Imam Khomeini
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Iran Pada Masa Pemerintahan Khatami 1997-2001
IRAN PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN KHATAMI 1997-2001 SKRIPSI Diajukan kepada Fakultas Adab dan Humaniora untuk memenuhi Syarat mendapat Gelar Sarjana (S1) Humaniora OLEH: Rahmawati NIM: 107022002201 JURUSAN SEJARAH DAN PERADABAN ISLAM FAKULTAS ADAB DAN HUMANIORA UIN SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 2011 M/1432 H i Abstrak Rahmawati Iran Pada Masa Pemerintahan Khatami 1997-2001 Republik Islam Iran, Negara dikawasan Timur Tengah yang pernah melahirkan dua Revolusi besar modern. Yaitu Revolusi konstitusional 1905- 1911 dan Revolusi Islam Iran 1979. Akan tetapi sejarah bangsa Iran tercatat bahwa, kemajuan politik terus berjalan dengan munculnya seorang tokoh karismatik yang mencoba menghadirkan sebuah revolusi bagi bangsa Iran. ialah Ayatollah Khomeini telah membawa bangsa Iran kepada arah revolusi panjang, ia mencoba menghadirkan suatu sistem pemerintahan yang tak lepas dari nlai-nilai keislaman. Ternyata semangat revolusi yang ayatollah Khomeini tinggalkan, telah tertanam pada setiap jiwa rakyat Iran. salah satunya Mohammad Khatami. Di bawah kepemimpinan Khatami, Negara Iran tampil denga pemikiran dan kebijakan yang lebih baik. Kemenangan mutlak pada pemilu 1997, telah membawa Mohammad Khatami sebagai seorang presiden dengan dialog peradaban dan demokrasi yang ia tawarkan. Membawa Iran kepada kemajuan dalam dunia politik, ekonomi dan hubungan dengan dunia internasional. KATA PENGANTAR Segala puja dan puji syukur kita haturkan kehadirat Allah SWT semata. Salawat serta salam senantiasa tercurahkan pada muara ilham, lautan ilmu yang tidak pernah larut yakni keharibaan baginda Nabi Muhammad SAW, serta keluarga, sahabat dan seluruh pengikutnya.Amin Tentunya dalam menyelesaikan skripsi ini saya tidak semata berhasil dengan tenaga dan upaya sendiri namun banyak pihak yang telah berpartisipasi dalam terselesaikannya penulisan skripsi ini baik yang bersifat moril maupun materil, maka dengan ini sepatutnya penulis menyampaikan banyak terima kasih atas kerjasamanya dan dorongannya. -
Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran
k o No. 4 • July 2012 o l Between Reform and Revolution: Sheikh Qassim, t the Bahraini Shi’a, and Iran u O By Ali Alfoneh The political stability of the small island state of Bahrain—home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet—matters to the n United States. And Sheikh Qassim, who simultaneously leads the Bahraini Shi’a majority’s just struggle for a more r democratic society and acts as an agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, matters to the future of Bahrain. A survey e of the history of Shi’a activism in Bahrain, including Sheikh Qassim’s political life, shows two tendencies: reform and t revolution. Regardless of Sheikh Qassim’s dual roles and the Shi’a protest movement’s periodic ties to the regime in Tehran, the United States should do its utmost to reconcile the rulers and the ruled in Bahrain by defending the s civil rights of the Bahraini Shi’a. This action would not only conform to the United States’ principle of promoting a democracy and human rights abroad, but also help stabilize Bahrain and the broader Persian Gulf region and under- mine the ability of the regime in Tehran to continue to exploit the sectarian conflict in Bahrain in a way that broadens E its sphere of influence and foments anti-Americanism. e Every Friday, the elderly Ayatollah Isa Ahmad The Sunni ruling elites of Bahrain, however, l Qassim al-Dirazi al-Bahrani, more commonly see Sheikh Qassim not as a reformer but as d known as Sheikh Qassim, climbs the stairs to the a zealous revolutionary serving the Islamic pulpit at the Imam al-Sadiq mosque in Diraz, d Bahrain, to deliver his sermon. -
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh February 5, 2018 Issue Paper #1 2019 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to providing expert research and analysis of the social, economic, and political dimensions of the Gulf Arab states and how they impact domestic and foreign policy. AGSIW focuses on issues ranging from politics and security to economics, trade, and business; from social dynamics to civil society and culture. Through programs, publications, and scholarly exchanges the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform the U.S. policy community regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2019 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its board of directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credits: Khamenei.ir/Wikimedia Commons About the Author Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He is the author of Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards are Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, published by AEI Press in April 2013. -
Philosophy of Power and the Mediation of Art:The Lasting Impressions of Artistic Intermediality from Seventeenth Century Persia to Present Shadieh Emami Mirmobiny
Maine State Library Digital Maine Academic Research and Dissertations Maine State Library Special Collections 2018 Philosophy of Power and the Mediation of Art:The Lasting Impressions of Artistic Intermediality from Seventeenth Century Persia to Present Shadieh Emami Mirmobiny Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalmaine.com/academic PHILOSOPHY OF POWER AND THE MEDIATION OF ART: THE LASTING IMPRESSIONS OF ARTISTIC INTERMEDIALITY FROM SEVENTEENTH CENTURY PERSIA TO PRESENT Shadieh Emami Mirmobiny Submitted to the faculty of The Institute for Doctoral Studies in the Visual Arts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy May, 2018 Accepted by the faculty of the Institute for Doctoral Studies in the Visual Arts in partial fulfillment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. COMMITTEE MEMBERS Committee Chair: Ali Anooshahr, Ph.D. Professor, Department of History University of California, Davis Committee Member: Christopher Yates, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of Philosophy, and Art Theory Institute for Doctoral Studies in the Visual Arts Committee Member: EL Putnam, Ph.D. Assistant Lecturer, Dublin School of Creative Arts Dublin Institute of Technology ii © 2018 Shadieh Emami Mirmobiny ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii “Do we need a theory of power? Since a theory assumes a prior objectification, it cannot be asserted as a basis for analytical work. But this analytical work cannot proceed without an ongoing conceptualization. And this conceptualization implies critical thought—a constant checking.” — Foucault To my daughter Ariana, and the young generation of students in the Middle East in search of freedom. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe a debt of gratitude to a number of people, without whose assistance and support this dissertation project would not have taken shape and would not have been successfully completed as it was. -
Sadra's Interpretation of Change
Open Journal of Philosophy 2013. Vol.3, No.1, 55-62 Published Online February 2013 in SciRes (http://www.scirp.org/journal/ojpp) http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojpp.2013.31009 Dressing after Dressing: Sadra’s Interpretation of Change Muhammad Kamal Asia Institute, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia Email: [email protected] Received October 22nd, 2012; revised November 25th, 2012; accepted December 10th, 2012 This paper deals with the doctrine of transubstantial change advocated by Mulla Sadra in which sub- stances as well as accidents are thought to be in constant and gradual change. Against Aristotle’s doctrine of accidental change, Mulla Sadra argues that no stable ground can bring about change and since sub- stance is renewable it cannot carry identity of a changing existent. Here we investigate whether identity is possible or not. If it is possible then what becomes a ground for establishing identity of changing sub- stances. Keywords: Ontology; Existence; Essence; Change; Substantial Change; Accidental Change; Identity and Difference Sadra’s Ontology Contrary to Suhrawardi’s ontological position, Mulla Sadra does not accept the idea that “Existence” is unreal or that it is a While Muslim Peripatetic thinkers under the influence of mental concept. For him, “Existence” is an objective reality and Aristotle accepted change in accidents, Mulla Sadra insisted on the principle of all things. Its reality encompasses the lowest change in substance. For him, change in accidents is thinkable and the highest. At the highest it is the existence of the Nece- when substance undergoes change and transformed. Here I ssary Being. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
Khomeinism April 2020
Khomeinism April 2020 1 Table of Contents Ideology ......................................................................................................................................................... 3 Governing ...................................................................................................................................................... 4 Khomeinism Abroad ...................................................................................................................................... 5 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................... 6 2 Khomeinism Khomeinism is an ideology and a system of governance derived from Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, leader of Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution. Khomeini was such a singular figure that the U.S. government assessed the revolution would not have taken place without him. This piece will discuss Khomeinism’s ideology, governance structure, and influence abroad. Ideology The Islamic Republic’s founding father was a rebel within the Shiite clerical establishment. Khomeini departed from the quietists among Iran’s clerical establishment who argued against clerical involvement in daily governance. He advocated for a more active role for clerics in the ship of state, once dubbing the quietists “court mullahs.” To demonstrate Khomeini’s extreme views on the proper Islamic governing model, the Central Intelligence Agency once cited a Western scholar in one of its assessments, -
State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010
STATE, DISSIDENTS, AND CONTENTION: IRAN, 1979-2010 HAMID REZAI SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Hamid Rezai All rights reserved ABSTRACT State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010 Hamid Rezai Why after almost a decade of silence and “successful” crackdowns of contention during the 1980s has Iran witnessed once again waves of increasing popular protest? What are the processes and mechanisms behind the routinization of collective actions in Iran since the early 1990s, which continue despite state repression? Why and under what circumstances does a strong authoritarian state that has previously marginalized its contenders tolerate some forms of contention despite the state’s continued repressive capacity? And finally, to what extent are available social movement theories capable of explaining the Iranian case? In “State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010” I engage theories of social movements and contentious politics in order to examine the emergence, development, and likely outcomes of popular contention in contemporary Iran. My study is the first project of its kind to focus on elite factionalism and its impact on popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Although other scholars have extensively written on elite factionalism in postrevolutionary Iran, they have not analyzed the implications of the inter-elite conflict for the emergence and development of social protests against the Islamic Republic. While this study primarily utilizes political process and resource mobilization models, it acknowledges the importance of economic, ideological, and breakdown approaches for the interpretation of the emergence and development of popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. -
Blood-Soaked Secrets Why Iran's 1988 Prison
BLOOD-SOAKED SECRETS WHY IRAN’S 1988 PRISON MASSACRES ARE ONGOING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Collage of some of the victims of the mass prisoner killings of 1988 in Iran. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Amnesty International https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/9421/2018 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 METHODOLOGY 18 2.1 FRAMEWORK AND SCOPE 18 2.2 RESEARCH METHODS 18 2.2.1 TESTIMONIES 20 2.2.2 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE 22 2.2.3 AUDIOVISUAL EVIDENCE 23 2.2.4 COMMUNICATION WITH IRANIAN AUTHORITIES 24 2.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 25 BACKGROUND 26 3.1 PRE-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 26 3.2 POST-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 27 3.3 IRAN-IRAQ WAR 33 3.4 POLITICAL OPPOSITION GROUPS 33 3.4.1 PEOPLE’S MOJAHEDIN ORGANIZATION OF IRAN 33 3.4.2 FADAIYAN 34 3.4.3 TUDEH PARTY 35 3.4.4 KURDISH DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN 35 3.4.5 KOMALA 35 3.4.6 OTHER GROUPS 36 4. -
What Happens When the Rafidite-Safavid Clergy Takes Power? the Case of Iran
What Happens When the Rafidite-Safavid clergy Takes Power? The Case of Iran Promises Before and Results After Khomeini's Islamists Took Over In the course of human history it's doubtful the politician has been born who didn't make promises he (she) couldn't keep, and that streak didn't end with the Ayatollah Khomeini. Still, anyone who witnessed the 1979 revolution that overthrew the Shah of Iran and replaced him with the Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamist Republic, has to be struck by how little it has to show for itself. This was the first Islamist takeover, the most promising (in an old civilization and a resource-rich state), and the most successful (the only Islamist regime still in power). [0.5] Yet 25 years after the massive, joyous, hope-filled crowds filled the streets, not only have bedrock principles and sacred promises (e.g. strictly Islamic government, an end to dictatorship) fallen by the wayside, some conditions that led to the Shah's downfall (e.g. corruption, political repression) have actually gotten worse under the mullahs. What makes the Islamic Revolution in Iran worth a second look is the possibility that its history will repeat itself elsewhere. The Middle East has more than a few regimes resembling the Shah's government (corrupt, undemocratic and repressive), and plenty of Islamic opposition groups similar to the Islamist network that overthrew the Shah (well-organized, determined, and prone to making big promises with vague specifics). What did Khomeini say life would be like for Iranians under his Islamic government after the revolution? How did it compare with what he and his followers said and did after? Some highlights: (Click on the hyperlink titles below for more detailed explanations and references.) • Islamic Clerics will help lead the revolution but then step aside to let others rule - The religious dignitaries do not want to rule. -
A Critical Study of Mutahhari's Writings on Karl Marx
A CRITICAL STUDY OF MUTAHHARI'S WRITINGS ON KARL MARX DISSERTATION SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF M. PHIL. TO THE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY BY ALI NAGHI BAGHERSHAHI UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF Prof. Sayyid Waheed Akhtar DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH September 1987 i 3 SEF im ute« ^ Coit^P fd^ CHBCKEP 200Z DS1210 ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY Professor and Head of the Department Aligarh/. .yrd ;>io-t«nite. «r 87 This is to certify that Mr. Ali Naghi Bagher Shahi has worked under my supervision for his dissertation on "A Critical Study of Mutahhari's Writings on Karl Marx". He studied all the works of Mutahhari and the relevant literature. It was a pleasant revelation to me that his knowledge of Marxian philoso phy as well as his insight into contemporary Muslim Socio political thought was quite comprehensive. I hope that this dissertation will open new-avenues to the study of recent Iranian philosophy, ,• '- ." The dissertation, in my view, is'fit for submission for the award of M.Phil degrfeelof. Alig'arh Muslim University, Aligarh. I certify further that the entire work is his own. (Pr«f. S. vV heed Akhtar) <- Ita:, ,1,(11, Lhpurnncni of Fhiloso{shy 4. AT. a, ALJe'ARH 9=Q=0=S=S=1=§ Sigg^ig' CHAPTER (A), Mutahhari's Life and Times, 01 (B) Materialism: A Challenge to XSJLcuIl* •••• «••• •••• ••• 16 (C) His Works and Their Thrust: An Attempt to Reconstruct Islamic Ideology. • • • • • « 24 CHAPTER II Marxism as Elaborated by Mutahhari. (A). Dialectics 43 (B). Materialist Metaphysics .... 55 (C). Historical Materialism ... -
To Explain the Educational Arguments of Ontology Thought by Sabzevari
Journal of Education and Practice www.iiste.org ISSN 2222-1735 (Paper) ISSN 2222-288X (Online) Vol.6, No.7, 2015 To Explain the Educational Arguments of Ontology Thought by Sabzevari Mehrnosh Amini 1* Mohamad Najafi 2 1. MA in History and Philosophy of Education, Faculty of Educational Sciences and Psychology, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran 2. Assistant Professor, Faculty of Educational Sciences and Psychology, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran * E-mail of the corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract Educational challenge and issue in modern world has been of the ideologist’s interest for educational implications to find inner talents and abilities and his knowledge of human existence to educate health characteristic of teachers. This article is to investigate educational aspects and reasons of ontology philosophy by Sabzevari, Iranian thinker “Hadi Sabzavari" with descriptive approach and methodology in a cross - sectional study, to define education and the bases of ontology principles and educational methods. The results show that there is integrity between education systems with three features: Relative recall, consideration of source and Resurrection and due to the existence of philosophical pragmatism, existence authenticity, unity, self-doubt, a combination of education methods, to present a task as deduced. Also curriculum extracted from the philosophical thoughts of Sabzevari has provided suitable conditions for self-education, moral, emotional and spiritual education for the learners. Keywords: education, existence, Hadi Sabzavari, goal, basis and principle 1. Introduction Educational crisis in the world, particularly the Islamic World, is as the result of inequitable separation of educational system from original and main sources and the only way out of this crisis actually save humanity, is to provide a connection between the education systems with the real sources.