Norton, Michael.Toc.Pdf
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Voting for Hope Elections in Haiti
COMMENTARY Voting for hope Elections in Haiti Peter Hallward ate in the night of 29 February 2004, after weeks of confusion and uncertainty, the enemies of Haitiʼs president Jean-Bertrand Aristide forced him into exile Lfor the second time. There was plenty of ground for confusion. Although twice elected with landslide majorities, by 2004 Aristide was routinely identified as an enemy of democracy. Although political violence declined dramatically during his years in office, he was just as regularly condemned as an enemy of human rights. Although he was prepared to make far-reaching compromises with his opponents, he was attacked as intolerant of dissent. Although still immensely popular among the poor, he was derided as aloof and corrupt. And although his enemies presented themselves as the friends of democracy, pluralism and civil society, the only way they could get rid of their nemesis was through foreign intervention and military force. Four times postponed, the election of Aristideʼs successor finally took place a few months ago, in February 2006. These elections were supposed to clear up the confusion of 2004 once and for all. With Aristide safely out of the picture, they were supposed to show how his violent and illegal expulsion had actually been a victory for democracy. With his Fanmi Lavalas party broken and divided, they were intended to give the true friends of pluralism and civil society that democratic mandate they had so long been denied. Haitiʼs career politicians, confined to the margins since Aristideʼs first election back in 1990, were finally to be given a chance to inherit their rightful place. -
Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns
Order Code RL32294 Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Updated January 25, 2008 Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Clare Ribando Seelke Analyst in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Summary Following the first free and fair elections in Haiti’s history, Jean-Bertrand Aristide first became Haitian President in February 1991. He was overthrown by a military coup in September 1991. For over three years, the military regime resisted international demands that Aristide be restored to office. In September 1994, after a U.S. military intervention had been launched, the military regime agreed to Aristide’s return, the immediate, unopposed entry of U.S. troops, and the resignation of its leadership. President Aristide returned to Haiti in October 1994 under the protection of some 20,000 U.S. troops, and disbanded the Haitian army. U.S. aid helped train a civilian police force. Subsequently, critics charged Aristide with politicizing that force and engaging in corrupt practices. Elections held under Aristide and his successor, René Préval (1996-2000), including the one in which Aristide was reelected in 2000, were marred by alleged irregularities, low voter turnout, and opposition boycotts. Efforts to negotiate a resolution to the electoral dispute frustrated the international community for years. Tension and violence continued throughout Aristide’s second term, culminating in his departure from office in February 2004, after the opposition repeatedly refused to negotiate a political solution and armed groups took control of half the country. -
Redalyc.HAITI's 200-YEAR MÉNAGE-À-TROIS
Caribbean Studies ISSN: 0008-6533 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios del Caribe Puerto Rico Schuller, Mark HAITI'S 200-YEAR MÉNAGE-À-TROIS: GLOBALIZATION, THE STATE, AND CIVIL SOCIETY Caribbean Studies, vol. 35, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2007, pp. 141-179 Instituto de Estudios del Caribe San Juan, Puerto Rico Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=39211831005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative HAITI’S 200-YEAR MÉNAGE-À-TROIS... 141 HAITI’S 200-YEAR MÉNAGE-À-TROIS: GLOBALIZATION, THE STATE, AND CIVIL SOCIETY* Mark Schuller ABSTRACT In this article, I explore the limits of dominant historiographies of Haiti to examine and challenge binary frameworks within discourses of globalization and civil society. I employ a comparative, longue durée world-systems approach, discussing Haiti’s history and contemporary situation through long-term fieldwork, oral history, and published materials on Haiti’s history. Conversations with different groups of Haitian people helped me identify, analyze, and categorize two domi- nant historiographies. Two major tropes argue that Haiti’s trajectory is a result of either global / international forces or actions of a predatory state. I argue that theoretical constructs implicit in dominant historiographies elide a complete understanding of Haiti, rendering sets of actors invisible, and produce and perpetuate a set of mutually unintelligible binaries. A complete understanding of Haiti’s history requires a tripartite framework, tracking and theorizing participation of three general sets of actors: foreign powers, the state, and Haiti’s people. -
Election-Violence-Mo
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF IMMIGRATION REVIEW IMMIGRATION COURT xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx In the Matter of: IN REMOVAL PROCEEDINGS XX YYY xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx DECLARATION OF ZZZZZZ I, ZZZZZ, hereby declare under penalty of perjury that the following statements are true and correct to the best of my knowledge. 1. I do not recall having ever met XX YYY in person. This affidavit is based on my review of Mr. YYY’s Application for Asylum and my knowledge of relevant conditions in Haiti. I am familiar with the broader context of Mr. YYY’s application for asylum, including the history of political violence in Haiti, especially surrounding elections, attacks against journalists and the current security and human rights conditions in Haiti. Radio in Haiti 2. In Haiti, radio is by far the most important media format. Only a small percentage of the population can afford television, and electricity shortages limit the usefulness of the televisions that are in service. An even smaller percentage can afford internet access. Over half the people do not read well, and newspaper circulation is minuscule. There are many radio stations in Haiti, with reception available in almost every corner of the country. Radios are inexpensive to buy and can operate without municipal electricity. 3. Radio’s general importance makes it particularly important for elections. Radio programs, especially call-in shows, are Haiti’s most important forum for discussing candidates and parties. As a result, radio stations become contested ground for political advocacy, especially around elections. Candidates, officials and others involved in politics work hard and spend money to obtain favorable coverage. -
The Election Impasse in Haiti
At a glance April 2016 The election impasse in Haiti The run-off in the 2015 presidential elections in Haiti has been suspended repeatedly, after the opposition contested the first round in October 2015. Just before the end of President Martelly´s mandate on 7 February 2016, an agreement was reached to appoint an interim President and a new Provisional Electoral Council, fixing new elections for 24 April 2016. Although most of the agreement has been respected , the second round was in the end not held on the scheduled date. Background After nearly two centuries of mainly authoritarian rule which culminated in the Duvalier family dictatorship (1957-1986), Haiti is still struggling to consolidate its own democratic institutions. A new Constitution was approved in 1987, amended in 2012, creating the conditions for a democratic government. The first truly free and fair elections were held in 1990, and won by Jean-Bertrand Aristide (Fanmi Lavalas). He was temporarily overthrown by the military in 1991, but thanks to international pressure, completed his term in office three years later. Aristide replaced the army with a civilian police force, and in 1996, when succeeded by René Préval (Inite/Unity Party), power was transferred democratically between two elected Haitian Presidents for the first time. Aristide was re-elected in 2001, but his government collapsed in 2004 and was replaced by an interim government. When new elections took place in 2006, Préval was elected President for a second term, Parliament was re-established, and a short period of democratic progress followed. A food crisis in 2008 generated violent protest, leading to the removal of the Prime Minister, and the situation worsened with the 2010 earthquake. -
Haiti at a Turning Point
Update Briefing Latin America/Caribbean Briefing N°8 Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 3 August 2005 Can Haiti Hold Elections in 2005? I. OVERVIEW elections in a way that still permits the new government to take office, as planned on 7 February 2006. However, even that date should not be considered absolute if Massive technical, political and security obstacles must be conditions are so poor that elections would be forced overcome very quickly or Haiti's elections -- municipal and badly flawed. and local in October, parliamentary and presidential in Security. Sufficient security must exist to permit the November -- will have to be postponed. In particular the political process to unfold in relative safety throughout UN mission (MINUSTAH), other international actors the country. Criminal but also political kidnappings by and the transitional government need to move faster at urban armed gangs have reached historic highs. There registering voters, persuading the failed state's citizens have been almost 800 killings, including the victims that the exercise is meaningful, and disarming both urban of political, drug-inspired, and turf-related battles, gangs and former military. Otherwise, turnout is likely since September 2004. Citizens do not feel safe in to be unsatisfactory, credibility of the outcome will suffer, most neighbourhoods of Port-au-Prince, which contains and the government's legitimacy will be in question. almost a third of all voters. Eighteen months after former President Aristide was MINUSTAH should continue its recent more active forced out of the country, Haiti remains insecure and tactics to counter and confront -- but in a more targeted volatile. -
Haiti 2013 Human Rights Report
HAITI 2013 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Haiti is a constitutional republic with a multi-party political system. President Michel Martelly took office in May 2011 following a two-round electoral process that, despite some allegations of fraud and irregularities, international observers deemed generally free and fair. The government did not hold partial Senate and local elections, delayed since October 2011, because of a continuing impasse between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches over the proper procedures to establish and promulgate an elections law and to organize elections. Authorities maintained effective control over the security forces, but allegations persisted that at times law enforcement personnel committed human rights abuses. The most serious impediments to human rights involved weak democratic governance in the country; insufficient respect for the rule of law, exacerbated by a deficient judicial system; and chronic corruption in all branches of government. Basic human rights problems included: isolated allegations of arbitrary and unlawful killings by government officials; allegations of use of force against suspects and protesters; overcrowding and poor sanitation in prisons; prolonged pretrial detention; an inefficient, unreliable, and inconsistent judiciary; rape, other violence, and societal discrimination against women; child abuse; allegations of social marginalization of vulnerable populations, including persons with disabilities and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons; and -
Parachute Journalism in Haiti
“Parachute Journalism” in Haiti: Media Sourcing in the 2003-2004 Political Crisis Isabel Macdonald York University Abstract: The Canadian media’s reliance on parachute and wire agency journal- ists during the lead-up to the 2004 coup d’état in Haiti exemplified the trends associated with recent cuts to foreign news. A content analysis of the Globe and Mail, plus interviews with journalists, reveal that the deadline pressures and hotel journalism associated with these trends contributed, in the absence of coherent official messages on the Haiti crisis, to journalists’ reliance on sources from a U.S. and Canadian government–supported political movement spear- headed by Haiti’s business and media elite that sought to overthrow the demo- cratically elected Haitian government. Keywords: Content analysis; News production studies; Newspapers; Interviews; Media sources; Haiti Résumé : Dans les jours menant au coup d’état de 2004 en Haïti, la dépendance des médias canadiens envers des journalistes d’agence de presse ou des journal- istes parachutés provisoirement dans la région illustre bien les tendances asso- ciées aux coupures récentes infligées sur la couverture de l’actualité internationale. Une analyse de contenu du Globe and Mail ainsi que des entre- vues avec des journalistes révèlent que ces coupures ont entraîné une sorte de journalisme d’hôtel et un besoin de rencontrer de très brèves échéances. Ces cir- constances ont contribué, en l’absence de messages officiels cohérents sur la crise haïtienne, à une dépendance envers des sources provenant d’un mouve- ment politique cherchant à renverser le gouvernement élu démocratiquement du pays. Ce mouvement était mené par l’élite commerciale et médiatique haïtienne et appuyé par les gouvernements américain et canadien. -
Country Fact Sheet HAITI June 2007
National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada www.irb-cisr.gc.ca ● Français ● Home ● Contact Us ● Help ● Search ● canada.gc.ca Home > Research > National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Country Fact Sheet HAITI June 2007 Disclaimer 3. POLITICAL PARTIESF Front for Hope (Front de l’espoir, Fwon Lespwa): The Front for Hope was founded in 2005 to support the candidacy of René Préval in the 2006 presidential election.13 This is a party of alliances that include the Effort and Solidarity to Build a National and Popular Alternative (Effort de solidarité pour la construction d’une alternative nationale et populaire, ESCANP);14 the Open the Gate Party (Pati Louvri Baryè, PLB);15 and grass-roots organizations, such as Grand-Anse Resistance Committee Comité de résistance de Grand-Anse), the Central Plateau Peasants’ Group (Mouvement paysan du plateau Central) and the Southeast Kombit Movement (Mouvement Kombit du SudEst or Kombit Sudest).16 The Front for Hope is headed by René Préval,17 the current head of state, elected in 2006.18 In the 2006 legislative elections, the party won 13 of the 30 seats in the Senate and 24 of the 99 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.19 Merging of Haitian Social Democratic Parties (Parti Fusion des sociaux-démocrates haïtiens, PFSDH): This party was created on 23 April 2005 with the fusion of the following three democratic parties: Ayiti Capable (Ayiti kapab), the National Congress of Democratic Movements (Congrès national des -
Haiti Page 1 of 20
Haiti Page 1 of 20 Haiti Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002 Haiti is a republic with an elected president and a bicameral legislature. The 1987 Constitution remains in force, but many of its provisions are not respected in practice. The political impasse and political violence stemming from controversial results of May 2000 legislative and local elections continued during the year. In May 2000, the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) manipulated the results of the election to ensure that Fanmi Lavalas (FL) maintained control of the Senate. The opposition parties boycotted July 2000 runoff elections and the November 2000 presidential elections, in which Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected with extremely low voter turnout. President Aristide was sworn in on February 7. During the first half of the year, the international community, including the Organization of American States (OAS), and the country's civil society mediated discussions between the FL and the opposition Democratic Convergence; however, negotiations were not successful and talks were suspended in July following armed attacks on several police stations by unidentified gunmen. On December 17, an unknown number of unidentified gunmen attacked the National Palace in Port- au-Prince; 8 persons reportedly died and 15 persons were injured. Following the attack, progovernment groups attacked opposition members' offices and homes; one opposition member was killed. The 1987 Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, it is not independent in practice and remained largely weak and corrupt, as well as subject to interference by the executive and legislative branches. -
Haiti and the Jean Dominique Investigation: an Interview with Mario Joseph and Brian Concannon
136 The Journal of Haitian Studies, Vol. 13 No. 2 © 2007 Jeb Sprague University of Manchester Haiti and the Jean Dominique Investigation: An Interview with Mario Joseph and Brian Concannon On April 3, 2000, Jean Dominique, Haiti’s most popular journalist, was shot four times in the chest as he arrived for work at Radio Haïti. The station’s security guard Jean-Claude Louissant was also killed in the attack. The President of Haiti, René Préval, ordered three days of official mourning and 16,000 people reportedly attended his funeral. A documentary film released in 2003, The Agronomist, by Academy Award-winning director Jonathan Demme featured Dominique’s inspiring life. However, since Dominique’s death the investigation into his murder has sparked a constant point of controversy.1 Attorneys Mario Joseph and Brian Concannon worked for the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux (BAI), a human rights lawyer’s office supported by both the Préval and Aristide governments. The BAI was tasked with helping to investigate the killings. A discussion with the two attorneys reveals the unpublished perspective of former government insiders who worked on the case and their thoughts on the role of former Senator Dany Toussaint, the investigation headed by Judge Claudy Gassant, the mobilization around the case, and recent revelations made by Guy Philippe, a leader of the ex-military organization Front pour la Libération et la Réconstruction Nationales (FLRN). This interview was conducted over the telephone and by e-mail during April and May of 2007. Haiti and the Jean Dominique Investigation 137 JS: It has been seven years since Jean Dominique was killed. -
1 a Spatial, Temporal and Deterministic Analysis Of
A SPATIAL, TEMPORAL AND DETERMINISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE ECONOMICS OF CONFLICT IN HAITI By JENS ENGELMANN A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012 1 © 2012 Jens Engelmann 2 To my parents and my sister 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank God. I also thank my parents and sister for their encouragement and patience. I am grateful for Andres Garcia, and his persistent advice and support. I thank Dr. Sterns for his enthusiasm, and strong belief in me. Also, I want to acknowledge Dr. Mao for his willingness to be an outside member in my Master’s committee, and in his advice and guidance without I would have not been able to complete this thesis. I want to thank Dr. Burkhardt for the support and help he has given throughout my academic career. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4 LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ 7 LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... 8 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................... 10 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................