I 1 J 24 II------JL -!-! There is no transport to the recreation centres . 10 I 0 ! 90 I -t-~ I am too shy to try new things 5 _! 0c.~__ It's okay for men to do sport; not women ! 6 192 __~_-,---~_---+...,...-.e-..-~I My religious / cultural activities are enough 52 There is no one to care for my children ~O I am physically not able to take part in recreation 98 IIJ-----~------h-~.__.+c~~t_·-o'-- I am not good at learning new things I; 91 I don't have companyL }5 82 The constraint most frequently listed was the lack of funds. Sixty nine percent (69%) felt that they had no money for fees and seventy three percent (73%) felt that learning new skills was too costly. Time constraints and family responsibilities were however not seen as major inhibiting factors. Seventy five percent (75%) expressed safety concerns, while ninety five percent (95%) felt that opportunities existed in the neighbourhood and that transport was adequate. A small percentage manifested low self-esteem and little capacity to learn and interact at a social and recreational level. These responses indicate that though opportunities exist, and family and child care responsibilities do affect women's leisure experiences the most constraining factor is one of lack of funds. This reinforces the concept that gender poverty needs to be addressed, and radical changes affected in the ways in which women can become economically self-sufficient and able to control their own finances. Economic empowerment will lead to a better quality of life and a more varied access to leisure. 5.4 Focus Groups Eight Groups with an average of ten participants per group were held at the Protea Recreation Centre in lenasia ext. 7. Child care and transport was made available to ensure that those concerns did not prevent women from attending. The groups were divided into: • women residents of the Thembilithle infonnal settlement (African); 83 • domestic workers from Lenasia (African); • stay at Home women, homemakers; • young women (students, working, non-working); • single mothers (Indian); • working women (Indian); • women involved in sport and recreation as volunteers; and • women, teachers, community nurses, social workers and a councilor. As is evident from the above groupings, the common characteristic in each group was that they all consisted of adult women. Groups were divided along break characteristics such as race, income, or marital status. The assumption being that though they were all women, their perceptions may be influenced by the differences in their educational and social status. The break characteristics also allow for comparisons and contrasts that may lead to discernable patterns. Collated with the quantitative data obtained from the questionnaire the inductive properties of the qualitative situational responses may be triangulated. Focus group dynamics allow the participants to influence each other, opinions change and new insights emerge. "Focus group participants learn from each other, and things learned can change attitudes and opinions" (Krueger, 1998:20). Each focus group was encouraged to describe their current recreational activities, and imaginatively explore what they really would like to do and then 84 examine what prevented them from achieving that desired state. These were then listed from most constraining to least. The following are both narrative and summary reports on the groups, every effort is made to present an authentic account of women's perceptions and experiences in their own words. a) Group 1: Women from the Thembilithle informal settlement The women's group from the informal settlement comprised both young women and older residents who had lived in the camp for more than ten years. The older women, some in their early fifties, dominated the discussion. Two older women from resistance backgrounds and had worked in political organisations on opposing sides described the recreational activities of the residents as being non-existent. There was a sewing group, netball and other games at SA block (a makeshift community centre erected by the council). "There are shebeens but we don't go"; "We go to church everyday" said L. whose husband was "out of work" and who has two sons aged 4 and 6 and is expecting her third child. Church activities were essential part of every woman's weekend experience. Most women were homebound because they could not find work. A few were child minders while some ran "spaza shops" selling small items of food from their shacks. Some women were fortunate to find "piece jobs" they all described their lives as "very hard". Most described their free time as being "too much" "I am tired of sitting in the sun", was one response. The lack of paid work and the amount of 85 free time available to the women re-inforces the concept of free time as burden (Russel & Stage, 1996). Women not gainfully employed, with few or no skills are trapped in situations where the time available to them is meaningless without access to funds to learn income generating skills. The backlog created by Apartheid is most visible in this area as women without literacy remain poor and unemployed. It is also this situation that presents an opportunity to recreation practitioners to design programmes that bridge the gap. Most women felt that conflict between the partners was not the man's reluctance at enjoying free time together but the lack of money for "enjoyment". "We fight because there's no money". The following narratives illustrate similar view points. "He enjoys drinking all the money away"; "When there isn't money for food and school fees how can I ask for fun". There were many families in the informal settlement who did not have a fixed income. "You need six hundred Rand deposit for an RDP house". Most women were saving to move out of the camp into low cost housing and did not want to "waste money on myself. Recreation and leisure activities appear to be directly related to the amount of money available to women, spousal conflict and violence also appears to be the result of poverty and women's secondary status in the family. b) Group 2: Domestic workers in Lenasia Most domestic workers in Lenasia come from rural areas in Gauteng, Northern Province, Free State and Mpumalanga. The average ages of the participants 86 were 34 and their monthly income ranged from R250 to R600, their living quarters and food being provided by the employer. Education levels ranged from no schooling at all to standard nine and incomplete matric. All the women contributed to the family income by sending part, sometimes up to 80% of their earnings home, The majority (99%) of the women had left behind children in the care of family elders. Most women went home at Easter and Christmas. The most marked difference between this group and the unemployed women from the informal settlement was their monthly income, however the meagre amount that they earned did not allow for personal expenditure. Time, that was easily available to the previous group, was dependent on the employer. Some domestic workers cared for children and worked from early morning to late in the evening, often seven days a week. E, who completed standard nine, is a devout catholic who only manages to go to church on one Sunday a month. Saturday afternoons and Sundays are spent on the open fields near the Lenasia Stadium watching, soccer, playing netball, dancing, listening to music and meeting friends who also worked in the area. Games and activities are structured by informal clubs who had their own rules and fees; they however had no formal structure or venue. The older women in the group preferred to spend time visiting with friends in the parks, or attending church and choir practice. The women were unanimous 87 in expressing their joy at having free time but felt it was "too little" and "too rushed" between their chores. Seven participants attended sewing and skills classes at the recreation centre and agreed that leaming would improve their employment conditions" I don't want to be a maid forever", said M, n I want to work for myself". One of the most disturbing constraints raised by the domestic workers was the lack of safety, harassment by men who sought their favours, and the insecurity of being left stranded without a job or a place to stay. "Only if you have a good madam can you get time off to do things". It is evident that though this group had some income their time was controlled and access to recreational free time was conditional. The money eamed being insufficient for basic needs is further shared with families in rural areas, leaving very little if any for recreation. Time was especially an important factor for the domestic workers who seldom have control over the hours that they work. c) Group 3: Stay at Home Women, Home makers The group requested that the discussions be held to accommodate school times Le. between 10 am and 12 or 2:30pm and 4pm. Reasons given were: • it must be a time when children are in school or madressa (religious class) • when housework is completed 88 • vvhen we are free • before husbands come home from work. Question. What do you enjoy doing in your free time? Typical comments included: "we need time for ourselves"; "we need to learn new things, meet people" ; "it's therapeutic it makes you forget your problems" . Most women in this category expressed a need to meet with other women and to learn skills that could be used to supplement the family income. Women vvho stayed at home felt that it was difficult to make ends meet on one salary, they also felt guilty that they did not contribute monetarily. Question: What are some of the reasons vvhy you do not participate in recreation? Responses to this question included time constraints, family responsibilities, lack of opportunities, cultural and religious duties and taboos. Women in this group cited activities that reinforced their roles as good wives and mothers above activities that are personally satisfying. They felt responsible for the family budget. Flower arranging, cooking and to a small extent personal grooming and exercise were enjoyed and appreciated and also encouraged by husbands. Activities that required time away from the family, or cost a fee 89 resulted in conflict and the majority of participants felt that they could not antagonize their husbands. Incidents of physical and verbal abuse were glossed over humorously as the women recounted the times when they wanted to go to a concert or visit a place of their choice. Religious precepts and taboos also guided their choice of recreation. Muslim women were proud of their abstinence from dance and music related hobbies, though two defended their right to do so "in the privacy of my home". Most women had a strong sense of family values and recognised the need to enhance these through learning new skills. Even though they did not work away from home most women felt that their schedules were hectic and that they found it difficult to make ends meet. Four categories of constraints were manifested by this group: • nurturing and servicing of family needs; • access to personal time away from family responsiblities; • lack of access to discretionary funds; • religious and cultural beliefs. d) Group 4: Young Indian Women Young unmarried women between 18 and 24 who lived with their families were confident in their responses, most were unafraid to try new activities including bungie jumping, almost all attended gym regUlarly or competed in sporting ------~~--"------'-----'------~ - ---~~------~- 90 events. Some saw the internet chat line as a new form of recreation. Going to malls, movies and coffee shops was regarded as "trendy". In stark contrast to the homemakers who appeared submissive and afraid of new experiences the young women seemed unafraid. They perceived parental control as a constraint. Family values and religious parameters also defined appropriate recreation, some viewed this as controlling but a few described these as necessary for ensuring safety. The four young Muslims girls in the group said that their social life revolved around the family and that they were not allowed to go out alone. Family and older siblings were always in charge, music and dance were not allowed but going to the mall and an occasional movie was appropriate. Recreation, time was family time. For Hindu women the involvement in Indian dance, music and theatre was encouraged and supported by the family. Indian movies and television was a shared experience as was going to the temple. Most women participated in all of these activities at least once a week. The frequenting of raves and disco's was debated extensively as was the possible exposure to drugs and inappropriate behaviour and risk of sexual harassment and rape. Most women feared being hijacked or attacked by criminals. Most participants complained that Lenasia did not have enough or suitable facilities and opportunities for young people to interact, apart from the 91 gym 'Nhich required a high monthly subscibtion was beyond students and the unemployed majority of young 'NOmen. "Youth organisations cater for deviants drug addicts and gangsters rather than ordinary young people". Most youth bodies were exclusively for Hindu, Muslim or Christian youth that excluded people from other religious and cultural groups other than their own. e) Group 5: Single mothers (Indian) The group comprised three widows five divorced mothers and t'NO un-wed single mothers aged from 23 to 48. Eight 'NOmen 'NOrked 'Nhile one was unemployed and the other ran a small tuck shop from home, she was also physically challenged and had twin daughters to support. These 'NOmen saw their new single status as both freeing and challenging. Some had opted not to file for maintenance while some received a small stipend for the children. The 'NOmen who 'NOrked felt that making financial decisions was difficult but said that they got more out of their earning through this than previously. Women who did not vvork relied on some contribution from their former spouses and found it difficult to survive financialty. Nine out of the ten participated in physical recreation; including road running, I swimming and yoga. One had qualified for the Comrades Marathon for the year 2000 and all nine had participated in the annual Ghandi Walk held in Lenasia. They were unanimous in their agreement that these activities and achievements vvould not have been possible in their marriages. 92 In reviewing their newly acquired recreational freedom the women articulated the difficulties experienced during marriage. Women who had left abusive relationships gave examples of abuse directly related to recreational activities or lack there of. Most women cited examples of abuse related to the choice of recreation, lack of money and indifference to the woman's needs. One woman dreaded holidays and time together because; "VVhenever we went out the children came back crying and I landed up with a blue eye". The women saw freedom from abuse as the most significant new achievement. The ability to decide when and how to recreate were seen as an empowering bonus. This group was the least constrained of the sample, though being sole supporters led to financial difficulties but the freedom to choose resulted in more leisure time. f) Group 6: Working Women (Indian) The most significant difference in the recreational perceptions of working women was that time for pursuing activities was at a premium. Commuting to and from work went less time for family activities. Most women felt guilty at being away from home though they valued the money that enabled them to provide a better quality of life for their families. Some women felt that even though they worked to supplement the family income they had little or no control over the money. 93 g) Group 7: Sports administrators and volunteers Sports administrators and volunteer coaches made up a group that participated in cricket. soccer and swimming. All of the women had become involved as a result of their children's participation in the sporting codes. Most women expressed satisfaction and enthusiasm about the activities and their role in it. However some felt that the men controlled the game and made all the important decisions. Many saw this as an opportunity to organise their own sporting activities but felt that they did not have the time. h) Group 8: Service providers and professional women This group was composed of nurses. teachers, social workers, and other service personnel who saw the core function of recreation as being that of "first contact". Most social workers felt that: "Since we deal with problems when they are presented not before they manifesf. Recreation is a safe area where women do not feel "stigmatised" they come ostensibly to recreate, but are in tum informed about services and service providers in the area. By participating in recreation women are able to find positive role models. The networking between professionals ensures holistic treatment of possible pathologies. They emphasized the value of recreation as a tool to healing and wellbeing. Most welfare agencies ran programmes aimed at teaching skills for self-reliance but saw recreation centres as providing healthy alternatives to combat the increasing use of drugs and alcohol. 94 5.5 Conclusion The qualitative and quantitative data gathered through the empirical phase of this research, both questionnaire responses and focus group discussions, indicates that few women actively participate in recreation. An analysis of the questionnaire responses extrapolated with the group discussion show that recreation is seen as a non-essential part of living and women do not see it as a priority or entitled to it even when facilities and services are accessible. The most frequently articulated constraint in both questionnaire and group discussions were poverty and lack of discretionary funds. Seventy percent (70%) of the women do not have funds at their disposal for recreational purposes and only 30% felt that they had some money to spend. Only 4% had enough money for leisure activities. Poverty and unemployment together with illiteracy are contributory factors to women's non-participation. African women are by far the most disadvantaged, because of low levels of education. Eight out of ten women (80%) older than thirty five reported no schooling, followed closely by 30% Indian women with basic primary school education and no labour market experience or prospects. It is important to note that poor households are characterised by a lack of wage income, either as a result of unemployment or of low-paying jobs, and typically rely on multiple sources of income (May, 1998). Though the situation 95 of the African and Indian women in Lenasia is different, the Indian households may be classed as non-poor but are in fact deprived due to lack of critical capabilities, such as lack. of wage income or retrenchment. Relations within the family, violence both domestic and criminal follow closely as reasons for non-participation. Passive recreation is gleaned through servicing the family's needs. It is aligned to the secondary nature of women's roles as nurtures and caregivers whose time is governed by the needs of others. An analysis of the various categories of women show the varying degrees in which women feel restricted by their roles. Working women with multiple role responsibilities find time a critical factor, unemployed women see this as non-availability of funds. Young women who have access to both time and money find social and parental control inhibiting to their choice of leisure activities. Though single unmarried women find pleasure in choosing and defining their own leisure experiences they see economic stress of being breadwinners difficult. The research indicates a desperate need to redefine recreation, in the South African context, the disparities between the racial groups and the impact of Apartheid. Though facilities exist and transport is available the programmes do not address the needs of the women respondents of this study. Little attention is paid to women's needs and neither government nor educational in~titutions cater for the needs of adult women. Where community organisations assume 96 the role of servicing women's recreational needs this appears to be controlled and defined along ethnic and cultural agendas. Women involved in sport administration and social workers identify recreation as a possible site for education and as means to empowerment. Recreation through informal skills development and women centered learning can restore dignity and self-esteem to scarred people. Women who bear the brunt of both political and economic strife need safe and non-threatening spaces in which they can learn and develop. Recreation can through appropriate planning and programming allow women the opportunities to revision and achieve the desired goals thwarted in the past. This site offers the most comfortable arena for women to begin to understand the nature of male hegemony and power issues by accepting and valuing traditional recreation while introducing concepts of empowerment and self-determination. 97 Chapter Six An agenda for change 6.1 Introduction The underlying aim of this research has been an attempt to trace the impact of the multiple forces of Apartheid, economic depravation, social institutions and male hegemony have had on the choices that women make and the controls and restrictions placed on them by all of the above. Recreation may seem to be a non-critical sphere of life but its non-existence in the lives of women reflects the extent to which they are oppressed. In the preceding chapters attention was drawn to the need for a feminist perspective of leisure and recreation with emphasis on a need for changing the ways in which recreation and leisure for \NOmen was viewed. Feminist researchers encouraged further investigation of leisure and women's lack of entitlement within historical paradigms. An examination of leisure from a critical Marxist perspective demands a shift from traditional perspectives that relegate women's needs to secondary and supportive of the needs of others to creating a women centred praxis, that defines ways of servicing women's needs. The theory and practice that guides feminist thinking when applied to leisure 98 patterns and behaviour have wider implications that address the core of women's subjugation. Far reaching changes that occurred after the establishment of democracy in South Africa resulted in a women's lobby that sought to place women on the agenda for change. Legislation and initiatives to include women in all spheres of civil society have gained impetus along with the development of gender policies that sought to redress the imbalances between the various race groups forcibly segregated by the Group Areas Act. The challenge for change is multi faceted and recreation offers a site that can accommodate new and varied ways of addressing the needs of the previously disadvantaged. 6.2 Conclusions The aim of this research was to uncover the perceptions that women have of their leisure needs and the constraints to those needs. Following are some of the conclusions that were arrived at after analysis of the questionnaires and focus group discussions. 6.2.1 Global strategy International trends, especially the Beijing Platform of Action and the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) have succeeded in compelling signatories to review and implement non-cliscriminatory legislation to promote gender equality. South Africa's gender 99 policy is a key step in ensuring that women begin to challenge ideology and practices that undermine their full and equal participation in all spheres of life. 6.2.2 Implementation and infrastructure Policy, however, has not been effectively translated into practice and women are still not aware of services and opportunities available to them. Though facilities are beginning to be established women are seldom consulted about their needs. Programming and service delivery are in infancy stages and have not kept pace with global initiatives. Effective training and monitoring of programmes suitable for South African condition's have not been formulated or structured for maximum involvement. 6.2.3 Women's burden The increasing burden of poverty is the most critical constraint to women's access to leisure. Women continue to be underpaid and their labour within the family and community remains devalued and unrecognized. Without a living wage and adequate access to paid employment 'NOmen maintain their dependency and are consequently deprived of "free time" and the joys of leisure and recreation of their choice. 6.2.4 Patriarchy Women's position within the family and community is dependent on the prevalent tradition and cultural practices. Women find respect and acceptance 100 when they are engaged in servicing the needs of others and their own needs become incidental and are treated with indifference and disdain. Women's aspirations and recreational needs cannot be viewed in isolation from the need to address male hegemony and patriarchal censure. 6.2.5 Social Action Recreation practitioners, who are sensitive and cognizant of women's needs, the disparate socio-economic levels and the threats to women's emotional and physical wellbeing, can initiate changes in attitudes to women's self image and self-esteem. Through participation either in organised physical or creative activities, women's personal issues can be addressed. Change from the personal to political can be effected through education and awareness and empowerment may the outcome of participation. Collective or team activities may serve to remove the isolation in which discrimination thrives and allow opportunities for both individual and collective growth. 6.3 Strategies for change • linking with educational, sport and social institutions; • provide literacy and skills development courses that engender self sufficiency; • provide leadership opportunities; lOt • encourage lifelong education and participation through outreach programmes that do not require sophisticated facilities and can be adapted to basic environments closer to the women; • encourage and promote active involvement in women's organisations; • promote the increased participation of women both as active agents and beneficiaries in income generating and development programmes; • create systems for mentoring women and offer training in all areas of recreation including both specific activity driven skills as well general capacity building; • recognise that shared work and parental responsibilities between men and women promotes women's increased participation in leisure; • take appropriate measures to reconcile family and leisure experiences. These strategies for change may encourage participation of women in leisure and may encourage an examination of their status within the family and society. The portrait that emerges from this study mirrors the lives of most South African women and gives credence to the belief that poverty has a woman's face. The feminist agenda is to radically change the quality of women's lives by placing power and control within their reach, recreation has the potential of bridging the chasms, between the men and women; between previously advantaged and disadvantaged and between experience and illiteracy. 102 BIBLIOGRAPHY Albertyn, C. (1995). 'Mainstreaming Gender' National Machinery for women in South Africa. A policy outline. Unpublished Document. Johannesburg: University of Witwatersrand, Centre for Applied Legal Studies. ANC Women's Charter adopted in 1954. In I. Obery (Ed.), Vukani Makhosikazi (pp.40-45). London: Catholic Institute of International Relations. 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Cape Town: David Phillips. Walters, S. & Manicom, L. (Eds.) (1996). Gender in Popular Education. Cape Town: CACE. Women's Charter for Effective._ Equality Adopted at the National convention convened by the Women's National Coalition 25-27, February 1994. Women's Health Project (1999). News and Views, No. 30. p. 4. World Leisure and Recreation Association International Position Statement. (1999). Unpublished Document. Jerusalem, Israel. Youngkhill, L.; Dattilo, J. & Howard, D. (1994). The Complex and Dynamic Nature of Leisure Experience. Journal of Leisure Research, 26:195-211. Thank you for your time. We are conclucting a survey to ensure that the recreation needs and Interests of women in Lenasia are met. Your We will be having a Group Discussion with oth(~r women from thoughts and opinions are important to us and we will use the area. This will give us an opportunity to meet and plan them to assess what services are necessary in your area. It some of the activities you enjoy. will not take more than a few minutes to answer this questionnaire and we encourage you to be as open and honest as possible. Please note that your answers are confidential. We arc hoping that once you have answered the If you would like to come plp8se indir.8te whether a questions that you will join us in a group discussion with other women at the Protea Recreation Centre. U morning U afternoon U evening session will suit you Do you require transport to the recreation centre? YesO NoO Do you require child-care? YesONoO Refreshments will be served. We will need your Name, Address arid Telephone No. So that we can confirm the date and time of the GroUp meeting. Narne . Address '" '" .. , , . ': .' " j i, '. ~ '.' ~. '. I '; ~ Telephone.. _ , '" '" .. , ., '" _. i ~ (',' • ~. i ( ;: .' t ".: i "'" , :, :~ !: . '; ! i ; ~ : ,;.: ( .1 ti 'j: H_ H:: ii i'\ ':', : tI 1· ., t· I .. .; i 'I ~, . j ! ,/ i :: - ;.;:: i i !,~ , ,~ , I, '~ ;]: '1' i ! :;. .' , :, i i r'/ I : j ", ' '. j . \\ :; • .'\;" 1 ~;,. ' ':, .' 'i L-_. ,. 6. Please indicate any other activities that you would like to 2.1 How many people live in your home? participate in ' < ••••••••• -. " ••••••••••••••• '" ••• 0.· ••• , .• , ••• ", ••. "','" •.••••. '0' •.••.•••• I Numb~-Ma'es-J'F-em-aTes-1 How often do you participate in the activity that you enjoy the most? Adults -t~~------l'------'--·.----·----.1 UEveryday h-~..-----(-----·-----·-- ' I:JOnce a week Children , .. r.JOnce a month I.JSome times ~~tal ~ ~~~[~~]~~~~~i ONever __ How do you feel when you are bUsy In the activity of your choice? [:IVery happy [JSatisfied UGuilty 2.2 Are you? UAfraid UOissatisfied Does your husband/partner jOin you in the actIvity that you ]i:~::~Never~_--I~~:_=~~~~-~~:~~-~- enjoy? Married ~ ------. UAlways Divorced ' USometimes ONever s,eparated , 1,', !,' 1 Does your husband/partner prevent you from participating Widowed in the activities you enjoy? OAlways r.JSometimes [}Never ______. .1 --._._. . ", .-. ';"~'" - ',"~ ~ r.'~;'.('i'. :<".; .,.~,.,..::~.:~... \·~,to~:~~.:' ,. :"'~'~., ':<. ,,:\"'. ~.~::.. . .:..:_::,:",~ . 5.0 Mark the Recfeationar~:t\cfivitiesthafyo.uenJoy doing~ 4.2 Are you married in Community of ~ Property? YesU NoU 5.1 '<·'1 1'1 Are you married out of Community of property? YesU No'.J Exercise Oriented I Happy the I Would like I Would like 00 not Are you married·according toTradition? YesU No!.:l way it is ,jtodo more ','todo,less d~this Aerobic.s ~.. Walking/Running 4.3 How much money are you able to set aside foryour Swimming ,",i'l .•. ,~< t;J~e~,'), ""I'."~~,>;,>:,.;',.,, ~','o' 'I ", ",' /'~ ~""",,,;)~.J,··"·:,,,<~ Gardening/Flower Arranging Mo'~ Mochanks ] I. I rO'he'; ",'" ;'; , . ,,;, ,i >, '1 .. ::=l,ft' " . ,::. . '. f,jli::;' "n Ii I 1 ,,, .'-, ";'-' ,' '_" , o'_, .. .. __ ",_ J ·r~ .~." - AN AGENDA FOR CHANGE, Ill. NATIONAL WOMENS DAYil 11IPROMOTING WOMEN IN SPOR'm II 2. PEACE FOR ALL MEANS PEACE FOR WOMEN TOO II ) •- 1119. STAR QUALITYlII