Men and Masculinity

Edited by Caroline Sweetman

m

i: v Oxfam Focus on Gender The books in Oxfam's Focus on Gender series were originally published as single issues of the journal Gender and Development, which is published by Oxfam three times a year. It is the only British journal to focus specifically on gender and development issues internationally, to explore the links between gender and development initiatives, and to make the links between theoretical and practical work in this field. For information about subscription rates, please apply to Carfax Publishing, Taylor and Francis Ltd, Customer Service Department, Rankine Road, Basingstoke, Hants RG24 8PR UK; Fax: +44 (0) 1256 330 245. In North America, please apply to Carfax Publishing Company, Taylor and Francis Ltd, Customer Service Department, 47 Runway Road, Suite G, Levittown, PA 19057 - 4700, USA; Fax (+1) 800 821 8312. In Australia, please apply to Carfax Publishing Company, PO Box 352, Cammeray, NSW 2062, Australia; Fax: +61 (0) 2 9958 2376. You can also e-mail [email protected] or visit their website at http: / / www.tandf.co.uk

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the written permission of the Publisher.

Front cover: Refugees in a collective centre in Bosnia. Photo: Bill Stephenson

© Oxfam UK and Ireland 1997 Reprinted by Oxfam GB 2000 Published by Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK. Typeset in Palatino by Oxfam; printed by Information Press, Oxford Oxfam is a registered charity No. 202918 Oxfam GB is a member of Oxfam International ISBN 085598 377 9

This book converted to digital file in 2010 Contents

Editorial 2 Caroline Sweetman

Men, masculinity, and 'gender in development' 8 Andrea Cornwall

Men, masculinities and the politics of development 14 Sarah C White

Disintegration conflicts and the restructuring of masculinity 23 Judith Large

The role of men in families: achieving gender equity and supporting children 31 Patrice L Engle

Violence, rape, and sexual coercion: everyday love in a South African township 41 Katharine Wood and Rachel Jewkes

'Crabs in a bucket': re-forming male identities in Trinidad 47 Niels Sampath

Gender workshops with men: experiences and reflections 55 Kamla Bhasin

New masculinity: a different route 62 Gonzalo Falabella G

Resources: Further reading 65 Articles and papers 68 Magazines, newsletters and journals 70 NGOs, organisations and groups 70 Internet resources 71 Editorial

focus on men, their sense of them- she ironically suggests that 'maybe the time selves as 'masculine', and the has come to fully and effectively "exploit Arelevance of this for development, the abundant potential" of men for the is new for most gender and development benefit of development' (Geisler 1993). researchers and practitioners. Over the Focusing on women alone simply last decade, many development org- contributes to overload and exhaustion anisations have altered the terminology for women, if they retain all the responsi- they use to discuss women's subordi- bilities associated with their existing nation from 'Women in Development' reproductive and productive roles, in an (WID) to 'Gender and Development' era where the state can be relied upon (GAD). This change in vocabulary reflects even less than previously to provide social awareness of the fact that ideologies services (Folbre 1994). surrounding gender roles and identities Ultimately, however, development create obstacles to women's equal organisations must decide if they are economic, social, and political participa- prepared to address the need to change tion. Yet it is only relatively recently that gender relations. Continuing to work with debates on economic and social policy women only — for example, targeting and 'the future of the family' have begun female-headed households as bene- to bring men's gender identity, and their ficiaries of funds earmarked for 'gender roles in the 'private' sphere, increasingly and development7 —has allowed develop- under scrutiny (Folbre 1994). ment organisations to side-step the Men and masculinity need to be studied if uncomfortable issues associated with power relations between the sexes are to 'interfering' in relations between men and be changed for the better, and the potential women within the household (Varley of individuals of both sexes is to be 1996). While it is true that female-headed realised. Articles in this issue assess the households are frequently economically implications for gender and development poorer, women living without a male policy and practice of taking on a concern partner, father or son are potentially freer for men and concepts of 'masculinity', to make decisions without fearing arguing that this is long overdue. Gisela reprisals. In this sense, women living in Geisler uses words previously used by male-headed households may well be development agencies about women when 'poorer' than those living alone. Editorial

While development research and other forms of social differentiation, practice has tended to marginalise the including, race, age and economic class. issues of men and masculinity, research- While some women may benefit from ers from other disciplines, including their position in a patriarchal society, sociology, cultural studies and anthrop- some men are disadvantaged. ology, have taken an increasing interest in Each man has varying 'success' in studying men's gender identity and role. conforming to the norms of hegemonic This work is distinguished by its focus on masculinity, depending on experience, men's gender as an aspect of their identity, upbringing, and external context; con- unlike previous work which, while formity to the ideal may also come and go centring on men, ignored gender as an during the lifetime of one individual. An aspect of social differentiation. While the example of how notions of masculinity co- rationale for studying men and masculin- exist within one community is offered by ities varies widely (Brod and Kaufman, Niels Sampath's article, which explores 1994), much of this research has been how different ideals of masculinity informed by a feminist perspective. compete and evolve to fit changing In her article, Andrea Cornwall suggests circumstances in a Caribbean community. ways in which gender and development The sexual division of labour is a practitioners could benefit from consideri- concrete expression of ideologies sur- ng such new theoretical work into gender rounding gender identity. The ways in issues. which women and men respond to changes in the sexual division of labour (including patterns of employment and Linking the practical to the income-generation) are directly connect- ideological ed to their sense of themselves as gend- The concept of 'hegemonic masculinity' ered human beings. While ideas of men's (Connell 1987) emphasises that many and women's work are seen in many variations on the concept of 'masculinity' contexts as natural and unchanging, exist within and between societies. This economic and political circumstances challenges the idea that gender identity is oblige individuals to challenge or rein- natural, unchanging, and 'given'. In each force these norms continuously. As Sarah community, a particular form of mas- White explores in her article, the realities culinity will be widely perceived as the of who performs which tasks may belie most desirable, and as wielding the most gender ideology which labels certain power — a 'hegemonic masculinity'. activities as male or female (White, 1997). Women, as well as men, may have a vested Because hegemonic masculinities interest in keeping up the illusion that define successful ways of 'being a man', gender ideology is being adhered to. they make men who do not conform to that idea seem — and feel — inadequate or inferior (Cornwall and Lindisfarne Men's 'triple role' as fathers 1994). A power relationship exists between men of different classes, races Writers in this issue and elsewhere discuss and abilities, in addition to the power three distinct roles for men as fathers. relationship which exists between men First, men as biological fathers; secondly, and women (Hearn and Collinson 1994). as economic providers for the family; As Sarah White highlights in her article in third, as what Patrice Engle, in her article, this issue, certain men benefit more than terms 'social fathers'. In common with others since gender identity cross-cuts more familiar analytical frameworks used by gender and development practitioners 'masculinities imported from elsewhere — for example, Caroline Moser's 'triple are conflated with local ideas to produce role' concept of women's work (Moser new configurations' (Cornwall and 1989) — these three roles emphasise that Lindisfarne 1994,12). involvement in both public and private In many industrial countries, oppor- spheres is critical for family well-being. tunities for men to fulfil the role of sole However, the way fatherhood is economic provider, bringing in enough experienced by individual men varies cash to support the family, are diminish- according to precedents and traditions set ing as changing global patterns of employ- by wider society, current social and ment favour insecure, low-paid, part-time economic conditions, and by the dynamics jobs for a female workforce. In the rapidly- of particular families and the individuals industrialising countries in the South, a within them. While the primary role of similar trend to employing women in biological fatherhood demands no com- manufacturing and the service sector is mitment to the family unit which it occurring. As Patrice Engle notes in her creates, commitment from men is needed article, social policy-makers are currently for involvement as economic providers addressing issues including increasing and in 'social fatherhood'. While male numbers of female-headed households fertility is a defining part of male identity which receive no economic support from cross-culturally, and the role of 'provider' absent fathers, and social problems is also seen as important in most societies including escalating male violence in the (even while individual men may in family, and rising crime among young actuality reject this responsibility), being a unemployed men and boys. In their article 'social father' — i.e. meeting the day-to- on male violence in teenage sexual day demands of caring for children — is relationships in South Africa, Katharine less commonly seen as an essential part of Wood and Rachel Jewkes argue that the male role. attention should be shifted towards changing the attitudes of men; gender violence is not 'women's issue'. Status, power and violence In both industrialised countries and A Western ideal of hegemonic masculinity those where subsistence agriculture and has influenced the course of global small-scale income generation provide development, through and beyond the support to families, men's role in local colonial era, and has continued to do this community-based decision-making is also through shaping the organisational being eroded, through processes of culture of development institutions 'modernisation', which have removed (Gender and Development 5:1). An emph- decision-making from community level to asis on men's role as economic 'providers' regional or state government bodies. In comes from a polarised model of gender many contexts, the power of men in the relations rooted in Northern industrialisa- community in relation to important tion, of a male breadwinner with a wife decisions has lessened, or vanished. In who performs unpaid domestic work in Kenya, Silberschmidt claims that men the home, and ideals of physical strength, have become increasingly involved in and solidarity between male workmates what were regarded as minor and forged through struggles with managers personal decisions formerly taken by (Connell 1993). These ideals have been women (Silberschmidt 1991). exported through colonialism to mingle There is evidence that, in many situa- with local notions of masculinity: tions in South and North, men's decreasing Editorial sense of political and economic power One compelling view is that changes in within the community is manifested in gender roles in the private sphere will increased efforts to assert dominance only occur when domestic work and child- within the household, marked by escalat- care cease to be seen as low-status ing domestic violence (Segel and Labe occupations (Willott and Griffin 1996). 1990). As a woman in a Kisii community in From a livelihoods perspective, it can, Kenya puts it, 'women became very busy, indeed, be seen as a rational decision for men took the back seat and so they began to an individual man — or couple — to opt to fight' (Silberschmidt 1991, p,44). conform to the norms that a man does not Judith Large's article emphasises the take part in 'women's work'. The fact that links between different kinds of impover- men's and women's status is not equal in ishment, and violence at all levels of patriarchal societies means that there are society. For young men in many countries, different costs involved in challenging the a process of alienation is resulting from sexual division of labour. While women the lack of economic options available to who perform 'men's work' may eventu- them. Large highlights the links between ally be admired, a man is more likely to the socialisation of boys, lack of livelihood lose status if he attempts to move across options for young men, and their decision the dividing line. For example, a man who to join armed groups. cooked might risk not only ridicule, but might be banned from participating in community decision-making (personal Readjusting the sexual communication, Ethiopia). The question is divison of labour how the necessary shift in attitude to A frequent critique of approaches which domestic work can take place, given the seek to involve women in development iterative nature of the link between activities is that, if these are not linked to valuing the work, and the value placed on diminishing their existing workload, the the gender of the person who performs it. result will be simply to overburden them. While development interventions have Men's attitudes to fertility often, therefore, sought to reduce the time and energy women expend in activities Men's role within the 'private' sphere has such as fuel and water collection, they attracted particular attention from have not tended to challenge the idea that organisations working on sexual health domestic chores must necessarily be and reproductive rights. A typical view is carried out by women and girls. that 'men should not only share the Why is it so difficult to promote the benefits but also the hardships of birth idea that men can do 'women's work'? As control, that is, they must assume their mentioned above, changes to either rightful share of contraceptive responsi- gender role are potentially threatening to bility' (Chikamata 1996,9). both women and men since they question However, the nature of the current personal identity. Not only is doing interest in men as a key to achieving 'women's work' unacceptable to many changes in sexual behaviour is being men, but women themselves may be questioned by feminists. The typical unwilling to allow part of 'their role' to be language used is of 'involving men' (IPPF taken over by their partner (Engle and 1996). Yet men are already 'involved' in Leonard 1995). these issues, as medical practitioners, as Will gender roles eventually change in manufacturers and suppliers of contra- the home as they are changing outside? ceptives, and as sexual partners who give a negative answer to women's request to Harnessing men's potential use contraception. Organisations who are seeking to involve men are all too often Changes in the external environment seeking only to change the response of cause men's and women's sense of self, male partners to 'yes' regarding contra- and the relationships between them, to ception and disease prevention. shift and potentially fragment. While this process can result in crisis for individual Critically, 'if little or no attention is women and men, and their communities, paid to the general picture — including it can also lead to positive change. But both sexes rather than focusing the how far can men 'cease to mourn the loss spotlight just on the men — there is the of power and welcome the social benefits potential for family planning programmes and personal pleasures of changing?' (Mac to reinforce the status quo in gender An Ghail 1996,5) In her article on running inequalities' (Helzner 1996, 5). Secondly, gender training workshops with men, in focusing on men alone, the valuable Kamla Bhasin points out that it is not understanding of the problem which is immediately obvious how men's interests gained by looking at the relationship can be served by 'changing the system'. between women and men is lost (ibid). Related to this point is the fact that This pessimism is shared by many studying and working on male gender different people — from media commen- identity has significant resource implica- tators to development workers — who tions for policy-makers in development. commonly respond to changing patterns '[We] must carefully scrutinise where the of male and female employment, and financial support and personnel are rising numbers of female-headed house- coming from when men's services are holds, by condemning men for failing in established, and not rob potential or their socially-ascribed role of 'provider'. existing provision from other service Men tend to be characterised as feckless, users' (Pringle 1995, 167). There is a irresponsible, and ultimately incapable of danger that 'the concept [of masculinity] change, as Sarah White observes in her may divert attention from women and article in this issue: '"good girl/bad boy" gendered power relations' (Hearn 1996). stereotypes present women as resourceful Development policy-makers need to be and caring mothers, with men as relatively clear on their reasons for focusing on men autonomous individualists, putting their and male gender issues, ensuring that this own desires for drink or cigarettes before work is seen as additional work on gender the family's needs'. issues which does not divert resources However, in common with all such away from addressing the interests of stereotypes, this one conceals a complex women. situation in which men are the victims as well as women and children. When one's Finally, advocates of human rights is 'to be a man' (or woman) could legitimately question the way men ideas of what it cease to fit the external world in which are being co-opted into health debates, as one operates, alienation or an 'identity 'instruments' to deliver a development crisis' is likely to result (Silberschmidt goal. This uncomfortably echoes the way 1991, 20). Writing stemming from the in which women have been used as 'men's movement' frequently emphasises instruments for delivering population what men have 'lost' over the course of control in the past. Ultimately, both men's history, and what can be gained by and women's rights to determine their admitting this and redefining masculinity own lives are compromised by this. (Bly 1991). In his article, Gonzalo Falabella Editorial

G. discusses the efforts of a group of Hearn J and Collinson D (1994) Chilean men to overcome the culture of 'Theorising unities and differences machismo and define the 'Chilean new between men and between mas- man'. In his view, it is not difficult to see culinities' in Brod H and Kaufman M (eds) what men have to gain from challenging Theorising Masculinities, Sage:Los Angeles restrictive gender stereotypes, which Helzner } (1996) 'Gender equality remains hamper both women and men from the objective' in Planned Parenthood exploring their full potential, and the Challenges 1996:2, International Planned male-dominated systems which have Parenthood Federation:London defined human development to date. IPPF (1996) 'A new look at male involvement' Briefing Paper, 4 Nov- References ember 1996, IPPF:London Mac An Ghaill M (1996) Understanding Bly R (1991) Iron John: a book about men masculinities Open University Press Element Books:London Moser, C N (1989) 'Gender planning in the Brod, H and Kaufman, M (1994) Theorising Third World: meeting practical and masculinities, Sage: London. strategic gender needs', World Chikamata D (1996) 'Male needs and Development 17:11. responsibilities in family planning and Phillips A (1993) The trouble with boys: reproductive health' in Planned Parent- parenting the men of the future hood Challenges 1996:2, International Pandora:UK Planned Parenthood Federation: London Pringle K (1995) Men, masculinities and Cornwall A and Lindisfarne N (1994) social welfare, UCL Press 'Dislocating masculinity: gender, Segel, T and Labe, D (1990) 'Family power and anthropology' in Cornwall violence: wife abuse' in McKendrick, B A and Lindisfarne N (eds) Dislocating and Hoffman, W (eds) People and masculinities: comparative ethnographies, Violence in South Africa, Oxford Routledge:London University Press. Davies M (ed) (1994) Women and violence, Shire C, (1994) 'Men don't go to the moon: Zed Books:London language, space and masculinities' in Engle P and Leonard A, (1995) 'Fathers as Cornwall A and Lindisfarne N (eds) parenting partners' in Families in Focus: Dislocating masculinity, Routledge:London new perspectives on mothers, fathers and Silberschmidt, M (1991) Rethinking men children, ed Bruce J, Lloyd CB, Leonard and Gender Relations, CDR Research A, Population Council, New York Report 16, CDR: Copenhagen. Folbre N, (1994) Who pays for the kids? Willott S and Griffin C, 'Men, masculinity Gender and the Structures of Constraint, and the challenge of long-term Routledge: London. unemployment' in Mac An Ghaill M Geisler G (1993) 'Silences speak louder (1996) Understanding masculinities Open than claims: gender, household and University Press agricultural development in Southern Africa' in World Development 21:12 Hearn J 1996, 'A critique of the concept of masculinity/masculinities' in Mac An Ghaill M (1996) Understanding mas- culinities Open University Press Men, masculinity and 'gender in development'

Andrea Cornwall

This article focuses on the implications of recent work in feminist theory, and on questions of masculinity, stressing the need to take account of the complex and variable nature of gender identities, and to work with men on exploring the constraints of dominant models of masculinity.

rticles and training materials difference, and which return to the basic addressing 'gender issues' invari- premises on which GAD is founded: that Aably talk about women. As Gender gender relations are fundamentally power and Development (GAD) initiatives are relations. specifically aimed at challenging and correcting the effects of gender inequality, Gender and Development: this may seem hardly surprising. After all, the primary purpose is to work towards time to move on? the involvement of women as equal The failure of many Women In Develop- partners in the development process. But ment (WID) projects led to the realisation the dilemmas faced by some of the 'other' that targeting women alone was not gender, dilemmas that may equally be enough (Kabeer 1995). Drawing on the regarded as 'gender issues', are rarely work of feminist academics in the 1970s, given consideration. And gender training, and on the distinction between sex and one of the principal strategies of GAD gender that came to influence much practice, rarely speaks to men's experi- feminist work in the 1970s and 1980s, ences as men. feminist development practitioners By disregarding the complexities of borrowed the concept of gender as a social male experience, by characterising men as construct. Feminist anthropologists 'the problem', and by continuing to focus demonstrated that taken-for-granted on women-in-general as 'the oppressed', assumptions about women and men development initiatives that aim to be reflect the ways in which culturally- 'gender-aware' can fail to address effec- specific ideas about women and men had tively the issues of equity and empower- become 'naturalised' (see, for example, ment that are crucial in bringing about Ortner 1974, Rosaldo 1974). Feminist positive change. To make gender 'every- anthropologists contended that there was body's issue', strategies are required that nothing 'natural' about the gender inequali- take account of the complexities of ties that take different forms in different Men, masculinity and 'gender in development' 9 cultures (see, for example, MacCormack Woman, the mainstream feminism was and Strathern 1980, Moore 1988). disregarding differences between women: In development, 'gender' came to refer black, non-Western, working-class and to the socially constructed relations lesbian women had their own struggles between women and men. The concept of and faced other prejudices (see, for GAD offered a new approach to including example, Moraga and Anzaldua, 1981). women in the development process; Western feminism and its category 'woman' gender training became a 'means by which was of relevance only to particular kinds feminist advocates and practitioners... of women and, some writers argued, failed [sought] to de-institutionalise male to take account of the context of women's privilege within development policy and situations (see, for example, Mohanty, 1987). planning' (Kabeer 1995:264). 'Gender On the other hand, if one could no analysis' offered tools for investigating longer talk of universals such as 'male the material bases of difference between dominance' or 'women's oppression', and women and men. Yet, gender analysis if it was philosophically unsound to tells us very little about how gender continue to assert broad-ranging theories identities and roles are experienced by about women's experience, then it seemed individual women and men within that there was little space left for feminist communities. Rather, it is used to politics. While in the early 1980s, some delineate distinctions between what feminist writers had began to question the women-in-general and men-in-general sex/gender distinction that had become do, in order to guide planners. Sexual so fashionable (see, for example, Gatens difference is taken as the starting point for 1983), by now, debates about the analysis, and gross commonalities among usefulness of a category 'woman' and the women and men are presumed. This concept of 'gender' for activism raised crude and simplistic form of analysis further thorny questions (see, for example, offers little in the way of understanding Scott 1989). the dynamics of difference in commu- nities. It tells us nothing of relationships among women and among men, nor of the Useful new concepts intersection of gender with other The gulf between the academic world and differences such as age, status and wealth. those working in applied or activist fields has widened as complex theoretical language and concepts have come to Bringing new thinking into dominate feminist writing. Dressed up in development practice complicated terms and swathed in While feminist theory has moved on and obscure language, much theoretical work become more sophisticated, the impact of on gender has become almost completely new thinking on development practice inaccessible to a casual outsider. In has been limited. Tracking the ideas that essence, however, a lot of recent gender have influenced GAD back to academia theory seems like common sense. We all offers some insights into the shortcomings know from our own experience that how of current practice. we feel or behave as women or men is By the early 1980s, there was consid- influenced by the many different erable unease in feminist circles about the messages we receive from others about ways in which 'women' were being what is acceptable or appropriate; that constructed in feminist writing. It became over our lives, being a woman or man has apparent that by focusing on Universal different dimensions and that in different 10

settings we might behave quite differ- temple, at same-sex or family gatherings ently, depending on whom we interact with. the ways in which a woman or man New theoretical tools have given social interacts with others may be very different. scientists the capacity to explore in greater And the ways in which people are thought detail the processes through which gender of as men or women also vary with the is locally constructed and the interactions context: consider, for example, the contrast in which gender makes a difference. between the different masculinities and Discourse analysis, for example, has been femininities in the 'subject-positions' of extremely useful in understanding the power-dressed career woman, loving ways in which women and men come to mother, or devoted wife; or between doting adopt particular practices; work that father, beer-drinking lad, and dutiful son. shows a number of different, sometimes When we analyse our own lives, we contradictory, discourses about gender can see just how complex and contra- offer the means to analyse how it is that dictory ways of thinking about gender can people take up particular ways of seeing be. None of us live every moment of our themselves and relating to others.' lives in a state of subordination to others. Deconstruction — the principle of taking And the relationships we have with people apart taken-for-granted assumptions to around us may be 'gender relations' in the explore the contradictions on which they sense that these are relationships in which are based — is equally valuable. Deconst- gender makes a difference (see Peters ructing the category 'woman' or 'man' 1995), but are in no sense merely one- reveals a host of assumptions, ideas and dimensional power relations. As women, judgements, that can be understood in we may have sons, fathers, brothers, male terms of people's experience and their friends or male employees in our lives cultural context. with whom we have quite different kinds of relationships than those with a male Gender as a performance lover, husband or boss. It is, in many ways, Analysis of the ways in which gender quite obvious that sweeping generalisa- affects particular interactions, looking at tions about gender make little sense of our Gender as a Performance (Butler 1990) or own realities. in terms of the ways people make others feel 'different' from them (Kessler and Missing masculinity? Men McKenna 1978), offers new ways of exploring the contexts in which gender in gender and development makes a difference. One of the most obvious gaps in gender Each day of our lives and over the and development studies, where new course of our lives, the identities we have tools and new approaches are needed, is as women or men are not fixed or absolute, in relation to men. Old-style feminist but multiple and shifting (Cornwall and theory dealt with them at one stroke: men Lindisfarne 1994). Gender relations are were classed as the problem, those who context-bound: in one setting we might stood in the way of positive change. And behave in one way, while in others we while feminist activism stressed change in might behave differently. Thinking in attitudes and behaviour on the part of terms of what Hollway calls 'subject- women in coming forward to claim their positions' allows us to consider how rights, it offered little more to men than a people's behaviour relates to the specific series of negative images of masculinity. contexts in which people interact. At Only by abandoning those attributes home, at work, in the church or mosque or which are culturally valued as those Men, masculinity and 'gender in development' 11 associated with masculinity could men femininity. Not all men benefit from and reprieve themselves. It is hardly any wonder subscribe to dominant values. 'Hegemonic that many men found this difficult. Not masculinity' can be just as oppressive for only were they told that they should give those men who refuse, or fail, to conform. up positions that put them at an advan- Yet, these men are often implicitly tage, they were left without anything to excluded from being part of processes of value about being men. changing and confronting gender inequality Writings on men and on questions of because they are male. masculinity are relatively recent, reflect- Gender and Development work currently ing a belated recognition that men also offers little scope for men's involvement. have gender identities. Over the last Resistance to messages about what may decade, however, a great deal has been be interpreted as 'women's issues' makes written on and by men. Some of this work more sense if the failure to adequately could be seen as rather self-seeking, and analyse and address men's experiences lacks the critical edge evident in feminist and gender identities is taken into account. work. There are, however, a number of Without an approach to difference that excellent contributions to this field that moves beyond static generalisations and have much to offer practitioners, such as works with and from personal experience Connell's (1987,1995) work. In an influential to open up spaces for change, men will early article, Carrigan, Connell and Lee continue to be left on the sidelines and (1985) outlined a theory of masculinity remain 'the problem'. that drew on some of this recent thinking to argue that although there are many ways of being a man, some are valued Implications for practice more than others and men experience So how can these theoretical tools be social pressure to conform to dominant useful to practitioners dealing with the ideas about being a man. They termed this concrete everyday problems of develop- 'hegemonic masculinity'. Not all men ment work? Firstly, they offer ways to conform to the 'hegemonic' version; those build greater awareness of the challenges who do not may find themselves disadvan- that men may face in coming to terms with taged, and even discriminated against. changing identities and practices. If certain Where the concept of 'hegemonic ways of being a man are culturally valued, 111350x11011)/ is most valuable is in showing then asking men to abandon these identities that it is not men per se, but certain ways altogether without having anything of of being and behaving, that are associated value to hold on to is clearly unreasonable. with dominance and power. In each cultural But if men become aware that in their own context, the ways in which masculinity is everyday lives they are already behaving associated with power varies (Cornwall differently in different settings without and Lindisfarne 1994). Some ways of being losing a sense of their own identities, then a man are valued more than others. But it may be easier to recognise some of the this is not to say that all men behave in this implications of 'hegemonic masculinity' way. Attributes that are associated with without feeling attacked or threatened. masculinity are not always associated with Secondly, by demonstrating that many men: women too can possess some of these men do not actually match up to idealised attributes. Not all men, then, have power; forms of masculinity, spaces can be and not all of those who have power are men. opened up for reflection about how men In each cultural context there is a range can be disempowered or marginalised. of available models of masculinity or Rather than tarring all men with the same 12

brush, looking at dimensions of difference By working with men as human beings, can offer ways in which men can begin to rather than constructing them as 'the re-evaluate some of the difficulties they problem', addressing personal change can face as men, and enhance awareness of have a wider impact on the institutional situations in which the roles are reversed. changes that are needed for greater equity. By recognising that men can also feel It is time to move beyond the old fixed powerless, scope can be offered for men to ideas about gender roles and about universal reflect on their behaviour towards those male domination. Time to find ways of they feel they have power over. As behaviour thinking about and analysing gender that is learnt, it can also be unlearnt and relearnt. make sense of the complexities of people's Lastly, if empowerment means enabling lived realities. Gender and development people to expand their 'power within' in currently lacks sophisticated tools for order to have power to make their own understanding difference: is it not time choices, then this can equally be applied in that we turned our attention to creating them? work with men. It is often easier to resist Taking complexity seriously does not change and remain cushioned by the mean that we need to abandon completely comfort of familiarity. Behaving differ- fundamental feminist concerns with ently can raise all kinds of anxieties and women's rights. The shattering of the old threats, especially when identities might grand theories can be liberating, rather be compromised. By deconstructing than robbing us of a place from which to cultural assumptions about being a man, speak about inequality. We have the choice awareness can be raised about the ways in to use arguments as strategies, without which some of these assumptions leave swallowing them whole to mask the real people in a no-win situation. And by contradictions they raise in terms of our working from this analysis to build the own lives (see Fraser 1995). Where we do confidence to choose to behave differently, need to be careful is in confusing strategic men can be offered the means to empower arguments about women or men-in- themselves to change. Men who have already general with the everyday experiences of begun to embrace change are allies, rather real women and men. than part of 'the enemy', and oppor- tunities should be made to involve them Andrea Cornwall works at the Centre for more in Gender and Development work. Development Communications, King Alfred's If gender is to be everybody's issue, College, Winchester, UK then we need to find constructive ways of Tel I fax: (0044) 1273672306 working with men as well as with women to build the confidence to do things Acknowledgements differently. Just because some men occupy subject-positions in some settings that This article draws in places on previous lend them power over people, it does not work developed with Nancy Lindisfarne necessarily mean that these positions are and on discussions with Garrett Pratt. I congruent with all aspects of their lives am grateful for the insights I gained from and therefore define them as people. sharing ideas with them. Relatively simple tools, drawn from applications of theoretical models, and the practical tools of approaches such as Notes Assertiveness Training, can be used to raise awareness of contradictions and of 1. One of the most accessible examples of the knock-on effects of resisting change. this is Wendy Hallway's (1984) analysis Men, masculinity and 'gender in development' 13

of gender identities and relations Mohanty, C T (1987) 'Under Western eyes: between young women and men. feminist scholarship and colonial discourses', Feminist Review, 30:61-88. Moore, H (1988) Feminism and Anthro- References pology, Polity Press, London. Butler, J (1990) Gender Trouble: Feminism Moraga, C and Anzaldua, G (1981) This and the Subversion of Identity, London: Bridge Called My Back: Writings By Routledge. Radical Women of Color, Persephone, Carrigan, T, Connell, R and Lee, J (1985) Water town, Mass. 'Towards a new sociology of mas- Ortner, S (1974) 'Is female to male as culinity', Theory and Society 14:5.. nature is to culture?' in Rosaldo, M Z Cornwall, A and Lindisfarne. N (1994) and Lamphere, L (eds) Women, Culture 'Dislocating Masculinity: Gender, Power and Society, Stanford: Stanford and Anthropology', in Cornwall and University Press. Lindisfarne (eds) Dislocating Masculinities:Peters, P (1995) 'Uses and abuses of the Comparative Ethnographies, Routledge, concept of "female headed house- London. holds" in research on agrarian Fraser, N (1995) 'Pragmatism, feminism transformation and policy', in and the linguistic turn' in Benhabib, S, Bryceson, D F (ed) Women Wielding the Butler, J, Cornell, D and Fraser, N, Hoe: Lessons from Rural Africa for Feminist Contentions: A Philosophical Feminist Theory and Development Exchange, London: Routledge. Practice, Oxford:Berg. Fraser, N and Nicholson, L (1988) 'Social Rosaldo, M Z (1974) 'Women, culture and criticism without philosophy: an society: a theoretical overview' in encounter between feminism and Rosaldo and Lamphere (op. cit). postmodernism', Theory, Culture and Scott, J W (1989) 'Gender: a useful Society 5. category of historical analysis' in Weed, Gatens, M (1983) 'A critique of the sex E (ed) Coming To Terms: Feminism, /gender distinction' in Allen, J and Theory, Politics, London: Routledge. Patton, P (eds) Beyond Marx? Interventions after Marx, Sydney: Intervention. Hollway, W (1984) 'Gender difference and the production of subjectivity' in Henriques, J, Hollway, VV, Urwin, C, Venn, C and Walkerdine, V (eds) Changing the Subject: Psychology, Social Regulation and Subjectivity, London: Methuen. Kabeer, N (1995) Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in Development Thought. London, Verso. Kessler, SJ and McKenna, W (1978) Gender: An Ethnomethodological Approach, New York, Wiley. MacCormack, C and Strathern, M (eds) (1980) Nature, Culture and Gender, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 14

Men, masculinities, and the politics of development

Sarah C White

Widening the gender perspective to include men and masculinities should broaden and deepen our understanding of power and inequality, not only between men and women but in other social relationships, and thus increase the effectiveness of development interventions.

n NGO in the Philippines was doing a shakoys in the market place. She had no study of household budgeting. Raul, acapital, so had not thought of the income as A male group member, was asked aboutsignificant. Now she realised that in fact it his household's finances. The income came tocame to as much as her husband provided. only half of the expenditure. Cautiously, the None of the income from the coconut wine NGO worker suggested that perhaps his wifecame to the housekeeping anyway, he kept that Anna also earned some income. Raul was for his own gambling and cigarettes. enraged: he was the man of the house, he was(White, 1994:103-4) the sole provider. He was the only one with capital — water buffaloes and coconut palmsExamples like this are common in the — with which to support the family. Anna, Gender and Development (GAD) litera- sitting nearby, signalled to the NGO worker toture. They are usually used to show the let it go. A few days later, the worker returned.significance of the 'invisible' contributions This time Raul was absent. Anna spoke to him.of women to family livelihoods. But they She had been thinking about how the family can also be read in another way. Certainly managed. Up to then, she also had believed the story tells us something about women. that her husband provided most of the family But it also, very importantly, tells us income. But when they had done the accounts,something about men. Raul's sense of she had seen it was not so. himself as a man required that he be the Each morning, Anna said, she took on main provider for the family. This was credit 1 kilo of flour and some sugar from thealso the role prescribed for him by his co-operative store. She made some cheap bread,society. The sensitivity of this issue is shakoys, and took it to the school gates to sell.shown in his anger at the mere suggestion In the evening she returned the flour and sugarthat his wife might also be earning. Anna to the store, and kept the income for signalled the worker to be quiet and chose housekeeping. Twice a week, on market days,to speak only in her husband's absence she took two kilos of flour, and sold the because she knew how central the idea of Men, masculinities, and the politics of development 15 himself as the 'breadwinner' was to his if positive changes are to be achieved for self-esteem. Peace at home and the women, men must change too.1 family's status in the community depend- This does not, of course, necessarily ed on this. Even when Anna saw that her mean that issues of masculinity need to be income was just as important as her tackled directly. Perhaps the most sustain- husband's, she chose not to confront him. able kind of change comes from the Gender identity is clearly as much an 'bottom up', as men are confronted by their issue for men as it is for women. This is women's new assertiveness. A challenge just beginning to be recognised in from Anna would force Raul to respond development practice, with men's groups either defensively with anger, violence or organised to discuss fatherhood or tackle withdrawal; or by welcoming the change issues of alcoholism or violence in the in their relationship and re-working his home. These are, however, very marginal sense of himself as a man within that. The initiatives. Mainstream development difficulty is that gender does not belong takes men's gender identities for granted, only to the particular relationship between and even the move from 'Women in husband and wife, but to much broader Development' (WID) to 'Gender and patterns of relationship between men and Development' (GAD) did little to shake men, and between women and women. If the overwhelming preoccupation with Raul decided to give up cigarettes and women. Despite this, men throughout the gambling, he might well face ridicule from world are behaving in ways that conform his male smoking and betting partners. to their sense of what it is to "be a man' in Anna might find support from her friends, their context; and women throughout the but she might also find that they, or other world are manoeuvring within or contest- women in the family, counsel her to keep ing this. In this paper I argue that agencies quiet, calling on ideals of feminine and analysts should take seriously how submission. If Raul's male peers were already questioning the conventions this everyday practice affects develop- together it would be much easier for him ment outcomes, and suggest some of the to change. Similarly, a male culture which challenges that this involves for our exist- condemns violence and values flexibility ing approaches to work on gender issues. makes a positive response to women's challenge much more likely. Gender as relationship The logic of this is clear. If women alone The example of Raul and Anna makes it work for greater equality in gender very clear that gender identities affect relations they will face an uphill struggle. relationships. For Anna's contribution to It will be another kind of 'double day', the family livelihood to be recognised where they have to take responsibility not openly, Raul would need to accept a more only for changing their own ideologies flexible model of male/female identities. and practice, but those of their men as His refusal to do this meant that she had to well. Changing oneself is hard enough; work a 'double day', taking on part of 'his' trying to change someone else often seems responsibility for earning as well as all the doomed to failure. Coupled with this, the child-care and domestic work. This is just intimacy, complexity, and entrenched one example of a much more general rule. character of gender relations mean that a Change in gender relations cannot take sustained campaign, following multiple place in a vacuum. This is the foundation lines of attack, is called for. Women may for believing that men and masculinities need to be the prime movers. But their must be made an issue in gender planning: task will be impossible unless a dynamic 16

is generated amongst men to question precarious or artificial state that boys must their personal practice and the ideologies win against powerful odds'. of masculinity which it embodies. From a different standpoint, Deniz Kandiyoti (1994) considers the tensions boys may experience growing up in a Men's private stories purdah society. She suggests that the strict A theme in work on gender is the need to division between male and female spheres counter the 'public' orthodoxy by listen- sets up a sharp contradiction for boys, ing to 'private' stories. In the example who spend their first years in almost given above, the public orthodoxy 'men wholly female company and then have to are the breadwinners' was corrected by make 'an abrupt and possibly disturbing Anna's private account of her earnings. entry into the male world' (ifrid:204). She But to focus only on women leaves intact quotes Khan's (1972) observations on the the 'public story' for men, and so perpet- contradictions of purdah in boys' develop- uates a series of biases. ment, where the father appears as author- In the gender and development litera- itarian patriarch leading a fearful or ture men appear very little, often as hazy resentful son to side with his mother. background figures. 'Good girl/bad boy' Something similar is suggested for Indian stereotypes present women as resourceful society by psycho-analyst Sudhir Kakar and caring mothers, with men as relatively (1981). The close identification of sons autonomous individualists, putting their with their mothers in the first five years is own desires for drink or cigarettes before abruptly severed as they enter the male the family's needs.2 The overtones in this world. This 'second birth' is marked by of colonial stereotypes about 'lazy natives' new, and increasingly stringent, discip- are uncomfortable, to say the least. line. Unconditional mother love is replaced Recognition of women's involvement in by conditional approval from men in the the market needs to be complemented by family. Kakar sums up this process by an acknowledgement of the part men play quoting a North Indian proverb: "Treat a in the family. Emphasis on the opposition son like a raja for the first five years, like a between women and men needs to be slave for the next ten and like a friend balanced with investigation of the thereafter."' (Kakar, 1981:127). conflicts and contradictions within and Both authors see this childhood experi- between men. A first step in analysing ence as having life-long effects, with men and masculinities, therefore, is to Kandiyoti in particular believing that it explore the 'private stories' of men, and sows the seeds of later 'pro-feminist' how they support or contradict the public sympathies in men. Certainly there is ideologies of masculinity. much more affection, support and Studies of boys growing up suggest a solidarity across gender lines than much considerable struggle to establish an of the literature suggests. Regarding South opposition between masculine and Asia, for example, great stress is laid on feminine out of an earlier experience of son preference and the economic disaster gender identity as more ambivalent and of having too many daughters in the continuous. Unlike the imagery of estab- context of high dowry demands. A small lished patriarchal power, most studies incident demonstrated to me how partial show masculinity as rather fragile, this is. I was sitting with the father of the provisional, something to be won and family with whom I stayed during my then defended, something under constant research in Bangladesh, and some of his threat of loss. As Gilmore (1990:11) male friends. Another neighbour joined reverentially states, real manhood is 'a us, close to tears. He explained that he had Men, masculinities, and the politics of development 17 had to leave his own home, as they were sexual performance, for example, appears preparing for his daughter's wedding and as a significant area of male anxiety. Nick he couldn't bear to lose her. The sympathy Hornby's novel High Fidelity is testament with which the other men received him to this in contemporary Britain; Gilmore showed that this was a common feeling (1990:74) echoes it for Trukese society as they all shared. Nor was this an isolated he quotes Thomas Gladwin's (1953) incident. It was reinforced by the consist- comment that intercourse is a contest in 3 ently easy and affectionate relationship which only men can lose. But the broader which my host enjoyed with his six-year- context within which men negotiate their old daughter, which allowed her even to relationships with women is their criticise his behaviour within a framework standing in society with respect to other men. of jokes and teasing. Tales of sexual exploits are thus common As noted above, the ideology of male currency in male-male discussions, while autonomy is a powerful one. Gilmore conversely, women's unlicensed sexual (1990:223) expresses this in glowing terms: expression is a threat to male prestige. That relations between men and women Manhood is a kind of male procreation: its rest on broader patterns of competition heroic quality lies in its self-direction and between men is illustrated by Penelope discipline, its absolute self-reliance — in a Harvey (1994:76) in an example from the word in its agential autonomy. Peruvian Highlands. There, she says, Attending to men's family relation- women may use courts against men guilty ships offers a corrective to this. Countering of infidelity, but a man would never do the the tendency she sees to concentrate on same, as to admit publicly that his woman solidarity between women, Fonseca (1991) had been unfaithful would be to notes that amongst slum-dwellers in undermine his authority before the male Brazil, brothers were the most important hierarchical figure of the judge. Manhood sources of external support to women. certainly does not appear to be self-reliant Where households and families are much and autonomous. On the contrary, mascu- more stable, as in Bangladesh, the family linity seems to depend chronically on the is a formidable institution of social control. estimation of others, to be highly vulner- The relations involved, of course, differ able to attack by ridicule, shaming, subordi- according to gender and birth placing, but nation, or 'dishonourable' female action. the fact of very distinct and demanding The stress on male status makes expectations is constant. The interrelation masculinity largely a matter of public of power and responsibility is very performance. But the sense of oneself as a evident. An eldest son, for example, has man has also a highly intimate dimension. considerable authority over his siblings, For a man I knew in Bangladesh, his whole but it would be hard to argue that he sense of self began to crumble when he enjoys autonomy. On the contrary, the discovered his wife was having an affair. demands on him to assume family leader- Theirs had been a love marriage, and in ship are often experienced in considerable the early years, he said, he considered tensions between the interests of his natal himself the happiest man alive. His wife family and conjugal unit. Men may have stopped the affair, but it then recurred, more room for manoeuvre than women, and her husband never recovered. He but the difference is a question of degree. suffered a series of mysterious illnesses. A further check on the claims of male He stopped working, stayed lying in the autonomy lies in the association of mascul- house in a darkened room, and avoided inities with status. To some extent this is an community events in which he used to issue between men and women. Hetero- take an active part. Deeply depressed, he 18

was no longer able to support the family. limitations faced by men and women. He lost the capacity to lead, to take Another set of data testifies to the huge decisions; although the oldest brother in advantage of men over women with respect his own family, he allowed the others to to access and control over material resources; determine even major issues. His status religious, organisational, and political fell sharply, as his sons and brothers power; and rights over their own bodies and became irritated and then despising, and those of others. Men may suffer too, but respect in the wider community turned to structurally they dearly benefit from gender whispers of scandal and then exclusion. inequality, even those who do not conform While not conforming to dominant gender to society's ideas of what men should be. models, this 'deviant' behaviour still Kandiyoti (1988) uses the term 'patriarchal makes implicit reference to them (see Abu bargain' to explain why women collude in Lughod, 1986). In a sense he became femi- gender subordination — they know that nised, as he withdrew from the outside even if they suffer while young, they will be world. But his decline also had a clear rewarded later by gaining some power over masculine script: he punished himself and other women. Men also strike various his family through serious alcohol abuse.4 patriarchal bargains: they lose something, but they also stand to gain much. Counting the cost Gender, age, race and class The costs to men of models of masculinity can be seen at the public level too. Perhaps What difference will studying men and the crudest indicator in any 'quality of life' masculinities make to the frameworks we index is the capacity to survive. The over- use to analyse gender in development? First, whelming recruitment of men as fighters the competition between men that masculin- by both state and revolutionary forces ity involves raises the question of whether puts them in great danger. The highest gender may similarly generate conflicts rates of homicide in the United States are between women. That gender does not found amongst young black men. Men in provide an automatic basis for solidarity has the North have a life expectancy consist- long been recognised. Molyneux (1985) ently several years less than that of women, points out the diversity of 'women's suggesting the costs of gender-related interests': some of which derive from their occupational and consumption patterns. gender identity, but others from factors such At a less stark level, many men suffer as as race and class. She proposes the notion of they try to adjust their sense of themselves 'gender interests', for those derived with the demands that society makes on specifically from structural inequality by them. Many men are unable to build good gender. Practical interests lie in bettering relationships with their children because one's situation within the existing system they have to spend too much time away (such as women having access to affordable from home working. Clearly, the current childcare). Strategic interests relate to constitution of gender identities causes structural change of the system (for instance, problems for men, as well as for women. challenging the assumption that domestic Incorporating this into gender analysis work is women's responsibility). is not straightforward. We need to go This framework can reveal how gender- beyond saying 'poor men'; that men have based divisions between women may arise. problems too, that both genders are Taking the example of Kandiyoti's 'patriarchal disadvantaged. To do so risks undermin- bargain', it is the practical gender interests ing any project for change in gender of older women which limit most strictly relations, and so reinforcing existing the gender interests of their younger kin. Men, masculinities, and the politics of development 19

The practical and strategic dimensions of The primary context of this interaction is gender interests thus set up difference, clearly one of class relations. It provides a and the potential for conflict, both within text-book account of the reproduction of women and amongst them. Common class inequality to the advantage of the oppression can become a rallying cry for rich and the further impoverishment of collective action, but by no means always the poor. But interestingly, both of the does so. Establishing contradictions of protagonists also draw on their gender interest within the subordinate group is identities. Bolai's position as labourer, and one way in which dominance is secured. Fazlur's capacity as employer, are both A second important implication of based on their identities as men. Both of 'counting men in' is the attention it brings them also make reference to their (gender) to status, and to the connections between role as father in mitigating their part in the gender, age, race and class. This suggests interaction. Bolai frames his acceptance of that all these interests are dynamically the low rates of pay in terms of his respons- related, shaping and being shaped by each ibilities as father, perhaps thereby re- other in turn. Considering male gender claiming some masculine honour from an identities brings out the extent to which otherwise shaming subordination. Fazlur the apparently neutral 'class' or 'national' legitimates his refusal to provide a living interest may in fact be implicitly related to wage by reference to his own need to male gender stereotypes. An example may provide his son with a motorbike — itself help to clarify this. The speaker is Bolai, a a totem of masculinity in that village Bangladeshi landless labourer. At the context. Bolai's bargaining strength is time, 20 taka (including food) was the further undermined by his ethnicity — a average daily male wage in the area. minority Adivasi — against Fazlur's dominant status as Muslim Bengali. Class Listen, let me tell you something. It was the interests are thus expressed in gender- lean time, and we weren't getting work related ways, but the role that gender anywhere. I'd come back home and my kids were crying: Dad, I'm hungry; and I had plays is equivocal: it at once helps nothing to give them to eat. So we went to structure the system of domination and is Fazlur and asked if he had any work. He said heused by both actors to bargain over the had some earth work that needed doing, howterms of engagement. much would we take? So we thought: it's the lean time, there's no point in hustling and Masculinity and values asking a lot. If we get six Taka we can just about manage. So that's what we asked for. Development is concerned with the practical. The great desire is to make a So he said: O, my son's just bought a difference. In this context, is not talking Honda, six Taka, how can I manage that! So, about masculinities a retreat into the there we are, listening to the tale of his woes. In abstract, a pursuit of academic interest the end he says: I'll give you three Taka. Three only? To answer this, it is important to Taka for a day's work! So we thought and said, review different aspects of gender relations. Give us one Taka more, give us four. And he We tend to see gender in dualistic ways, said: O how can I manage that? I'll give you with men and women as different and three and a half Taka, take it or leave it, that's opposing categories. But what are consid- my last word. So we took it. What can we do? ered 'masculine' or 'feminine' attributes They know we have no choice. (and these differ by social context) are (White, 1992:47) found in both men and women. Ian Craib, a British psychologist and sociologist, 20

states that in the counselling groups with Masculinity and which he has worked there was no simple development practice pattern of men being aggressive or women passive, as the imagery of masculine and If the argument of this paper is correct, it feminine prescribe (1994:139). What this means that treating gender as solely a means, is that gender is not only to do women's issue seriously underestimates with persons, but also very importantly, the scale of the battle to achieve a more with values. Connell (1995:223) brings just society. This has major implications these two dimensions together: for the GAD approach, in relation to the issue of 'empowerment'. Masculinity is shaped in relation to an overall Empowerment has usually been structure of power (the subordination of conceived in terms of women's growing women to men), and in relation to a general self-confidence and ability to act ('power symbolisation of difference (the opposition of to') rather than women 'taking power' femininity to masculinity). ('power over') from men (see eg Moser, As a set of values, masculinity is 1989:1815). Nevertheless, it is very clear available to women as well as men. It was, that if women's empowerment is to be for example, during Margaret Thatcher's sustained, it must be complemented by a time as Prime Minister in the UK that the change for men. The scant attention so far term 'wets' was coined for those members paid to male interests or needs has as yet of the Conservative Party who did not resulted in relatively little fall-out, agree with her hard line. The gender perhaps reflecting the limited success of critique of the policies she instituted is many 'empowerment' initiatives. Never- familiar with respect to structural adjust- theless, there are danger signs. Probably ment (eg Elson, 1991). What is important the most lauded development programme to recognise is that these outcomes are world-wide is the Grameen Bank savings not coincidental, but derive from the fact and credit programme for poor women in that the economic policies followed are Bangladesh. While still tentative, there are inscribed in a particular model of reports that this programme has been masculinity. It is also vital to note that this associated with an increase in violence 'macho' style of politics did not simply against women in the home (Goetz and serve to advantage (some) men over Sen Gupta, 1994:19). It is possible, that the (some) women, but to reproduce and violence represents men's 'struggle for the intensify much broader patterns of domin- maintenance of certain fantasies of ation by race and class as well. Different identity and power' (Moore 1994:154) in styles of masculinity are developed the context of a public assault on estab- historically, not given for all times and lished gender norms which has totally places. Those now dominant are therefore failed to take their interests into account. integrally interwoven with 'development' This may be too alarmist, but it is a real — through colonialism, the movement possibility. The 'backlash' against femin- towards modernity, and now globalisa- ism in the United States and the establish- tion. To explore masculinities therefore ment of neo-conservative men's groups, represents not only a challenge to gender both black and white, provide strong analysis, but to the power and culture of arguments for taking this seriously. the development enterprise as a whole. Secondly, while gender-oriented programmes broadly aim to make women less poor, as well as 'more empowered', they still tend to focus on gender in Men, masculinities, and the politics of development 21 isolation from other social relations. states that 'men have problems too'? And Considering masculinity, however, points even if it is accepted that men need to up how gender also plays a part in the change, how is this to be brought about? other relations of inequality which Should we be looking to establish men's structure society. Changes in gender groups with a focus on gender, parallel to relations should thus be expected to those which already exist for women? challenge other kinds of power relations, R W Connell's review of the experience by class, age and by race. This has two of men's 'consciousness-raising' groups in practical implications. First, that working the West, suggests that this is not the best for change on gender will meet all kinds of way forward. Men do not, like women, resistance, from men and women defend- have a common structural interest in ing their status with respect to age, class or changing gender relations. Despite the race, not simply gender in itself. Second, struggles within and between them, they that working on gender should bring out, still benefit overall from the existing rather than obscure, broader issues of system. This means that men's groups are inequality: amongst women and amongst inherently unstable and often short-lived; men, as well as between the sexes. they tend to retreat from the political into To take this on will mean re-orienting the personal; and can easily shift from GAD practice from assuming gender as being pro-feminist to quite hostile, as men the endpoint to making it the entry point become defensive at having to shoulder for further analysis. As many have pointed all the blame for patriarchy (op cit:235-6). out, the price of 'mainstreaming' (which is Connell suggests, therefore, that men are still far from complete) has been a shift more likely to change in ways that benefit from seeing it as a political issue (what women when gender relations are question- had posed as universal excluded the ed in the context of another shared struggle. interests of half of the human race!) to a The example he gives is the green move- technical one, which could be incor- ment, which is not explicitly concerned porated within the existing model of with gender, and yet in its methods of development with only major adjust- organising and opposing the values which ments. What has received less attention, is threaten the environment challenges men that the focus on gender also blocked out and women to question the way they other considerations. Gender became the operate, and to seek alternatives. justice issue, women the 'minority' whose Working with men to question their interests should be considered, 'social behaviour is one part of the enlarged development' became, at least in some gender project. But making an issue of agencies, very largely commandeered by masculinity also reverses the strong 'gender specialists'. Widening the picture tendency noted by Robertson (1984:305) to to include consideration of men and 'study down', to investigate marginal masculinities should not simply 'count groups and filter this information up to men in', but also broaden and deepen our those in power. Instead, he argues, it is understanding of power and inequality. important to analyse the powerful them- selves, those who determine development strategies, and so provide material to those Ways forward below to inform and strengthen their What does all this mean for development struggles. Making an issue of masculinity practice? Does it simply amount to a water- therefore means not only focusing on men, ing down of the manifesto for change in but on the institutions, cultures, and gender relations, to a weak position which practices that sustain gender inequality 22

along with other forms of domination, such as Jelin (ed) Family, Household and Gender race and class. This will involve questioning Relations in Latin America London: symbolic as well as material dimensions of UNESCO/Kegan Paul. power. It means working on, and recog- Gilmore, D (1990) Manhood in the Making: nising the connections between, the Cultural Concepts of Masculinity, New personal and professional, the politics of Haven and London: Yale University Press. institutions and the global system. It will Goetz, A-M and Sen Gupta, R (1994) 'Who involve men and women, black and white, takes the credit? Gender, Power, and rich and poor working separately and control over loan use in rural credit together to forge strategic alliances based programmes in Bangladesh', Working not simply on where they have come from, Paper 8, Sussex: IDS. but on where they want to go. Harvey, P (1994) 'Domestic violence in the Peruvian Highlands', pp. 66-89 in Sarah White is a lecturer in Development Harvey, P and Gow, P (eds) Sex and Studies at the University of East Anglia, UK. Violence: Issues in Representation and Tel: (0044) 1603 592327; Experience, London: Routledge. e-mail: [email protected] Kandiyoti, D (1988) 'Bargaining with Patriarchy', Feminist Studies 2. Notes (1994) 'The paradoxes of masculinity: some thoughts on 1 Further examples of this point are given segregated societies' in Cornwall, A in an earlier paper (White, 1994). and Lindisfarne, N (eds) Dislocating 2 This is the way, for example, that target- Masculinity: Comparative Ethnographies ing women for welfare handouts or London: Routledge. credit intervention is commonly justified. Molyneux, M (1985) 'Mobilisation without 3 This, of course, is open to debate from a emancipation? Women's interests, the woman's perspective! state, and revolution in Nicaragua', 4 The association of alcohol (ab)use with Feminist Studies 11:2, pp. 227-254. masculinity is, of course, a culturally Moore, H (1994) 'The problem of specific one. explaining violence in the social sciences' in Harvey and Gow, op. cit. References Moser, C (1989) 'Gender planning in the Third World: meeting practical and Abu-Lughod, L (1986) Veiled Sentiments: strategic gender needs', World Honor and Poetry in a Bedouin Society Development 17:11. pp. 1799-1825. Berkeley: University of California Press. Robertson, A S (1984) People and the State: Connell, R W (1995) Masculinities Oxford: An Anthropology of Planned Development Polity Press. Cambridge: Cambridge University Craib, I (1994) The Importance of Disap- Press. pointment London: Routledge. White, S (1992) Arguing with the Elson, D (1991) 'Male bias in macro- Crocodile: Gender and Class in economics: the case of structural Bangladesh, London: Zed Books. adjustment' in her (ed) Male Bias in the (1994) 'Making men an issue' in Development Process Manchester: Macdonald, M (ed) Gender Planning in Manchester University Press. Development Agencies: Meeting the Fonseca, C (1991) 'Spouses, siblings and Challenge, Oxford, Oxfam. sex-linked bonding: a look at kinship organization in a Brazilian slum.' in E 23

Disintegration conflicts and the restructuring of masculinity

Judith Large

This paper argues that as relief and development agencies attempt to address the dynamics of organised violence and protracted conflicts which increasingly hamper or distort their work, gender analysis and policy is in need of re-examination, and should be widened to take on the issue of male gender identity.

omali women comment on the trend formation have been superseded by in Mogadishu to name male infants political violence linked to state disint- S'Uzi' or 'AK' (Mohamed 1996); egration and, in the context of systemic Chechen women hide their sons in dark crisis, violence has become an important cellars to avoid kidnapping or forcible part of economic and political survival' conscription (Satterwhite 1996); and data (Byrne, 1995 4, citing Duffield 1994). on child soldiers in 24 countries reveals these to be overwhelmingly boys (Brett, The complexity of conflict 1996). UNICEF blames lightweight weap- ons for the 'frightening escalation' in the The 'disintegration conflicts' discussed by number of child soldiers (UNICEF 1995). Byrne (ibid.) cover a spectrum of power As Atsango Chesoni has stated: interests, civilian dislocation, high casualties, groupings and regroupings of armies and Peace is about transformation, and the quest para-military units. Conventional definitions for peace entails a social reconstruction of of war are inadequate to convey the masculinity that goes beyond male chauvinism complexities of the causes or nature of to a masculinity no longer built on subjugation. contemporary conflict; for example, El- Patriarchy needs to be transformed into true Bushra and Piza-Lopez observe that brotherhood, a brotherhood that is capable of 'international' and 'intra-state' conflicts are recognising women's sisterhood. (Chesoni 1995,8) not necessarily mutually exclusive As a creative tension or dynamic, conflict categories. The Gulf War, for example, may be an inherent factor in processes of was inextricably linked with other internal change. Yet, in the last part of the twent- and regional conflicts (El-Bushra and Piza- ieth century, 'wars of liberation or state Lopez, 1993). 24

It is clear that post-cold-war transitions That this picture seriously over- include new extremes in disintegration, simplifies women's and men's roles can civil war and so-called 'protracted social' be seen from literature; for example, as or 'low intensity' conflicts. A UNICEF Moghadam has pointed out: report published in December 1995 states that 90 per cent of victims of conflict Standard texts on nationalism, revolution, are now civilians instead of soldiers. Islamization, and state formation are rich in Women and children constitute some detail on changing forms of class hierarchies, 80 per cent of the world's refugees on national-international linkages, on causes (Beijing Report). of revolts, and on aspects of state capacity. But very little is explained regarding gender Neither religion nor ethnicity provide hierarchies, laws about women and the family, an adequate explanation for the causes of and concepts of feminine and masculine. And intra-state conflict: we are witnessing in yet, it is becoming increasingly evident that some instances the massive manipulation laws and discourses pertaining to gender are of populations to carry out murder in the central to the self-definition of political groups name of a myriad of political interests. In and, indeed, signal the political and cultural many conflicts, the lines between political projects of movements and regimes and criminal activity have become (Moghadam 1994). blurred; armed attacks in Sierra Leone, Liberia, Georgia, or Northern Ireland defy The Panos collection Arms to Fight: Arms to clear-cut or traditional explanations in Protect (Bennet et al 1995) contains oral terms of rebellion, armies, aims, or testimonies which document the motives. Armed conflict seems to have complexities and differences in women's become a means of transaction in the experiences of armed conflict, and the illegal diamond trade in Sierra Leone, long-term implications of war and drugs in Northern Ireland or Los Angeles, recovery. Women cope with the effect of or protection rackets in Croatia. the destruction of family units, nursing the disabled, caring for the orphaned, playing a central part in ensuring the Gender and armed conflict survival of members of broken commun- War is men's business, so we are told. Indeed, ities. They bear the physical and psychol- ogical consequences of rape and other a state's decision to resort to violence is seldom forms of physical abuse which are used as taken by women. Does this mean that women weapons of war. Yet they may also be are not affected by armed conflicts? On the combatants, or participants in the hidden contrary, conflict takes a heavy toll on them; economy of armaments manufacture. and it is generally they who, quietly and behind the scenes, ensure the survival of their families Too neat a categorisation of 'men's and even of their communities. (ICRC1995,4) business' and 'women's business' in armed conflict is deeply problematic. This quotation is typical of much of the First, the complex question of gender gender and development literature on becomes an over-simplified one which armed conflict, in its implication that men focuses solely on gender roles, giving the control decision-making relating to armed impression that these are static. Denying conflict, and that the fighting itself is an the 'male' roles that women take on in exclusively male preserve, while women times of crisis — for example, the are both victims of violence and offer the combatant roles which women have taken keys to survival and continuity in post- alongside men in liberation struggles conflict situations. (including those in Algeria, Zimbabwe, Restructuring of masculinity 25

Vietnam, and Eritrea) — could be seen as Reasons for participation in an integral part of the processes by which conflict women are often relegated to less-than- equal socio-economic and political roles If we analyse men's experience and when war is over. Similar dynamics have identity in current war and disintegration worked in former socialist states including conflicts, we find a complex identity issue Croatia and Serbia, where a constitutional which undermines any simplistic assump- commitment to women's equality under tion that violence and war-making is socialism has given way to a conceptual- inherently characteristic of male human isation of women as the bearers of sons to beings. The nature of involvement in fight for nationalist struggles (War Report, armed conflict is dictated by many September 1995). interlinked factors which shape particular Second, attributes regarded as 'mascu- boys and men; a hierarchy of interests and line' and 'feminine'1 can be possessed by power operates within the framework of either women or men, and are not fixed masculinity. Men may be unwilling to either between or within societies. Women's participate in acts of violence, yet the social and men's gender identities and behaviour relationships in which they are caught up fluctuate and change in response to pressurise them into complicity. The external forces, including armed conflict. Guardian of 29.7.96 ran articles on both For example, in the Panos study, Ugandan forcible conscription of young men in women describe their new-found strengths South Sudan and male rape in Croatia. A and independence, but lament the loss of report from Grozny in April 1996 stated: identity and direction experienced by their ...the entire male population of Chechnya is men, changes due in large part to the subject to arbitrary detention at any time, upheaval of war (Benner et al 1995). where they are held in 'filtration camps', Associating men with violence and beaten, tortured and sometimes killed. In women with the making of peace can legit- addition to the stated military rationale of imise violence as a natural, and therefore seeing if they are 'fighters', there seems to be an unquestioned, aspect of male behaviour. economic motive for holding them as well: Studies of national liberation struggles point families can pay ransom for their freedom out that women often become active because (personal communication). they see the need to defend their lovers or Poverty creates an economic motive children — because, that is, of their gender- which is a factor in the complex reasons interests. The way that men's participation for both adults and children joining the also is shaped by cultures of masculinity and military. While violent coercion is gender-determined roles as fathers, husbands frequently the cause of both boy and girl or lovers, sons and brothers, is not remarked children's joining in armed conflict (White 1993,100). (Frankel 1995), children may also see While many feminist critiques have membership of a combative force as the defined militarism as masculine, develop- only means of ensuring their survival, as ment practice has taken the concept of the social fabric of society breaks down 'gender' and applied it with a focus only and traditional support systems, includ- on women. That women's positions, ing their own families, cannot provide for interests and choices are influenced by them (Goodwin-Gill and Cohn, 1994). their gender is recognised; the fact that Apart from receiving the material men's situations are similarly affected by means of survival, boy soldiers may meet gender is not. their need for more intangible forms of 26

nurturing, formerly provided within the celebration of 'manly skills, spear- family or community, through developing throwing, riding, fighting and contests of a form of father-son relationship with bravery' (personal communication, 1996). commanding officers. This can lead to Over the past 300 years, this event defines armies manipulating children's loyalty to Hiduks (front warriors) from Ooscuts (back authority figures to force them to commit warriors) and celebrates a combination of atrocities: 'as fighters, these boys excelled. 'bravery and physical skill' (ibid.). Their commanders served as father figures, In many communities throughout the and the children followed orders without world, the opportunities for men to define hesitation or moral qualm' (Purvis 1995,4, their male identity through such physical in the context of Liberia). The idea that feats are rapidly disappearing. Yet, searching for a family substitute can be a positioning within male groupings in con- motivation for boy children joining armies temporary society, removed from situa- has also been referred to in the context of tions of violent conflict, are influenced by Burma (Frankel 1995). these values in ways we do not always recognise. Similar contests appear to occur, for example, in the workplaces of modern Conflict and contests in industry, with working-class men constructing masculinity appropriating the 'warrior' definition; In the late 1970s Paul Willis published while middle-class men, whose occupa- Learning to Labour and opened up a whole tions involve them in the acceptance of new set of questions about the construction rationality and responsibility, are thrown of masculinity. Focusing on male hierarchies, back on the definition of masculinity as Willis examined how ideas of masculinity 'not female'. Generations of men who have were affected by, and themselves affect, found themselves in subordinate positions relationships between men. In school have developed the view that activities settings, his research suggested that the that are highly regarded and rewarded, definition of masculinity was not imposed but from which they are excluded, are 'non- from outside, but defined and contested by masculine' (Jordan, 1995).3 boys themselves. Boys subordinate other In societies where physical strength is boys according to behaviour based on no longer a prerequisite for men to carry resistance to rules, expectations, authority out their everyday tasks, ideals of of adults, and co-operative behaviour. The masculine strength are promoted through subordinate realm was not outside of men cultural icons of physically forceful (women) but sought, created and masculinity. The character of Rambo from separated out from within the male group American films, is widely known in (Willis, 1977). countries throughout the world. In Lesotho Experiences of men in other cultures in the late 1980s, the armed forces regularly and countries confirm that such processes visited the cinema to watch violent films are a feature of male adolescence else- (personal communication). where. To David Gilmore (1990) who studies the ways boys became men in Subverting the 'warrior' diverse societies, 'real manhood' is a 'precarious or artificial state that boys must discourse win against powerful odds'.2 Warrior Is it possible to harness the processes which images and legendary feats are ancient and socialise boys into 'warriors', in conflict universal. One example is the annual and in peacetime, to capitalise on the Croatian festival at Sin).Sinjska Alka is a positive aspects of male socialisation and Restructuring of masculinity 27

Kosovo Albanian blood feuds. £etta, a folkl- orist and elder, resurrected the idea of honour in forgiving as equal to or higher than honour through 'killing in the blood' (Jani, 1995). Similarly, black township leaders in South Africa succeeded in re-directing the violence of youth gangs against each other by subordinating their rivalries to the dominant (and unifying) goal of majority rule and the end of apartheid (personal experience).

Restructuring masculinity With narrow options to forge a livelihood and the need to achieve pride in their man- hood, contemporary youth cultures in many contexts are currently recreating cycles of violence as goals in themselves. In com- munities at war, the lack of alternative opportunities may cause young men to volunteer, or become conscripts (Keen 1995). This dynamic poses a profound challenge for agencies working in community relief and development. In a study comparing Cinema posters, Acre, Brazil. Cultural icons Uganda, Mozambique, Somalia, Liberia and of violent masculinity exert a powerful influence. Sierra Leone, Bradbury points out a number of common features—demographic change, subvert those which are harmful to society? the weakening of traditional authority struct- Ellen Jordan attempted to do this. She carried ures, coupled with a global growth in youth out studies in schools of rankings and culture and the failure of states to provide behaviour in groups of boys. She found that adequate educational and socio-economic in situations where there was violence, opportunities. He argues that these factors including bullying, it was possible to 'reclaim' have led to young men's marginalisation those attributes of leadership and team-player from society; 'the problems of youth is a /warrior behaviour which do not depend on strategic issue which few development agencies have begun to address' (Bradbury forceful physical dominance (Jordan 1995). 1995,11). Without alternative aspirations, A crucial part of the process, Jordan sources of livelihood and fulfilment goals, discovered, was to 'find ways of defining the threat and use of violence is not a second- masculinity with the unacceptable aspects ary mode of influence, but a structural of the fighting boys' behaviour as the underpinning of hierarchical relations. subordinate term, as characteristics of the Richards describes young male terroristic weakling or the coward rather than the violence as a proven way of making political hero' through emphasising that modes of capital, a medium of empowerment for men masculinity exist which are based on self- who have nothing else. This is not violence control and moral courage (ibid). born of innate aggression. Another attempt to achieve a peace- Bradbury suggests that the structural making model of masculinity was made factors which make armed aggression a by Anton (^etta, focusing on the practice of 28

rational way of life for young men to role in rehabilitation. Yet an interesting choose must be recognised and analysed insight in Liberia is that some commun- as 'push and pull' factors (ibid.). To ities have their own way of reintegrating provide alternative options and rebuild children back into society, through a ritual youth confidence in their communities, initiation or 'cleansing' process, not and in the state, obviously requires a major dissimilar to the initiation ceremonies for investment in social development, partic- secret societies. This is one example of the ularly educational and employment way in which people are able to draw programmes (Richards 1995). This, with upon traditional institutions to deal with informed campaigns on debt, structural the consequences of war (Bradbury, 1995). adjustment and predatory corporate The pilot Stepping Stones programme investment practice, is the 'macro' end of in Buwenda, Uganda, is a training pack- possible development response (ibid). age designed to address 'HIV/AIDs At the 'micro' level, concerns which are awareness, gender issues, communica- currently being addressed by develop- tions and relationship skills' among ment and relief organisations regarding young men. The programme is a response the costs of armed conflict to men and to 'a need to address the vulnerability of boys include psycho-social issues: recovery women and young people in decision- from intimidation and from coercive making about sexual behaviour' (Welbourn participation in atrocities. Participation is 1995). Stepping Stones considers young often secured through the use of drugs, men's self-image needs and identity, and deprivation of sleep, and the compulsory questions of conflict and mediation. Issues viewing of violent war videos, not to considered include the pressures on men mention classic 'blooding' techniques concerning money, tradition, alcohol whereby young fighters are forced to kill abuse, peer pressure and social expectations. members of their own communities or The programme recorded a decline in families (personal communication). For domestic violence and alcohol consumption example, young demobilised soldiers in after 16 months' community participation. Sierra Leone have been assisted by the The UNHCR Women Victims of Children Affected by War project, supported Violence Project in Kenya worked with by UNICEF and Concern Universal policemen to discover their views of (presentation by Sierra Leone delegates at women, of vulnerability, of violence and INTRAC Conflict Management Workshop, rape in order to develop co-operative November 1996). strategies with refugee women for the In Liberia, a Children's Assistance reduction of rape and assault. (Gardiner, Programme (CAP) for child combatants is 1996). supported by MSF-Belgium and the U N. The Children's Assistance Programme in Conclusion Monrovia has re-integrated several hundred former adolescent warriors into Liberian This article has attempted to highlight the society, focusing on ways of working with fact that, in situations of conflict, the positive images of masculinity to assist failure to address men's gender interests boy ex-soldiers to find ways to be 'men' in and identities is potentially lethal. The a peaceful society. socialisation of young men must be the It is important not to over-stress the next stage in gender analysis. Just as role of development organisations in human needs theory contributed to rehabilitation after armed conflict; development planning and practice, communities themselves play the chief understanding gender-specific motiva- Restructuring of masculinity 29 tion, options, and choices may assist our which are culturally associated with strategies for breaking cycles of violence. the male and female biological sexes 'Gender' as an area of research and respectively' (Tunnicliffe, 1991). action should be understood as belonging 2 Christopher McLean, author of Men's to men and studies of masculinity, as well Ways of Being, suggests that these as to women and feminist studies. The use jostlings are visible in many societies of gender analysis for the formulation of quite early on: development policy is at a critical stage. It In dominant masculine culture, the need to is time to extend the simplistic analysis of 'be somebody' is exaggerated and extreme. gender in conflict explored at the start of Competition and the struggle for power are this article to take on the complexities of central. One only has to observe young the ways in which women and men, girls boys to see how central this is to their sense and boys, respond to situations of armed of self-worth. A simple walk turns into a conflict. constant competition — the first to the next The socialisation of boys and young corner, jumping the biggest puddle, men is of vital importance in under- throwing a stone further than anyone else, standing the causes of conflict, allied to a walking way out in front of everyone else. recognition of the structural factors which (McLean C (1995) 'Boys and education are creating conflict in resource-poor in Autralia' in Dulwich Centre Newsletter situations. Reclaiming positive cultural 213, London.) traditions of manhood alongside those of 3 Andrew Metcalf's study of Hunter Valley womanhood is an area of research in social miners has shown them claiming to be more theory that needs to receive more attention masculine than owners and managers to from development theorists and practi- compensate for their lack of power in the tioners. In development and relief work, work place, while Paul Willis's conver- the entry point for these wide issues seems sations with the fathers of his 'lads' revealed to be innovative work in counselling and that though society at large might see rehabilitation which takes male gender mental work as superior to manual and interests and identities, and socialisation reward it accordingly, they boosted their processes, into consideration. Support self-esteem by equating mental with should be provided to communities in feminine.(Jordan 1995) their efforts to re-integrate the survivors and perpetrators of armed conflict. Bibliography Judith Large is a Fellow of the Department ofBeijing 1995 Platform for Action Report. Politics and International Relations. She is anBennet, Bexley and Warnock (1995) Arms independent consultant focusing on conflict to Fight: Arms to Protect, Panos. and grassroots peace-building. Bracewell, W (1995) 'Mothers of the Tel: (0044) 1453 757040 Nation.' War Report 36, September. Fax: 751338 e-mail: [email protected] Bradbury, M (1995) Rebels Without a Cause, Care Report on the Conflict in Sierra Notes Leone. Brett, R (1996) Study on Child Soldiers. 1 The terms 'masculinity' and 'femininity' Geneva: Quaker United Nations Office. refer to characteristics which shape, Byrne, B (1995) Gender, Conflict and inform, or construct behaviour for Development.' Vol. 1: Overview, BRIDGE reasons deemed by a given society; the briefings on development and gender 'values, behaviours and attributes series. Brighton: IDS. 30

Chesoni, A (1995) 'Thoughts on sisterhood workshop at Oxford Brookes University, and solidarity.' Wajibu, 10: 4. 4 — 6 November 1996. Duffield, M (1994) 'Complex emergencies Olonishakin, F (1995) 'Women and the and the crisis of developmentalism', Liberian Civil War'African Woman 10, IDS Bulletin 25: 4. Brighton: IDS. September. Duffield M (1994) Complex Political Purvis, A (1995) 'Beware the children' in Emergencies with reference to Angola and Time 4 December Bosnia: an exploratory report for UNICEF,Richards, P (1995) 'Rebellion in Liberia School of Public Policy, University of and Sierra Leone: a crisis of youth?' in Birmingham, UK. Furley (ed)Conflict in Africa, Tauris. El-Bushra, J and Piza-Lopez, E (1993) Satterwhite, J (1996) Unpublished report Development in Conflict: the Gender from fact-finding mission for Christian Dimension, Oxfam UK/Ireland-ACORD. Peace-making Team of NGO's to Enloe, C (1983) Does Khaki become you? The Chechnya, April. Militarisation of Women's Lives,Pluto. Thorne, B (1993) Gender Play New Frankel, M (1995) 'Boy soldiers: turning Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP. killers into kids again' in Newsweek, 7 Tunnicliffe, S (1991) 'War, Peace and August 1995. Feminism: an Expansion of Galtung's Gardiner, J (1996) Report on UNHCR's Theory of Cultural Violence.' Pre- Women Victims of Violence Project, sented at conference of British Inter- Kenya, for CODEP workshop, Oxford. national Studies Association, University Gilmore, D (1990) Manhood in the Making: of Warwick, December. Cultural Concepts of Masculinity, Yale UNICEF (1995) State of the World's Children. University Press. Willis, P (1977) Learning to Labour Goodwin-Gill, G and Cohn I, (1994) Child Farnborough: Saxon House. Soldiers: the role of children in armed Wallace, W (1996) 'Sudan's rootless war conflicts, Clarendon Press, Oxford. children run wild',The Observer, 7 July. ICRC Special Brochure (1995) Women and White, S (1993) 'Making men an issue: War, Geneva: ICRC Publications. gender planning for the "other half."' Jani, P (1995) 'The necessity of a reconcil- in Macdonald, M (ed)Gender Planning iation process in North Albania', in Development Agencies, Oxfam. Anthropology of East Europe Review, 13:1. See also: Jordan, E (1995) 'Fighting boys and Chevannes, B 'The Male Problem: An fantasy play: the construction of mas- Afro-Caribbean Perspective', Children culinity in the early years of school', in Focus, 5: 2 (UNICEF). Gender and Education 7:1. Large, J (1995) The Work of Generations: Gender Analysis and Future Policy Directions, CODEP. Lockwood and Baden (1995) 'Beyond the feminization of poverty: gender-aware poverty reduction' Bridge in Brief September. Moghadam, V M (ed) (1994) Gender and National Identity, Zed Books and Oxford University Press. Mohamed, F (1996) speaking at the CODEP 'Beyond Working in Conflict' 31

The role of men in families: achieving gender equity and supporting children Patrice L Engle

Fathers and men in families represent one of the most important resources for children's well- being. Social services, including development interventions in the South, have hitherto failed to take into consideration the major role of men in families, and its effects on women, on children, and on the men themselves.

recent UNICEF report concludes, search for additional sources of support 'If UNICEF is going to continue to for children (Bruce et al., 1995). The efforts Acontribute to development goals on the part of the state, and many develop- and gender equality...there will have to be ment organisations, to improve the welfare greater efforts to involve men' (Richardson, of children by increasing male income 1995, p. 6). Similar concerns have been proved to be less effective than originally raised by the Ford Foundation, Save the expected in terms of improving children's Children, and many other NGOs. That nutritional status and health (Marek, 1992). men should be involved in reproductive Not only has the income of men not health programmes was a major recom- benefited children as much as expected; mendation from the Cairo Conference on women are more likely to use their income Population and Development. Despite for the well-being of children than are this interest, social service and health pro- men (e.g., Jackson, 1996). Agencies have grammes continue to target mothers and sponsored income-generating projects for children, ignoring the role of men in the women, and the provision of credit for lives of children. poor women. However, while approaches In recent years, most development which focus on women have had many interventions focusing on the well-being benefits both for women and for children, of the family have stressed the importance there is considerable evidence that this of the mother/child relationship, even in focus may increase the workload of societies in which the father controls already overburdened women, reducing decisions about the household and family their personal well-being and their ability welfare. Economic instability, and the to care for their children (McGuire and inability of institutions in both developed Popkin, 1990). and developing countries to increase their This article surveys programme contributions to families, have led to a initiatives, conferences, research, and 32

publications concerned with the role of ship are reported in the African countries men in the family, organised by agencies of Botswana (46 per cent), Swaziland (40 such as UNICEF, The Population Council, per cent), Zimbabwe (33 per cent), and the and the Consultative Group for Early Caribbean countries such as Barbados (44 Childhood Care and Development. per cent) and Grenada (43 per cent). Some rates in the developed countries are equally high, ranging from 38 per cent in Social fatherhood Norway, 30 per cent in Germany, and 32 The concept of 'father' needs to be per cent in the United States (United widened from a biological role to one Nations, 1995). which emphasises socialisation and Many of these statistics reflect patterns support of many kinds during childhood. of family formation which differ from the Although this nurturing aspect of 'father- Western model of a nuclear family. In hood' is recognised across cultures, the Botswana, which has a high rate of female person who plays the father role may or headship, mothers live with their natal may not be the biological father. Respons- families until their partners are well into ibility for children may fall to the mother's their forties (many men are migrant brother; or older male kin such as the workers in South African mines). Even grandfather (Richardson, 1995). A 'social though support is customarily provided father' may take responsibility for all of by the mother's family, these families are the children a woman has, even though still reported as female-headed. some were biologically fathered by However, residence of the father within another man. The narrow concept of the household does not always imply 'father' could thus be appropriately either an economic contribution to his replaced with 'men in families'. family, or involvement with his children. Four of the major contributions men In the Caribbean, for example, many men make to family life are: taking economic contribute to their children's upkeep, but responsibility for children, building a have only a visiting relationship with their caring relationship with children, children's mother; whereas others may be reducing the chances of 'unpartnered co-resident in a household, but provide no fertility',1 and ensuring gender equality in economic support for the family due to the family (Family Impact Seminar, 1995; poverty, lack of employment, or spending Richardson, 1995). The absence of any of on alcohol or drugs (Brown et al, 1994). these will represent a problem for Research shows that if the presence of the children's development; while taking such father is to have a positive effect, this roles can enhance the lives of men. This requires some involvement of the father new perspective has been seen as a threat with the child (e.g. Levine et al., 1993). by feminists and others who have Research and programme efforts need to struggled long and hard to bring women's look at the relationship between father issues to the forefront (Engle, 1995). and child, rather than just co-habitation.

Fathers in families Forces affecting the family The percentage of female-headed house- Two forces which may influence family holds in developing countries ranges from formation and the role of men in families, about 10 to 25 per cent, and has increased are urbanisation, and changing patterns in gradually over the last decade (Bruce et al, women's employment, with underemp- 1995). The highest rates of female head- loyment of men. Urbanisation is charac- The role of men in families 33 teristic of the industrialised regions of the of the children's cognitive performance than world, which UN statistics cite as 77-78 the amount of time spent with the child. per cent urban. South America is equally For men in many parts of the world, to urban: rural, as is Northern Africa; and the have a 'caring relationship' with an infant or rest of Africa and Asia are between 28 and 33 young child is a novel expectation. For exam- per cent urban (United Nations, 1995). Urban ple, some participants at a seminar in Lesotho populations are growing in all areas, in 1991 felt that the interactions that especially in sub-Saharan Africa and Asia. African men have with very young children The changing gender composition of are rare, accidental, and of little importance. the workforce in developing countries is (Bernard van Leer Foundation, 1992). likely to have significant effects for men's For example, fathers in Zimbabwe, roles (Evans, 1995). In the past two decades, were surprised to learn that they 'should' women's employment, as measured in play with their children from birth onward; national census surveys (primarily formal they expected to wait until the children employment) has increased in all areas, could talk. However, for older children, the except sub-Saharan Africa and Eastern pattern changes: in most African countries, Asia. In comparison, men's economic fathers and grandfathers train older sons. activity rates have declined significantly everywhere except central Asia (e.g., US 81 Fathers' time in infant and child care to 75 per cent, Latin America 85 to 82 per Worldwide, fathers spend significantly cent, Southern Asia 88 to 78 per cent) less time in child care than mothers. Barry (United Nations, 1995). and Paxson (1971) summarised ethnographic reports from 186 cultures, and found that the percentage of cultures in which fathers Effects of fathers on had 'regular, close relationships' during children infancy was 2 per cent, and 5 per cent in Building a caring relationship and child-care early childhood, although the percentage In the literature, 'father involvement' in which fathers were in frequent close normally refers to the establishment of proximity was much higher (32 per cent warm and close relationships between for infants, 52 per cent for young children). fathers and their children. This can be However, some fathers do spend time accomplished with relatively little time performing child-care activities. Jahn and investment; the most important ingredient Aslam (1995) observed men living in appears to be positive emotion and squatter settlements in Karachi, Pakistan. attention to children. Although infants In 75 per cent of observations of children initially show preference for mothers over being carried, the man was the carrier, fathers, infants become attached to their even when the woman was present. How fathers by the end of the first year of life, these patterns change with urbanisation even if the fathers spend relatively little and increased maternal employment (and time with them (Cox et al, 1992). decreased paternal employment) will be important to investigate; new expecta- In the US and Europe, studies have tions for father involvement may emerge reported that fathers who were involved if alternative providers of child-care are with their children contribute greatly to unavailable. their children's intellectual, social, and emotional development. Easterbrooks and Effects on fathers themselves Goldberg (1985) found that the quality of One of the benefits of the changing roles the interaction (the father's sensitivity to for men in families is increased closeness the toddler's needs) was a better predictor to children. An extreme case is repres- 34

ented by men who take primary care for In Kenya and Malawi, despite lower their children. This number is small, but is incomes, a smaller percentage of children continually growing. These men often did in female-headed households were not choose the role, but many express how malnourished than in male-headed house- much the experience has meant to them, holds (Kennedy and Peters, 1992). In and the importance of their attachment to Botswana, children in female-headed their children (e.g., Davis and Chavez, households received more education than 1995, for Hispanic men in the US). children in male-headed households (Kossoudji and Mueller, 1983).

Economic support for Costs of father's presence children The presence of the father is not always a Female-headed households positive force in either women's or A contribution to household income from children's lives. Women may improve fathers tends to be associated with their situation and that of their children by improved child status; female-headed leaving an abusive partner. In a collection and maintained households with children of studies of violence against women are generally poorer than families with a worldwide, rates ranged from 20 to 60 per male head, although there is considerable cent (Heise, Pitanguy and Germain, 1994). variation depending on the social and It is possible that abuse of children is more economic context of the female heads . common if a man is present in the family. It is a truism in development circles The cost to the family of the father's that female-headed households are consumption of food and resources may among 'the poorest of the poor'. This point be a drain on the family budget, partic- has recently been questioned, in relation ularly if he is not employed or is spending to the degree of economic poverty, but money on alcohol or cigarettes . also in relation to the degree of access that such households have to decision-making Avoidance of 'unpartnered within their communities and in wider fertility' society (Varley 1996). Certainly, children in female-headed households are not The third contribution that men can make always worse nourished than those in to responsible fatherhood is to avoid male-headed households. Studies show sexual encounters which risk the birth of that negative effects of female headship unplanned and unwanted children. Few are seen in Latin America, but not sub- cultures emphasise sexual restraint on the Saharan Africa (Desai, 1991). part of young males. Rather than encouraging Studies have shown that although the the use of contraception and sex education father's income may have a positive effect to prevent the birth of unwanted children, on food expenditures and child well- traditional cultures attempt to protect being, these effects may be smaller than if young women through a combination of the income were under the mother's strict religious constraints on sexuality, or control (Hoddinott and Haddad, 1995; very early marriage (Richardson, 1995). Buvinic et al, 1992). Women may be more When pregnancies do occur, families likely to perceive children's needs, may may put great pressure on the couple to develop stronger attachment to the child, form a relationship. However, increased and social roles may dictate that women acculturation and urbanisation may are responsible for obtaining food for undermine these supports. In a rural children (Engle, 1990). Guatemalan community, the rate of The role of men in families 35 unpartnered fertility has doubled in the ment (Richardson, 1995). Now many past decade, from 6 per cent to 12 per cent groups are including fathers in their plans. (Engle and Smidt, 1996). In the US, among However, gender equity must be included teen mothers, 67 per cent of 'traditional' in all these discussions. Hispanics were married, compared to only 44 per cent of 'non-traditional' Hispanics Legal protection for children (Mirande, 1988). Establishing protection for children of absent fathers may be quite difficult (Folbre, 1992). For example, in Mexico this Effects of gender inequality lack of protection is due to the deficiency in the home of Mexican law (Brachet-Marquez, 1992). Desertion is necessary in order to seek an Gender inequality in the home, (i.e.men award for child support, but is not having a greater amount of authority in recognised in law if the husband returns decision-making) has been associated within six months. This means a man can with increased rates of domestic violence come and go for years as long as he spends or restriction of life opportunities for one night every six months at home. women. Patriarchal control is often associated with low rates of schooling for If a husband chooses to stop paying to girls, low status of women, early age of support his child, the burden of initiating marriage, and high rates of malnutrition legal procedures falls on the wife. Many for children (Ramalingaswami et al, 1996). husbands simply claim insolvency (ibid), Despite similar levels of income and and monitoring fathers' income is extre- health care services in sub-Saharan Africa mely difficult. The scarcity of employment and South Asia, rates of malnutrition in in Mexico has resulted in more and more South Asia are almost twice as high. The men earning untraceable non-wage money. authors explain this 'Asian enigma' as a Similar problems occur in other countries. consequence of the extreme subordination of women in South Asia: 'Judgment and Promoting caring relationships self-expression and independence largely A community-based effort to build and denied, millions of women in South Asia support fathering skills has been remark- have neither the knowledge nor the means ably successful in the Caribbean. The nor the freedom to act in their own and Caribbean Child Development Centre has their children's best interests' (ibid., 15). established fathers' groups, which have formed an organisation called Fathers Inc. Fathers, who are often non-resident with Ways forward: promoting their families, follow a curriculum to learn committed fatherhood parenting skills (Brown et al, 1994). Reasons for the success of the groups are that they International advocacy are men-only, and are initiated by men's International conferences—such as UNICEFs interest in their children (Caribbean Child Innocenti Global Seminar (Richardson, Development Center, 1994). 1995), and the Population Council's Taller A second strategy is to bring fathers Para Padres Responsables (Workshop on into schools and day-care centres, to help Responsible Fatherhood) (Engle and with child care. To be effective at building Alatorre Rico, 1994) — are opening the caring relationships, these programmes debate. The groundwork was laid for must increase fathers' interaction with including men in reproductive health their children, rather than simply programmes at the Cairo International allowing men to take part in the same Conference on Population and Develop- activities as their children side-by-side. 36

Kavanaugh (1992) describes a project to income unwed fathers' payment of child create father and child nights at a day-care support through combined job training, centre in New Mexico, USA. The success of job placement, payment enforcement, and the programme was attributed to balan- fatherhood education projects (e.g., the cing discussion with activities, promoting Public/Private Ventures Project, Achatz attendance by making contact with men and MacAllum, 1994). Despite great diffi- face-to-face to invite them, having a male culties in recruiting fathers into the member of staff, and making a formal programme, the results have been encour- contract with the fathers to attend. aging: child-support payments have Levine et al (1993) created a manual increased, and men's feelings about promoting methods to encourage the themselves have improved (ibid). This involvement of biological fathers, or programme included a component labelled 'father substitutes', in pre-school pro- the Fatherhood Development Curriculum. grammes in the US for low-income Once a week, the men in the project met to children. Some of his suggestions include discuss issues of manhood and father- becoming aware of cultural limitation on hood, and consider the mother's perspective. the father role, providing men with a variety of ways of being involved, keeping Educating children in broader gender roles open to various kinds of men in the child's Education for children in responsible life (e.g. grandfathers), and becoming fatherhood is likely to have a lower (social aware of resistance both in the staff and and economic) cost than redressing current among the mothers to men's involvement. problems through direct re-education for Experimental studies have shown that fathers. Klinman (1986) developed a plan short-term programmes focusing on child to give boys in junior high and high school development and fathering can have (11-18) experience with young children significant effects. Marked improvement through working in pre-school program- was seen in the relationship of fathers to mes. In many societies, young men are adolescents in Cameroon (Nsamenang, used as child-care providers as well as 1992), to newborns and young infants young women, and this helps their ability to nurture. after prenatal education in the US (Parke et al 1979), and to pre-school-aged Establishing rights to paternity leave children after a ten-week father-only Another strategy to increase father involve- programme in the US (McBride,1991). ment is to promote child-care leave for These fathers reported feeling more fathers, either paid or unpaid, and flexible responsible for daily decisions about their working hours. However, such opportunities children, the kind of involvement which are used by only about 10 per cent in the men are least likely to achieve. The most US and Sweden (Pleck, 1985). The low effective programmes were those which usage of paternal child-care leave may be included mothers in separate training, due to prejudice by employers, the desire since the changes involved both parents. of the wife to stay at home, or possible loss of income for the father. Combining fatherhood development and Father involvement at this stage also job-training skills has the obvious benefit of alleviating the Because a primary cause of lack of support workload of mothers. An approach which for children appears to be too many had this aim was a Save the Children obligations for men, programmes in the project in Vietnam (Richardson, 1995). US have attempted to increase low- Husbands were told that they could The role of men in families 37 reduce the health-care costs for their were received. In the months following children if their wives were to work less the contest, oral rehydration therapy during pregnancy and immediately post- (ORT) use increased by 60 per cent, and partum. In the communes which received child immunisation rose to 90 per cent. the messages, women had significantly Grandfathers were particularly interested more rest days while pregnant, and higher in increasing their involvement with birthweight babies, and men felt more children (reported in Richardson, 1995). empowered to help their wives. Paternity as an issue for social services Encouraging paternal As stated earlier, a bias noted frequently responsibility' by researchers into fathering has been the Following recommendations from Cairo, exclusive attention to mothers and children reproductive health programmes have within much of the health and social begun to target sex education messages to service literature. According to Bolton men as well as to women. There is some (1986), in the social service field in the concern that giving men the messages will US, men are either providers, the 'good simply disempower women again, after guys', or they are not providers, in which years of struggling to place reproductive case they are the 'bad guys'. There is little control in the hands of women. Gender awareness that some men may choose to equity as well as increasing the role of men stay at home to take care of children, or must be the focus. may be unable to work due to unemploy- There is also a growing attempt by ment, lack of training, or disability. Social governments to establish male paternity services need to recognise that many fathers at the time of the child's birth. In one are trying to meet their obligations; there successful example in the US, almost two- are only a few 1?ad' ones. They themselves thirds of unmarried parents voluntarily may be in need of help; inability to meet the acknowledged paternity if they were demands of being a provider often drives provided the opportunity during the first men away from paternal responsibilities. In few days postpartum (Family Impact health-care services, the role and signifi- Seminar, 1995). cance of the father, which varies according to cultural context, needs to be understood if health-care provision is to be approp- Promoting gender equality riate and uptake maximised. The role of The strongest predictor of improved the father may be significant. For example, gender equity in the home is women's in the US the father's opinion was one of education (Richardson, 1995) and related the most important indicators of whether income-earning. Thus, increasing access a mother went for prenatal care (Sable et al, to education for girls has been a major 1990) and breastfed. One recommendation focus of international pressure. In South from Pakistan is to develop a two-pronged Asia, women's combined disadvantages approach, continuing outreach to women, of lack of education, dowry, and young but adding outreach to men (Jahn and age at marriage (10-14) result in low status Aslam, 1995). in the family. In Rajasthan, India, a In Vietnam, it was found that men had UNICEF project promoted education for very little knowledge of UNICEF's 'Facts girls and delaying the age of marriage. As for Life'. UNICEF organised a contest for a result of two- or three-day visits and men, to survey knowledge of these issues, awareness-raising by a team of five and write an essay. About 47,000 entries women, who met with male village 38

leaders and visited house-to-house, the their children of their involvement with number of adolescent girls in school young children suggests that we must increased, and the number of marriages work in this direction. decreased (Richardson, 1995). UNIFEM and the Bahai church were Patrice Engle teaches at Cal Poly State able to change men and women's views University, San Luis Obispo, CA about traditional male and female roles in e-mail: [email protected] Malaysia, Bolivia, and Cameroon through the use of drama and song, and consulta- tion. Men were helped to understand the Notes disproportionate workloads of women. 1 'Unpartnered fertility' is the procreation As a result, spouse abuse and alcoholism of children with a biological mate with have declined (Richardson, 1995). whom the other parent does not have a social relationship. Conclusions References At last, the critical role of men in families for the well-being of children, women, Achatz, M and MacAllum, C A (1994) and of the men themselves is being Young Unwed Fathers: Report from the recognised. Men's involvement in the Field, Phila, Pa: Public/Private Ventures. 'private sphere' of the household and Barker, G, Loewenstein, I, and Ribeiro, M family is as crucial to economic and social (1995) 'Where the boys are: Attitudes development as the involvement of related to masculinity, fatherhood, and women in the 'public sphere' of income- violence toward women among low generation and community decision- income adolescent males in Rio de making. Furthermore, the two are Janeiro, Brazil', Mimeo. interlinked: many successful development Barry, H, and Paxson, L M (1971) 'Infancy projects promoting women's participation and early childhood: Cross-cultural outside the home have been aided by codes: 2', Ethnology 10,466-508. support from sympathetic men. In the Bernard van Leer Foundation, (1992) absence of such support, the potential 'Where have all the fathers gone?' benefits for women, children and men Newsletter 65. themselves are jeopardised. Bolton, F G (1986) 'Today's father and There are a number of techniques social services delivery system: A false which can be used to support men in their promise', in M E Lamb (ed) The Father's parenting role while promoting gender Role: Applied Perspectives. New York: equity in the home, but these issues must John Wiley. be linked. Perhaps the most effective will Brachet-Marquez, V (1992) Absentee be those which are preventative, which Fathers: A Case-based Study of Family work with the next generation of mothers Law and Child Welfare in Mexico and fathers to expand their roles and stress PC/ICRW working paper series. the importance of both parents' contribu- Family Structure, Female Headed and tions. Following Barker et al's recom- Maintained Families and Poverty. mendation from Rio de Janeiro (1995), we Brown, J, Bloomfield, R, and Ellis, O (1994) need to support the non-traditional men Men and Their Families: Contributions of who are striving to construct new role- Caribbean Men to Family Life, West models for themselves. The benefits to Indies: Sprectrum Graphics. current fathers, to their partners, and to The role of men in families 39

Bruce, J, Lloyd, C B, and Leonard, A, with Measurement Issues'. Submitted for Engle, P L, and Duffy, N (1995) Families publication. in Focus: New Perspectives on Mothers, Engle, P L (1993) 'Influences of mothers' Fathers and Children, New York: and fathers' income on child nutrition- Population Council. al status in Guatemala', Social Science Buvinic, M, Valenzuela, J P, Molina, T, and and Medicine 37:11, pp.1303-1312. Gonzales, E (1992) 'The fortunes of Engle, P L and Alatorre Rico, J (1994) Taller adolescent mothers and their children: Sobre Paternidad Responsable (workshop The transmission of poverty in on responsible fatherhood). The Population Santiago, Chile' Population and Council/International Center for Development Review 18,269-297. Research on Women Technical Paper Caribbean Child Development Centre, Series, May. School of Continuing Studies (1994) Engle, P L, and Breaux, C (1994) Is There a Men and Their Families: Discussion Guide Father Instinct? Fathers' Responsibility for Use by Groups in Church, School, for Children, New York: Population Community and Other Settings, Kingston, Council Series. Jamaica: University of the West Indies. Engle, P L (1990) 'Intra-household Cox, M J, Owen, M T, and Henderson, V K allocation of resources: Perspectives (1992) 'Prediction of infant-father and from psychology' in B L Rogers and N infant-mother attachmenf Developmental P Schlossman (eds) Intra-Household Psychology 28,474. Resource Allocation (pp. 63-79). Tokyo: Davis, S K, and Chavez, V (1995) 'Hispanic United Nations University Press. househusbands', in A M Padilla (ed) Engle, P L and Smidt, R (1996) Consequences Hispanic Psychology: Critical Issues in of Women's Family Status for Mothers and Theory and Research, Thousand Oaks: Daughters in Guatemala, Technical Sage (pp. 257-287). Report, The Population Council, New Desai, S (1991) Children at Risk: The Role of York/International Center for Family Structure in Latin America and Research on Women Series (also to be West Africa, New York: Population translated into Spanish and published). Council Working Papers No. 28. Evans, J (1995) 'Men in the lives of Easterbrooks, M A, and Goldberg, W A children', Coordinators' Notebook 16,1-20. (1985) 'Effects of early maternal employ- Family Impact Seminar (1995) Discon- ment on toddlers, mothers, and fathers' nected Dads: Strategies for Promoting Developmental Psychology 21, 774-783. Responsible Fatherhood, Washington, Engle, P L (1995) 'Mother's money, fathers' DC: Family Impact Seminar Back- money, and parental commitment: ground Briefing Report. Guatemala and Nicaragua', in R Folbre, N (1992) 'Rotten kids, bad daddies, Blumberg, C A Rakowski, I Tinker, and and public policy'. (Paper for the M Monteon (eds) Engendering Wealth International Food Policy Research and Well-being, Boulder, Colo:Westview Institute-World Bank Conference on (pp. 155-180). Intrahousehold Resource Allocation, Engle, P L (1995) Men in Families: Report of Washington, DC) a Consultation on the Role of Males and Heise, L, Pitanguy, J, and Germain, A Fathers in Achieving Gender Equality, (1994) Violence Against Women: The New York: UNICEF. Hidden Health Burden, World Bank Engle, P L, Hurtado, E, and Ruel, M (1995) Discussion Paper 255. Washington DC: 'Smoke exposure of women and World Bank. children in highland Guatemala: 40

Hoddinott, J and Haddad, L (1995) 'Does to prenatal classes and presence at female income share influence delivery', Family Relations 31,71-78. household expenditures? Evidence Mirande, A (1988) 'Chicano fathers: from Cote d'lvoire', Oxford Bulletin of Traditional perceptions and current Economics and Statistics 57:1, 77-96. realities', in P Bronstein and C P Cowan Jackson, C (1996) 'Rescuing gender from (eds) Fatherhood Today: Men's Changing the poverty trap', World Development 24:3. Role in the Family (pp. 93-106) NY: John Jahn, A and Aslam, A (1995) 'Fathers' Wiley. perception of child health: A case study Nsamemang, B A (1992) Human Development in a squatter settlement of Karachi, in a Third World Context, Newbury Pakistan', Health Transition Review 5: 2, Park: Sage. 191-206. Parke, R D, and Neville, B (1987) 'Teenage Kavanaugh, J (1992) 'Getting daddy fatherhood', in S L Hofferth and C D involved', Bernard van Leer Newsletter Hayes (eds) Risking the Future: 65,10-11. Adolescent Sexuality, Pregnancy, and Kennedy, E and Peters, P (1992) 'Influence Childbearing (pp. 145-173). of gender of head of household on food Pleck, J (1985) Working Wives/Working security, health, and nutrition', World Husbands, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Development 20: 8,1077-1085. Ramalingaswami, V, Jonsson, U and Klinman, D G (1986) 'Fathers and the Rodhe, J (1996) The Asian Enigma: The educational system', in M E Lamb (ed) Progress of Nations, 10-17. (NY: UNICEF). The father's Role: Applied Perspectives Richardson, J (1995) Achieving Gender (pp. 413-428), New York: John Wiley . Equality in Families: The Role of Males. Kossoudji, S and Mueller, E (1983) 'The Innocenti Global Seminar, Summary Economic and demographic status of Report, Florence, Italy: UNICEF female-headed households in rural International Child Development Botswana', Economic Development and Centre, Spedale degli Innocenti. Cultural Change 31,831-859. Sable, M F, Stockbauer, J W, Schramm, W Levine, J A, Murphy, D T, and Wilson, S Fand Land, G H (1990) 'Differentiating (1993) Getting Men Involved, New York: the barriers to adequate prenatal care Scholastic. in Missouri, 1987-1988', Public Health Marek, T (1992) Ending Malnutrition: Why Reports 105: 6,549-555. Increasing Income is not Enough, World Thomas, D (1990) 'Intra-household Bank Africa Technical Department, resource allocation: An inferential Population, Health and Nutrition approach', The Journal of Human Division, Technical Working Paper Resources 25,637-664. No. 5, October. Todd, H (1996) Women at the Center: McBride, B A (1990) 'The effects of a parent Grameen Bank Borrowers after one Decade education/play group program on Boulder, Colo: Westview. father involvement in childrearing', United Nations (1995) The World's Women Family Relations 39,250-256. 1995: Trends and Statstics New York: McGuire, J S and Popkin, B M (1990) United Nations. Helping Women Improve Nutrition in the Varley (1996) 'Women heading Developing World: Beating the Zero Sum households: some more equal than Game, World Bank Technical Paper others?' World Development 24:3. number 114. Miller, B C and Bowan S L (1982) 'Father to newborn attachment behavior in relation 41

Violence, rape, and sexual coercion: everyday love in a South African township

Katharine Wood and Rachel Jewkes

A research project with pregnant teenagers in an African township revealed widespread male coercion and violence within sexual relationships. If reproductive health interventions are to be effective, practitioners need to be aware of the level of gender inequity and powerlessness women experience in particular social contexts and design interventions which challenge male violence.

n the past decade, sexuality has become inquiry of the study concentrated on an important area of research and contraceptive use, bodily reproductive Idevelopment intervention, in response knowledge, and pregnancy, the emergence to concerns about reproductive health, of violence as a central issue in informants' narratives led us to focus more on sexual notably the spread of HIV/AIDS, and 1 concerns about fertility control and global dynamics within adolescent relationships. population growth (Ulin 1992). The All but one of the informants inter- predominant focus has been on educating viewed described assault as a regular women, through sexual health pro- feature of their sexual relationships. We grammes, to use contraception, and partic- discuss the implications of these findings for promoting healthy sexuality. All too ularly condoms, as ways of controlling frequently, health promotion interven- their fertility and protecting reproductive tions fail to acknowledge sexual encount- health (Dixon-Mueller 1993). However, ers as sites in which unequal power health promoters frequently discover that relations between women and men are although they can generate high levels of expressed. It is these power relations awareness and concern among women which determine women's ability — or about contraception and sexually- inability — to protect themselves against transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted disease, pregnancy they are much less successful in getting and unwelcome sexual acts. In the context women to change their sexual practices. of unequal power, it is invariably men In this paper we present findings of who determine the timing of sexual anthropological research in an African intercourse and its nature, including township in Cape Town among pregnant whether a woman should try to conceive, teenagers. Although the original scope of and whether or not condoms will be used. 42

Power relations between men and forced himself on top of me. It was very women take multiple forms, but in South painful.' Many girls reported that they Africa they are commonly manifested as attempted resistance, but had felt forced and imposed through sexual violence and to submit to the demands when assault assault. An estimated 1.3 million rapes was threatened or carried out: 'he told me take place each year (The Times, 1997). This that if I didn't want to do it, he would background of violence as a part of force me to. He beat me up and forced my everyday life worsens the problems faced underwear down.' These findings are in by women in negotiating about sexual line with other recent research in South activities, as possibilities of resistance are Africa, which asked girls about the more limited, and the consequences of circumstances of first intercourse. This trying to resist are potentially very serious. found that 30 per cent reported that they were 'forced' to have sex the first time (Richter 1996, Buga 1996, Jewkes 1997). Male control over sexuality Repeatedly, the language of the girls' Among the informants interviewed, it narratives was of compulsion: 'he made was usual for male partners to define the me', 'he just pushed me and overcame conditions and timing of sex. At the outset me', 'he forced himself onto me', 'he did of the relationship, the men encouraged as he wanted with me', 'what could I do?' their partners to understand teenage love Our informants stated that in the absence affairs as necessarily involving penetra- of sexual knowledge on their part (which tive intercourse: as one adolescent woman could potentially have been provided by explained, 'he told me that if I accept him female peers but was not), their ignorance as a lover we have to engage in sexual was reinforced by the male partners who intercourse, and do the things adults do.' reportedly refused to explain what was If girls accepted male requests to establish about to occur. For example, one girl had a liaison, the agreement 'to love' here, as asked her partner what he would do, and in other parts of South Africa where we had received no answer except 'you'll have undertaken research, was equated see'. One teenager who was 11 years old specifically with having penetrative when she first had sex described how, intercourse and being available sexually. after the event, 'I met a friend of mine who This equation appeared to derive from the told me to stop crying, and promise not to men, who were reported to have explained tell my mother or anyone else, she told me that sex was the 'purpose' of love and that that all the girls my age to do it, that I people 'in love' must have sex 'as often as should go home, clean myself up and keep possible'. Relationships were often con- quiet about what happened.' tractual in nature, with the girl being Men continued using physical assault expected to have penetrative sex when the to enforce the contract, beating their man wanted it in exchange for presents of partners if they refused to have sex, with money, clothes, school fees, and food. belts, sticks, and shoes, often until visibly In most cases, the young women report- injured: as one teenager said, 'they don't ed that men used violent strategies from care, they'll hit you anywhere, face and the start of the relationship, forcefully all. You'd think they would at least avoid initiating partners who often had no that, because your parents will see the awareness about what the sex act involved: bruises and the injuries, but they don't 'he forced me to sleep with him in his care.' Physical assault was so common- home, he beat me, made me take off my place that women stated that many of their clothes, then made me lie on the bed and female peers saw it as an expression of Violence, rape and sexual coercion 43 love: some of the informants used phrases infidelity (a practice which has been widely such as 'he forced me to love him', and 'I reported anecdotally elsewhere in South fell in love with him because he beat me Africa). up', which expressed this contradiction. In some cases, violence was said to be the main reason why the girl continued to Awareness of unequal have sex; in the words of one informant, 'I power continue because he beats me up so badly Since violence was perceived to be very that I regret I said no in the first place.' common among married and unmarried The extent of assault in adolescent people alike (and is very likely to have relationships has been demonstrated in been witnessed in the home context), it other research; in a study of 600 pregnant was accepted as an inevitable part of and non-pregnant teenage women in Cape relationships. The South African teen- Town, 60 per cent said that they had been agers interviewed were generally aware beaten by the male partner 0ewkes 1997). of the power inequalities and double The pregnant group, on average, reported standards operating within constructions having been beaten more that ten times of love and sex, but resistance was complex during their average of two years of sexual in the extreme because of male violence, activity (Jewkes 1997). and peer pressure. As one girl explained, Men also controlled the relationships 'as a woman you have no rights, you must in other ways. Several girls described how keep quiet and do as the man wants'. their partners had torn up their clinic In Jewkes' study, of the 60 per cent of contraceptive cards in anger that they teenagers who had been beaten, only 22 were using contraceptives; thus for some, per cent of pregnant teenagers and 28 per even protection against pregnancy in the cent of the non-pregnant control group form of 'invisible' hormonal methods said that they had in the past left a boy- appeared to be non-negotiable. friend because of assault (Jewkes 1997). Informants reported being beaten not only when they tried to refuse to have sex, Interactive models of but also when they were seen talking to sexuality another man on the street, when they informed the men that they wished to The degree to which women are able to terminate the relationship, and when they control various aspects of their sexual were suspected of sexual infidelity. On lives is clearly a critical question for health this last point, it was normal for men to promotion. Our research was a fairly small sustain double standards, taking multiple and exploratory study, yet it underlines sex partners for themselves, while the need for issues of gender power to be disallowing their regular girlfriend from considered in the design and impact even speaking to other men. Female assessment of HIV/AIDS and reproduc- refusal to submit to sexual demands was tive health interventions. interpreted by men as a sign that girls had To date, many of these programmes other sexual partners and were 'worn out'. have promoted the use of the male condom, Some informants reported control over based on a 'knowledge leads to action' them being enacted and reinforced by model. The condom is seen as a simple brutal means; gang-rape of adolescent protective device to be introduced into the girls by the man's friends was reported to sexual act at the 'right' moment. This happen 'often' in the community, as a way implies that the individual is an indepen- of 'punishing' them for actual or suspected dent person who can make decisions 44 regardless of the opinions and behaviour Violence: an issue for men of others, and of the wider social context (Campbell 1995). This ignores the realities Although gender violence is recognised of power dynamics, not least of which are internationally to be a common feature of the gender inequities which structure women's daily experiences (Beijing heterosexual relations. The fact that the Platform of Action 1995), most of the degree of empowerment for women in literature discussing health and sexuality their sexual lives varies widely according completely fails to recognise the implica- to context points to the need for specific, tions of violent domestic contexts. detailed, situational analysis as part of the In this South African setting, in which development of locally useful inter- extreme disempowerment of women is ventions. It is strikingly evident from our portrayed, it is apparent that for develop- research, and confirmed by other South ment interventions promoting healthy African research, that women commonly sexuality to focus only on women would find themselves wholly unable to negotiate be wholly inadequate. The focus should the timing of sex, and the conditions under be widened to consider the issue of gender which it occurs. Many of them feel power- violence, and male behaviour. Male vio- less even to protect themselves against lence against women is a major problem pregnancy. Condom use is far from being across the world, while South Africa is a possibility in their sexual lives. considered to have one of the highest rates of a country not at war. Although the The implications for health promotion definition of abuse varies across societies, are clear: an understanding of difference derived from local analysis, and rein- cross-cultural research does indicate that forced by a comparative perspective, is 'virtually wherever the issues have been essential for interventions to be useful. As researched, a massive, under-recognised researchers from the AIDS and Repro- burden has been unveiled' (Heise 1994: ductive Health Network in Brazil have 1176). Four recent survey-based studies in observed: 'strategies of health promotion sub-Saharan Africa, for example, demon- for women in especially acute situations strate that 46 per cent of Ugandan women of sexual oppression or violence cannot be and 60 per cent of Tanzanian women the same as for women whose cultural or reported being regularly physically abused; social setting offers them more effective in Kenya and Zambia the figures were 42 means for the negotiation of sexual and per cent and 40 per cent (Heise 1994). reproductive practices' (1995,7). There is a danger of non-governmental The questions which need to be consid- organisations (NGOs) neglecting work ered in designing appropriate interventions with men. In fairness, in view of the include: mismatch between the scale of the • How, why and when are decisions problem of domestic violence and the made by individuals to have sex, and to scant resources available for work to engage in specific sexual practices? promote its eradication, it is not entirely • How are gender inequities played out surprising that NGOs working in the field and resisted in the community? For in South Africa have predominantly example, how far are practices such as concentrated on providing crisis support condom use and female sexual refusal for female victims though counselling, negotiable and negotiated between refuges, or help with court interdicts. individuals in different settings? Many organisations do not work with • How is individual control asserted men either as perpetrators or as victims of when there is conflict? rape, because they prefer to allocate their Violence, rape and sexual coercion 45 scarce resources to women. However, with pre-adolescent children; in terms of there is a risk that in so doing, they may be developing alternative patterns of inter- unwittingly promoting the idea that vio- personal interaction and reducing levels lence is a 'women's issue', and suggesting, of violence in the country as a whole, this even though most NGO workers recognise age group is crucial. this to be false, that if a woman can be Basic needs for information must be removed from one violent context, with met, including in the areas of reproductive the necessary empowerment, she will be biology, contraception, sexually transmitted able to prevent abuse of her body in future. diseases including HTV/AIDS, and condom Our research suggests that there is a use. Our research has found that adoles- need for NGOs to move beyond crisis cents of both sexes lack this information, management to reducing the prevalence or alternatively have information which is of violence by engaging with men as inaccurate or imbalanced. perpetrators or potential perpetrators and Adolescents also need education on the recognising the contexts of abuse within many meanings of love and sexual rela- sexual partnerships. Not only should gender tionships. Our research has shown that violence be made a focus of sexuality adolescent girls want to be able to have intervention programmes, but attention relationships which do not involve sexual should be shifted towards changing the intercourse, but are unable to do so attitudes and practices of men. because this is the dominant model of male-female interaction. One of the factors associated with violence in adolescent Incorporating men into relationships, which affects both sexes, is gender programmes poor communication skills and a lack of Work on gender issues, both research-and specific vocabulary with which to discuss intervention-oriented, has long been sexual experience and desires. These skills equated with work with women, without also need to be developed at an early age, adequate recognition of the relational and and are vital if verbal communication is to contextual aspects of their lives. Men have replace physical violence in relationships. been largely ignored. The main conse- Interventions based on participatory quence of this omission in the work of techniques such as workshops, theatre, NGOs and the health services has been a and games, can enable communities to set of assumptions about women's ability develop awareness and skills in this area. to control their bodies and thereby achieve One example of a training manual for and sustain sexual health: assumptions community workshops on HIV/AIDS and which have significantly limited the communication and relationship skills impact of interventions. which uses participatory methods is Alice Within the South African context we Welbourne's programme Stepping Stones can more confidently identify the (currently (1995) which has been used successfully in neglected) potential of sexuality inter- sub-Saharan Africa in particular. ventions which could be aimed at men, Another example of a participatory rather than give examples of current good intervention used by community workers practice, partly due to our own limited is developed countries is Man's World, a experience in the NGO arena. Our research small-group game for young men, which has provided pointers which we hope will focuses on issues of masculinity and be further developed by both the education sexism and was developed by the B-Team sector, and NGOs working with young (Resources for Boyswork) in Britain (1993). people. There is clearly a need to work Development interventions like this which 46

focus on building self-esteem among Buga G, Amoko D, Ncayiyana D (1996) children of both sexes are valuable, since 'Sexual behaviour, contraceptive practice research repeatedly reveals an association and reproductive health among schooled between low self-esteem among men, and adolescents in rural Transkei', South physical abuse of women. Similarly, African Medical Journal 86 (5): 523-527. developing attitudes of respect for pers- Campbell C (1995) 'Male gender roles and onal autonomy, particularly of women, is sexuality; implications for women's essential. AIDS risk and prevention', Social The challenge is to put these ideas into Science and Medicine 41 (2): 197-210. practice. There is no doubt that if sexual Dixon-Mueller (1993) 'The sexuality health programmes are to become more connection in reproductive health', effective in bringing about real change, Studies in Family Planning 24(5). there is an urgent need for them to take Heise L, Raikes A, Watts C, Zwi A (1994) the lead from recent research on sexuality 'Violence against women a neglected and domestic violence, and incorporate public health issue in less developed men fully into their focus. Unless the countries', Social Science and Medicine spotlight shifts towards men, health 39 (9): 1165-1179. promotion initiatives in the field of sexual Jewkes R, Maforah F, Vundule C (1997) 'A health will continue to be inadequate. case-control study of factors associated with teenage pregnancy in peri-urban Katharine Wood and Rachel Jewkes are based Cape Town' (Data being analysed). at the Women's Health research focus of the Richter L (1996) 'A survey of reproductive Medical Research Council, Private Bag X385, health issues among urban Black youth Pretoria, South Africa. in South Africa'. Final grant report for E-mail Society for Family Health. The Times, 5 April 1997, London:UK. Notes Ulin P (1992) 'African women and AIDS: negotiating behavioural change', Social 1 In-depth semi-structured interviews Science and Medicine 34 (1). were conducted in Xhosa with 24 Welbourne A (1995) Stepping Stones: a pregnant adolescent women, recruited training package on HIV/AIDS, and interviewed in the township communication and relationship skills, Midwife Obstetric Unit to which they London: Actionaid. had come for antenatal care. The age Wood K, Jewkes, Maforah F (1995) Sex, range was 14 to 18, with an average age violence and constructions of love: of 16.4 years, and most had male adolescent relationships in a Cape Town partners about five years older. township. Medical Research Council technical report. References AIDS and Reproductive Health Network (Brazil) (1995) 'Gender, sexuality and health: building a new agenda for sexuality research in response to AIDS and reproductive health' (Unpublished). B-team (Resources for Boyswork) (1993) Man's World, London: Resources for Boyswork. 47

'Crabs in a bucket': reforming male identities in Trinidad

Niels Sampath

This article describes some of the ways in which 'masculinity' is understood. Looking at the example of a community in the Caribbean, it suggests that social changes can offer opportunities to deflect men's identities away from damaging patriarchal stereotypes.

he Concise Oxford Dictionary of a real fear of, or actual experience of, defines 'masculine' as 'characteristic domination by women (Spiro 1993). Tof men,...manly, vigorous,...having Both masculinity and femininity are qualities considered appropriate to a man'. cultural constructs and not universal This definition does not allow for concep- human 'essentials'. Both are formed from tions of masculinity differing according to 'bits and pieces of biological, psycholog- context. Instead, through suggesting that ical, and social experiences' (Levant and there is a single, logical, and unquestion- Pollack 1995, following Pleck 1981). This able idea of what is 'masculine', the fact is accepted for femininity. Few, if any, definition reflects the dominance of the books or journals are titled 'Femininity and Western concept of masculinity. [insert topic of choice]'. Even as a plural, The publication of this edition of Gender 'femininities' seems unpopular. Instead, and Development is just one example of women's changing or changeable identities how the notion of 'masculinity' is current- are stressed, usually in a positive sense. By ly asserting a presence in the analysis of contrast, the stereotypes associated with societies and their progression in the the Western idea of 'masculinity' seem to have world. When dealing with both gender marked it down as the underlying reason and development issues, one cannot, as for much that is wrong with the world. has often been done, simply take masculin- Attempts at promoting 'new' male ity and its apparently problematical patri- identities (for example, the Western 'New archal values for granted (Gilmore 1990). Man' in all his permutations) are often As one investigates different cultures and ridiculed or derided. While some women communities, each of which is continually may say 'I am not a feminist, but...', some changing over time, one begins to realise men will utter a similar phrase: T am not a that men's voices, often reflecting different male chauvinist, but...' (Morgan 1992:11). identities, are far from homogeneous. And for every committed feminist, there While some men may claim to be superior are many women who, implicitly or to women, they may also provide evidence explicitly and in both major and minor 48

ways, support the general male domination Until recently, masculine identity has ideology, or masculinism as Brittan (1989) tended to be subsumed into studies of has termed it, and will reject men and 'patriarchy' and its effect on society and women who do not ascribe to it. women in particular, rather than studied The conclusion to be drawn is that for its own sake. This model is often quite many men, as well as women, feel a sense far removed from non-Western or non- of entrapment within perceived stereo- academic thinking about gender and sex types, whether the stereotype's alleged which people in most developing com- agenda is 'good' or 'bad'. In reality, people munities assume and value. It also ignores tend to 'mix and match' and, to use a the social importance of critical but subtle Caribbean term, 'creolise' definitions and variations within 'masculinity', many of concepts to suit their own personal circum- which work against men. I would argue stances even if they are unable to articulate that this makes it less likely that construct- or effectively react against any social discom- ive patterns of change will occur through fort they feel.1 development interventions. Although gender analysis is almost unavoidably set within a framework of largely Western-developed sociological Caribbean men's 'reputation' gender theory, there is every reason to and 'respectability' suppose that the same discomfort with, Trinidad is an island in the Caribbean and occasional resistance to, stereotypes that, although best-known for African- also occurs across semi-industrialised Caribbean culture, is in fact quite multi- societies and those undergoing Westernis- ethnic. South Asians, or East Indians as ation or modernisation (Berreman 1973:23). they are known, form the largest ethnic group. In addition, the economy is based Masculinity with or on oil, and this industry has undergone dramatic boom/bust cycles in the last without patriarchy? quarter-century since independence. As What is meant by 'masculinity'? Gender one can imagine, these conditions have issues are primarily issues of personal produced a high degree of social and identity, set within the contexts of cultural economic change. In particular, race and and social definitions of sexual role. gender relations have been challenged by Whenever the term 'gender' is used, it is changes in the labour market and increased important to remember that one is not opportunities for women. With these changes dealing with just a bi-polar concept of have come strains on what had been male or female identities. Within a culture considered to be 'traditional' gender relations or society, an individual can be faced with and masculine identities. (In the following different desired, expected or fulfilled description I have italicized local expressions roles within a life-time. The level of and they should be read as such.) pressure to conform to these gender roles Women-centred studies and develop- is not entirely uniform over a life-time for ment programmes have paid attention to anyone. Gender identities held by women the common double-standards facing the and men can be submissive, complement- emancipation of women (sexual and other- ary, or dominant to each other, depending wise). African-Caribbean masculine identity, on factors such as age and status. In this although often reinforcing that double- sense, gender identity can often seem, to standard, faces a duality of its own in the individual and community concerned, terms of man-to-man interaction. Wilson almost independent of the other sex. (1969; 1973) originally outlined West 'Crabs in a bucket' 49

Indian reputation and respectability character- colonial or post-colonial society struggle istics that are key aspects of male identity. to achieve the respectability that is assumed Respectability involves those moral to exist outside their strata of society. As decisions and actions that are seen as positively suggested above, going to church on Sunday influenced by European colonialism and is one way of beginning this process. However, the local pyramidal social structure based in the meantime they have to survive within on class and colour. Respectability is a concept the crowded and extroverted community. reflected by the norms of local genteel femin- Members of each gender nominally inity: church-going and being 'well-behaved'. involve reputation as their stratagem. For men, Reputation is a working-class, live-for- this usually takes the form of overt sexual today enjoyment of the kind of hedonism banter and bravado. Women delve deeply that is deemed as worthless by the respect- into the nuances of party-going and local able sections of local society. It is a male concepts of fashion. The tactics of both reaction to respectability (Littlewood 1993), sexes stress individual consumerism and and also acts as a control upon men and extroverted display. women who aspire to be respectable when In line with this, both men and women, they are locally deemed to be nothing of but especially men, superficially tout the the kind (Wilson 1969). Honour is given. idea that it is a free society: free for the Honour is taken away. individual to do as he or she pleases. A The local analogy is made to crabs in a strong reputation which emphasizes personal bucket: before any one individual can 'freedom' is deemed important in the post- escape and because of the posturing going slavery, post-plantation, post-colonial on within the bucket, that individual is drag- environment. Having been the perceived ged down by the others. Individuals in the perks of the colonial elite, heightened 'bucket' of poverty and subservience in consumerism and fashion are recognised

Creating contrast and enhancing masculine reputation by dancing outside a respectable wedding ceremony 50

as socially-constructed patterns of attain- way, the 'symbolic violence' of men trying ment of freedom. And freedom is seen to to achieve a reputation effectively keeps be necessary to ensure success on a day- women in the 'bucket' of social subser- to-day basis, since it allows one to move vience. Again, it should be noted that the well, as is said locally. One is unshackled values encompassed by reputation and from perceived social constraints and one respectability can be endorsed, explicitly can conduct social business on a wider and implicitly, by both men and women, scale, not subservient to any other individ- to themselves, as well as to each other. The ual. However, even with the possible excep- 'crabs in the bucket' analogy appears to tion of some sports heroes and heroines, it apply to both genders at all levels. is rare for men, as well as women, ever to Yet, at this point it must be stated that reach a serene level of respectability by simply the above qualities have supporters, detrac- enhancing their reputation in this way. tors, and 'conscientious objectors' amongst Behaviour that enhances reputation is local people of both sexes (as do femininity, the anti-thesis of respectability. If people feminism, male chauvinism, and the New are seen to aspire to leave the 'bucket' they Man syndrome elsewhere). It is among are branded as too bright, or too high. For this plurality of experience and opinion example, in an urban Trinidad factory that opportunities for reform and develop- setting described by Yelvington (1995), the ment may be found. A more rural and youth- two characteristics define 'idioms of ful example further illustrates the point. masculine control over women'. Men do In my own fieldwork study in a rural not pass up an opportunity to test and Hindu East Indian village in Trinidad, for verbally probe women's attempts at every professional flirt such as could be found virtuous respectability. For in doing so, and in the urban factory, there was a hopeless almost no matter what the outcome, men romantic who was socially paralysed by a enhance their own reputation among other self-imposed boycott to avoid 'trying to men. According to Yelvington (op.cit.) sweet-talk women into this and that'. reputation has a 'symbolic violence' which Tabanka pertains especially to young follows a continuum from gentle flirting village men: the word describes social called sweet talk through to less acceptable belittlement, and sexual and moral shame. but more aggressive methods of power It is usually applied to male African- enforcement such as spreading malicious Trinidadians when a woman's affections rumours or mauvais langue. are lost to another man (Littlewood 1985). In such a traditional urban work situa- Indian adolescents (and here one must tion women are left in a no-win situation include all unmarried men as well as teen- balanced between either submitting at agers) have few opportunities to engage some point to male advances or engaging in active heterosexual relationships. So in deflective banter, usually in the form of the term tabanka has been extended by returning the teases and taunts. In the first them to include the common state of instance, they have plainly submitted, and unrequited love. Here a macho reputation in the second instance, they deny them- has, for one reason or another, been pre- selves respectability by reinforcing worth- vented, rather than lost. In this respect, the less male reputation. While some women effect of the mocking which customarily may succeed for a while in taking a third accompanies their predicament is different. course of action, i.e. ignoring male advances, A 24-year-old individual known as the reality is that many women choose not Pastor, who was once an enthusiastic to put themselves in the situation at all by Christian convert who had mocked Hindu avoiding the workplace altogether. In this idolatry, found himself longing for, 'Crabs in a bucket' 51

though not speaking to, a young woman Based on the Trinidadian urban and hairdresser in the village who was rumoured rural examples, the problem it seems, is to have broken off with a boy from else- that 'masculinity' is based on local per- where. Pastor gave up liming (hanging ceptions of 'success'. Just as women are socially out) with his pardners so that he could valued as 'sex objects', so men are valued walk back and forth in front of her house, as 'success objects' in a context of reputation. hoping for something spontaneous to The two values appear to complement occur. His pardners in turn intensified his each other within a patriarchal paradigm. tabanka: by belittling his situation (and the The question then becomes, how does one woman) and telling him to 'make a move begin to escape that paradigm? on the chick man, she's an old cat'. Instead, Pastor sought solace in watch- Re-forming male identities ing Indian films on videos where, for example, after years of separation, the hero and While it may appear as if gender relations heroine might actually speak to each other are trapped in a static web, there are before a painful death. He began re-attending possible ways forward. Because the local Hindu prayer meetings. If he went shopping criteria of value as sex or success objects for his family, people would ask him if he for both sexes are quite narrow, they tend was going to buy gramazone, a defoliant to produce many variations of excluded or commonly used as a suicide potion. compromised values and individuals, While Pastor's ex-pardners made light which then quietly incorporate them- of his situation, Pastor attempted to selves within the creolised environment console himself with the relative security of, for example, multi-ethnic Trinidad. of more traditional 'Indian culture'. Lack The unfortunate key word there is 'quietly'. of 'modern' masculine success and not As in our own society, 'alternative' culture moving well can be indicated by a reversion is often used as a defining contrast for that to fatalism and a relative over-concentration which is largely hidden from the main- on traditional sources (the domestic stream. By and large, there is still a paucity sphere, dominated by women, is seen as of acceptable varieties of expression of the haven of traditional culture). To quote masculinity in day-to-day activity within one of Pastor's pardners: most national cultures. But often the potential for change is already well in place. Poor Pastor. He does want to make a move on In Trinidad and the Caribbean, one has the girl but he ain't gettin nowhere. He used to the process of creolisation: a mixing within mock them star-boys in Indian films and now the accepted values of the dominant he suffering just like they. Well, that is what constituents. This takes place not just does happen. Once you does lose courage to between attributes of race, religion, or take action, bang, tabanka does take hold and ethnicity, but between any opposing or you back sitting and scratching, doing nothing. corresponding social characteristics on all Pastor, it seems, could not be blamed levels, gender included. for being attracted to the girl, but he could Miller (1994) points to a more positive not successfully broker the dominating analytical future partly because he cultural values involved. According to his effectively discusses Trinidadian gender pardners, had he not mocked traditional issues without making them his absolute Indian values in the first place and partly focus. He refers to a less gender-laden duo retained their security he might have had of social characteristics he calls the the courage he sought to establish a 'transient' and 'transcendent'. In some successful 'masculine identity'. ways these still reflect reputation and 52

Christmas nor carnival would be quite the same without the other; and each ensures the other's survival. What is interesting is that there has been a perception in Trinidad that 'women are [gradually] taking over carnival'. The first indication of this was noted in the 1950s by Powrie (1988[1956]), but since then it has accelerated. Some carnival bands have a ratio of ten women for every man. There are several reasons for this. To begin with, women in Trinidad, while hardly emancipated to their own satisfaction, have nevertheless made some strides in that direction. But their near predominance in Trinidad carnival is due to more than a simple trend. Carnival acts as an escape valve, a time when notions of traditional respectability do not apply. The difference between everyday life and car- nival is greater for women than for men. Indeed, some women say: 'men in Trinidad, they think every day is carnival. But women must think of work.' And so, Posing for passers-by women are more enthusiastic about carnival. Ironically, many women can maintain respectability. But Miller's analytical terms 'traditional' concerns about clothes and apparently sort through the rest of society make-up, and domestic gossip through and return to the gender puzzle without carnival, but now it can be done extra- being trapped within masculinism's terms domestically and with a greater cultural of reference. He makes a useful contrast purpose that they feel legitimises these between carnival and Christmas. activities to the masculinist, paternalistic Trinidad carnival is a hedonistic free- society in general. for-all that tests the boundaries and allows There are also economic reasons for for creative expression that is both male women 'taking over' carnival. Men have and female. The action is on the street and traditionally been employed in plantation non-domestic. The past has passed and and heavy and manufacturing industry. the future is tomorrow, and for a few days These activities are in decline. The service neither matters. In that sense, the carnival sector, including those economic activities is an event which emphasises transience. maintaining carnival itself, is the growth By contrast, Trinidad Christmas is, quite area, and here women predominate, and apart from Christian religious aspects, a are making significant progress into national cultural marker where various middle-management. Thus, women are influences are appropriated for future increasingly likely to be the steady income recall through family and long-term relation- earners and are invariably in charge of ships. In its respectability and location in domestic finances. As a result, women can the domestic female domain, Christmas set money aside specifically for carnival transcends day-to-day life. Yet, neither bands and feting, whereas many men, 'Crabs in a bucket' 53 who feel obliged to try to 'party' (or lime as sphere, so that they can uphold a 'colonial their get-togethers are known) on a respectability', is itself both Eurocentric in constant basis, are invariably short of the its framework and ignorant of several required cash.2 As women have involved areas of women's public interaction themselves with carnival, they have (Besson 1993; Douglass 1992). injected it with a transcendent quality to Women have, perhaps, found other the point where it is now a year-round means of escaping from the 'bucket' than preparatory industry. dragging others down. They have utilised In the rural East Indian village where I the transient (carnival) and immediate did my fieldwork, a similar shift has economic necessity (things that men might occurred whereby what was once some- use for themselves to enhance their what transient — the existence of increas- reputation) to develop more permanent ingly independent women — has become ways of escape from subservience. more transcendent. Within the space of a Men have had to adjust their identities few years, families were no longer looking accordingly and at least try to delete that for semi-arranged marriages for their component of male success which insists young men to girls who could simply be that women cannot also enjoy 'success' in mothers and 'didn't want to work'.3 relation to their own. This may not always Instead, a good education and a steady job go smoothly and might initially seem have become something that young girls impossible. But in every sphere of life in actively seek out. While young men drop the Caribbean, the diaspora population, out of school and complain that there are both African and Indian, male and female, no jobs to study for, young women seem has always had to make changes to 'tradition'. to be less pessimistic (or perhaps less Changes to male identity would not be a socially able to do anything outside the new experience. home other than study or 'take courses'). The economic circumstances affecting urban life have also affected the life of the Development and male village. Traditional sugar plantation work identity has declined dramatically as has higher- Research into the effects of patriarchy on paid work in the oil industry. At the same women has been relatively thorough, but time local (non-plantation) agriculture this may have deflected attention away and related sales and distribution, in from the fact that men are dominated by which women have always had significant other men, and are denied alternative involvement, are part of the new growth expressions that could be more benign to in the service industries. While 'service' women. It is only with a recognition of the has connotations of subservience, unlike potential for a range of identities that the traditional industry where physical labour effect by men on men as well as women can be was important, a reputation as sought by appreciated. Recruitment to progressive men, is of little value any more. changes should then be easier. It is less In both urban carnival and rural com- socially divisive if men and women are munity life, it could be said that women dedicated to the same project. have had less motivational investment in As I have illustrated using the example the 'crab in the bucket' analogy. That has of Trinidad, different feminine and mascu- always been a primarily male concern. line identities can exist despite an appar- Indeed, academic criticism of Wilson's ently monolithic stereotype. Unlike the theories stresses that the notion of the exclusivity of power and status which is relegation of women from the public suggested by the traditional notion of 54

patriarchy, an inclusive tendency can be Douglass, L (1992) The Power of Sentiment: fostered given certain conditions. Inclus- Love, Hierarchy, and the Jamaican Family ivity, or 'non-crab-in-a-bucket' behaviour, Elite, Oxford: Westview Press appears to be intrinsic in those areas where Gilmore, D D (1990) Manhood in the Making: women have contributed to development. Cultural Concepts of Masculinity, London: However, with regards to men, con- Yale University Press. structive and inclusive conditions may be Hearn, J and D Morgan (eds) (1990) Men, missed or not considered if the initial Masculinity, and Social Theory, London: focus is purely on interactions between Routledge. women and men, rather than on intrinsic Levant, R F and W S Pollack (eds) (1995) A masculine/feminine identities. By examining New Psychology of Men, New York NY: men's identities more closely, develop- Basic Books. ment decisions could promote the positive Levant, R F and W S Pollack (1995) aspects of masculine identities, assisting 'Introduction', in Levant and Pollack both women and supportive men in the (eds) op. cit. creation of less patriarchal societies. The Littlewood, R (1985) 'An indigenous 'problem' with masculinity is not mas- conceptualization of reactive depression culinity itself, but how it is focused. in Trinidad', Psychological Medicine 15, 278—281. Niels Sampath is a research student at OxfordLittlewood, R (1993) Pathology and Identity: University. the work of Mother Earth in Trinidad, address: 20 Russell Court, Woodstock Road, Cambridge: Cambridge University Oxford OX2 6JH, UK. Press e-mail: [email protected] Miller, D (1994) Modernity: An Ethnographic Approach: Dualism and Mass Consump- Notes tion in Trinidad London: Berg. Momsen, J H (ed) (1993) Women and Change 1 The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines in the Caribbean: A Pan-Caribbean 'creolise' as 'make [the] (language of Perspective London: James Currey. [the] dominant group, in [a] modified Morgan, D H J (1992) Discovering Men form) into [the] sole language of the London: Routledge. dominated group.' Pleck, J R (1981) The Myth of Masculinity 2 See also Rodman (1971:172—173). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. 3 In Trinidad, the dowry system did not Powrie, B E (1988) [1956] 'The changing survive the migration from India. attitude of the coloured middle class towards carnival', in K Johnson (ed) (1988). References Spiro, M (1993) 'Gender hierarchy in Burma' in Miller (ed) 1993 Berreman, G D (1973) 'Self, situation, and Wilson, P J (1969) 'Reputation and respect- escape from stigmatized ethnic identity', ability: a suggestion for Caribbean inBrogger,J(ed). ethnography', Man (NS) 4, 70-84. Besson, J (1993) 'Reputation and respect- Wilson, P J (1973) Crab Antics New Haven: ability reconsidered: a new perspective Yale Univ Press. on Afro-Caribbean peasant women', in Yelvington, K A (1995) Producing Power: Momsen (ed). Brittan, A (1989) Masculinity Ethnicity, Gender, and Class in a and Power, Oxford: Basil Blackwell Caribbean Workplace Philadelphia PA: Brogger, J (ed) (1973) Management of Temple University Press. Minority Status, Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. 55

Gender workshops with men: experiences and reflections

Kamla Bhasin

During the last few years I and my colleagues have conducted workshops with men — mostly senior men, in decision-making positions in NGOs. This article focuses on my experience of the first six of these: two were in India, two in Bangladesh and two in Nepal. My colleagues and I felt confident, both as facilitators/trainers, and as feminists, to handle this task.1 As development activists we now had enough experience of work at different levels, as trainers we were well equipped and confident, and as feminists we were less angry, less emotionally charged and less confrontational; we felt we could manage a useful and sustained dialogue with men on sensitive issues.

t was around 1990 that I first heard Although these days everyone can make demands for workshops on women's some 'correct' statements on women, most Iissues for men. These came from different NGO leaders have not yet critically quarters, for different reasons. Rural women examined their own behaviour and attitudes said they were now quite aware of women's towards, and assumptions about, women. issues, and it was time that their men were My willingness to have a dialogue with given a proper 'brain-wash' (dimaag dhulai). men on women's issues is based on my In contrast, women activists and develop- belief that men can and must change their ment workers wanted workshops with men thinking, attitudes, and behaviour vis-a- because they saw increasing tensions vis women, specially if they want a more between men and women workers within just and equitable society. I believe that it NGOs. They were dissatisfied with, and is necessary for women to challenge or more articulate about, subtle and open persuade those men who are our partners discrimination against women within in different struggles and movements, to NGOs, and felt 'charity must begin at home'. reflect on women's issues; without a As a response to the increasing aware- common understanding and shared ness of women's issues, several donors started commitment to change gender relations, it suggesting 'gender sensitisation work- is difficult to work with men (or with shops for men' for NGOs supported by them. women) at home, in organisations, and in Some of us women who were involved movements. I also start with the assump- with training and keen to challenge patriarchy tion that if, I as a middle-class person, can within development organisations also work with and in the interest of the working recognised the urgent need to have a dia- classes, men can work with and in the logue with senior male workers and decision- interest of women for a society without makers from voluntary organisations. gender hierarchy. 56

The purpose of gender Workshops in Bangladesh, workshops for men India, and Nepal Our approach to gender workshops with All six workshops had 15 to 20 (men) men is broad-based; we have tried to make participants, they lasted four to five days, the workshops integrative and holistic. they were all residential, and all were held The objectives of the workshops are: in quiet and very simple places away from the distractions of city life. • to develop an understanding of gender In three out of six workshops we found and gender relations in the contexts of that several senior men who had agreed to other divisions such as class, caste, and participate did not attend, and did not give North-South divide; any reason for their absence. Some of us • to create an atmosphere which wondered if this might be because our focus encourages the participants to reflect was on women's issues. Serious classes and critically on their own understanding study groups are seen to be necessary for of gender relations and gender issues understanding issues like class, caste, and on their attitudes and behaviour; community organisations, environment, • to help participants to analyse the even account keeping, and office manage- nature of development policies and ment; yet they are not considered necessary programmes in general and those of for women's issues. 'What is there to learn their own organisation in particular, in on women's issues?' seems to be the attitude. terms of their impact on women, It is this attitude which is the major ecological sustainability, and equity; hindrance in the way of serious reflection • to collectively evolve a vision of an on the issues. equitable and gender-just family, community, and society and to develop a strategy for its realisation; Reassuring the participants • to create a network of like-minded Our first task in these workshops was to people and organisations. dispel some of the anxieties, insecurities, and hostility that [male] participants bring with As in all training sessions, I begin by them. Since almost all of them were attend- affirming the participants, trusting them and ing a workshop on gender for the first time, believing in their capacity to change, however some were quite anxious, and a little insecure; painful the process of change may be. In every they were not sure how to respond or behave. workshop we try to make men talk about Their insecurities and anxieties perhaps also their personal lives and experiences, their stemmed from the fact that for the first time personal relationships with women at home, both the facilitators and trainers were women in the work-place, and in society at large, to — and women who were well-known as make them realise that, unlike other issues, feminists, development workers, and trainers, gender can not be dealt with merely as an and as strong and confident people. During intellectual discourse. Changing gender the first few hours of our interaction we hear relations challenges each one of us to reflect remarks like: critically on ourselves and to change, if necessary. 'So, now we are in your hands...' "We are ready to be butchered!' 'We have come to be brain-washed!' 'So, are you going to convert us?' 'You should really not bother to train men, because it is you women who are your own enemies!' Gender workshops with men 57

These statements came in spite of our the context of larger, economic, political, best efforts not to be provocative. But the social, and cultural systems and we very fact of inviting men to a gender believe that changes in gender relations workshop is provocative, especially for would require changes in other social those men who know that a discussion on systems, and vice-versa. In this context, women's issues will raise uncomfortable we inform them that our own past and questions about matters which are normally present involvement and experiences not addressed! We found that participants have been not only with women's issues, who came from large and hierarchical but also with issues related to poverty organisations, and who were in senior and development, caste, class, environ- decision-making positions, were the most ment, human rights, and so on. We also insecure, and, therefore, most hostile. clarify that we look at women's subordi- nation as a system, and therefore for us it is not a question of men versus women. Starting with the personal We also make it dear that we neither have We begin every workshop with personal ready-made answers for everything nor do introductions where everyone is asked to we believe in dishing out the 'correct line' or speak about his family background, present solutions. We ourselves are searching for family status, his organisation, and his own answers and this search, will and should be work. We also ask them to tell us about their an on-going, dynamic search. expectations of the workshop, and the issues they would like to discuss. The issues After this, we briefly discuss the importance of personal introductions. Although the final list of issues discussed Getting to know each other well, we explain, at these workshops is prepared in is the basis for developing a common consultation with the participants, the understanding and creating solidarity; and issues tend to be similar in every in order to know each other well, we have to workshop and they are the following: see each other as a 'whole'; we have to break down the usual compartments between the • The situation and position of women 'personal' and the 'official', between the and men in our society. private and the public. • The concept of gender. • Patriarchy as a system and an ideology Starting with the personal also gives and the origin of patriarchy. everyone a chance to speak, and to build a • Analysis of development policies and confidence that everyone has something programmes in terms of their impact to share and to give. It helps to create an on ecology, on the poor, [especially on atmosphere of warmth, closeness and women] and on the Third World. equality. At the same time, it gives an idea of where each one of us is starting from, • Analysis of NGO structures, policies and what areas we would like to discuss and programmes from the perspective and explore. This makes it easier to plan of women. the workshop, and the level of discussion. • Feminism and the women's movement. • Vision of a society without gender and other hierarchies. Clearing the ground • Strategy for sustainable and gender- just development. In order to avoid misunderstandings, we begin by saying that we do not look at On every issue, our attempt is to move from gender issues in isolation; we see them in social realities to generalisations and concepts. 58

In order to get everyone to speak, we women and men may suffer within the encourage small-group discussions of the family. The women's column gets quickly issues listed above. As resource persons, filled. Each participant can suggest our task is to fill in the gaps in the something — female foeticide, female discussions, add our views as and when infanticide, sexual assault, psychological necessary, and provide conceptual and harassment, control over women's work theoretical outputs. On issues with which and income, discrimination in providing the participants may not be familiar, or on health care, education, and so on. which they may have the wrong notions The participants have to think hard to (according to us!) we do not hesitate to give point out the oppression men face within lectures. Such issues are likely to be patri- the family. They can only come up with archy, feminism, gender, the women's move- things like 'they are not allowed to cry', ment, and feminist analysis of development. 'they also have to submit to stereotypes', In all the six workshops, we found that 'they have to look after the women', and the participants were well aware of, and so on. However, many participants get quite articulate on: extremely upset when we conclude that the family can be the location of injustice • women's double burden of work; and discrimination against women. We • the active participation of working- have been accused of 'wanting to break up class women in production, and their peaceful families', and 'attacking local contribution to household incomes; culture'. During these discussions, we • the lack of participation by men in often find men becoming very insecure, child-rearing and household activities; and as a result extremely defensive about • the widespread discrimination against the family. They express fears about the girls and women in matters of food in- disintegration of the family (which would take, health care, and education; of course mean loss of authority, comfort, • the lack of participation of women in and power for them). major decisions within the family and in all decisions in the community. We encourage the participants to reflect on their own reactions. We argue that The participants generate empirical data removing the prevalent inequalities and in group discussions on the subordination of injustice within the family, can actually women within and outside the household. It strengthen rather than weaken it. We also is also easy for them to see how official encourage them to look at the family from development programmes — and also most the point of view of women. We provide a NGO programmes — have been male- historical view to show how in every society planned, male-executed, and male-oriented. the institution of the family has been changing in response to changes in the mode Some difficult issues and relations of production. The problems arise when we try to draw Men questioning conclusions based on the information they provide. This is when we sense a certain patriarchy uneasiness, resistance and hostility. Some men find it difficult to cope with the To give an example: to explain the concept of patriarchy. They are ready to position of men and women in the family describe atrocities against women, but — the most intimate and crucial social they resist looking at them as a system. unit of all — we ask the participants to put Some of them say: 'you can describe on the blackboard all the oppression women's oppression, but you don't have Gender workshops with men 59 to see it as a well-thought-out and planned Won't it destroy the most important system. We men are not that vicious'. unit in society, i.e. the family? One standard response to looking at Although we face such questions all the women's subordination as a system is that time, we must confess to surprise and disap- it came to India because of and in response pointment when NGO leaders, who have to foreign invaders. 'We Indians had to been working for women's development for subjugate our women when the Muslim years, share all the usual misconceptions invaders came'. (As if women in India about feminism and the women's movement. were free as birds before that!) We had hoped that at least the senior staff Another very common response is — if would be better-informed, and would have there is a problem, it is created by other thought seriously about these issues. women. The 'woman is woman's worst We normally ignore such allegations on enemy' theory is supported with real-life the first three days, and take up these loaded examples of mothers and daughters in- issues only after establishing a degree of laws. Men who readily analyse caste and rapport and some understanding of class as systems seem to be too afraid (or women's oppression, women's develop- too intellectually dishonest?) to consider ment, and so on. We realise that it would be patriarchy as a system. futile to reply to such questions with ready- A third response is often in the form of made answers. Instead, we ask participants a question: 'If you are against patriarchy, to list the issues which have been raised by are you for matriarchy? Is that the solu- South Asian feminists, and examine them tion?'. To help the participants to see one by one to see which of them are Western, beyond hierarchies, we invite them to con- and so irrelevant to India; which are urban sider the possibility of equality between and not relevant to rural women; which are the sexes (equality, not sameness, because elite women's issues and therefore irrelevant another accusation made in these workshops to poor women. is 'you feminists want to be like men'). The board gets filled quite fast with a list Some participants feel relieved by being of issues — dowry, rape, sex-determination able to put the blame for everything on an tests, female foeticide, equal wages for equal abstract system. But to avoid complacency work, property rights, land rights, and stress personal responsibility, we alcoholism, ecology, unionisation of self- emphasise that all systems are maintained employed women, job reservations, child- by individual actions. care, sexism in media, pornography — the list is unending! Even a cursory look at these Feminism: much issues shows that none of them is Western misunderstood and most of them are related to working- class women. Issues like dowry, sex In most workshops, the largest number of determination tests, or pornography, which questions are about feminism and the might have been confined to the middle women's movement: class earlier are no longer so today. • Isn't feminism or the women's move- After dealing with misconceptions about ment imported from the West, and isn't feminism and the women's movement, we it alien to our culture and religion? discuss why such misunderstandings exist, • Isn't feminism confined to 'five-star even among sympathetic men. elite' women who have no idea of the In four workshops, we asked the lives and issues of poor, rural women? participants who had said things like 'all • Why is feminism confrontational? feminists are urban, middle-class women, 60

with no understanding of the local more difficult for men to look at culture', to substantiate their statements themselves as some one who is privileged, by giving examples. In each case, we found who might be oppressing his wife or sister that the statements had little factual basis, consciously or unconsciously or who but were based on general discomfort with enjoys the advantages of being a man. We feminism, or on some anti-feminist propa- encouraged men to talk about their exper- ganda in the media. In two cases the anti- iences as a son, husband, father; whether feminist sentiments were based on a single they thought they enjoyed privileges encounter with 'an aggressive woman' or which women did not have, what they felt 'a woman who believed in smoking'. about that. Did they ever reflect on the The only plea we make when we face gender differences within the family? such generalisations is that judging a large Discussions were never really focused or movement by the behaviour of one or two intense. We are not sure if this was due to women is obviously neither accurate nor lack of time, poor planning, our inability fair. We also explain that, for many of us, or resistance from the participants. becoming a feminist is a long, arduous In contrast, women's workshops are journey; none of us are perfect, nor do we very intense and emotional. In almost have well-thought-out positions on every- every workshop some women break down thing. Few of us practise all we preach. In while talking about the discrimination this, we are no different from socialists, they have faced, the oppression or neglect Gandhians or environmentalists. they have suffered. Men resist making a shift from the mind to the emotions, from the public to the personal. The rare male Workshops and masculinity participant who is keen to explore his How are these workshops different from personal relationships does not find many those with women? There are obvious male partners, and ends up discussing differences: the level of personal sharing is these issues only with us women. much greater in an all-women workshop. Another difference is the subtle Women are more prone to talk about their resistance by men to looking at women's personal experiences while men are much subordination as a system. Women, on the more guarded. other hand find it liberating to look at their We find that men are quite happy to subordination in this way. Naming the deal with abstract and impersonal theory, system, and assessing it dispassionately, but they have little experience of talking is the first step towards dismantling it. It is about themselves and their emotions. in the interest of women to name and They seem to suffer from the 'brave boy', change the patriarchal system, but it is not 'strong man' syndrome. Men can quite so for men and hence there is resistance easily talk about the subordination of poor and defensiveness among men regarding women, but are often unwilling to look at patriarchy, especially to discussing it in their own families. They seem trapped in a their own personal context. terrible insecurity, anguish, and fear of the family structure collapsing, their position disappearing from under their feet. Women training men We realised that for women, talking In spite of over 20 years experience and about themselves is easy and also a our abundant grey hair, it is difficult for release, because they feel oppressed and some men to accept us as resource persons seldom find a supportive atmosphere to or to accept our authority; to admit that talk about their experience. It is much we could teach them something. Men who Gender workshops with men 61 consider themselves leaders are very nature, we think we perhaps have to learn hesitant to admit that they have not to be circuitous, to take one step forward studied or thought seriously about the and another sideways. After all, the issue. Some of them constantly intervene, purpose of these workshops is to make try to divert the issue, bring in irrelevant allies, and not more enemies. matters, in an attempt to disrupt, making Improved understanding, and a desire it difficult for us to remain calm. to move towards better gender relations, The women resource persons are is evident when, towards the end of the perhaps also considered to be 'interested workshop, the participants discuss their parties'. The fact that it is easier for men to future strategy for women's development. accept male authority became quite What they come up with is clear, compre- obvious in one of the workshops when on hensive, and concrete. The written evalua- the fourth day a male observer came and tions done at the end of every workshop spoke eloquently about religion and are overwhelmingly positive. Most partic- culture being most oppressive for women. ipants state that they learnt a lot, they Everyone listened to him in great silence, were forced to think things through, they while we had been heckled for saying were challenged to reflect on their beliefs things half as strongly. This and other and behaviour. At every workshop they similar experiences have made us realise recommend that such workshops should that as women trainers we have to learn to be mandatory for all men working in use power and authority judiciously. development organisations. We feel it might be good to have a We do not succeed in winning over all sensitive male as a co-trainer, someone the men. With one or two, the tensions who can speak as a man, have a 'man-to- never subside. These men are unable to man talk' if necessary, and who will not be accept women as trainers, and are not seen as an interested party. A man in the open to admitting that they may need to trainers' team may also blur the divide revise their attitudes. If developing a which exists between women trainers and feminist understanding and conscious- men participants. ness is a long, painful process for women, it will be much longer and more painful for men. These workshops can only be the We need to tread gently first step of a long journey. We need a far more sensitive approach to (A version of this paper was published by the way men are oppressed by gender. We the International Council of Adult Education have to realise that men who try to break in Convergence XXIX;1,1996) certain gender roles also pay a price; and one must try to feel the same sympathy for Kamla Bhasin is Co-ordinator of the FAO - their oppression, and not constantly NGO South Asia Programme and is based in trivialise it by comparing it to women's. It Dehli. E-mail: [email protected] is difficult to look at men's oppression under patriarchy seriously and sincerely, without depoliticising or diffusing the issue of women's subordination. We have Notes no easy answers. 1 By 'we', I mean myself and women like As trainers, we have to be much more Vasantha Kannabiran (India), Khushi patient, detached and non-committal in a Kabir (Bangladesh), and Meena Acharya workshop with men. We should also not (Nepal) who have been my partners in be too confrontational. Much against our workshops with men. 62

New masculinity: a different route

Gonzalo Falabella G

This article formed part of a presentation made by the Chilean sociologist Gonzalo Falabella at the First Citizens' Forum for Tolerance and Non-discrimination, which tookplace in Santiago de Chile in March 1995. The subject arose out of the experiences and conversations of a group of professional men, who were searching for a new identity.

hese ideas come from a group of The writings of Robert Bly — in partic- Chilean and foreign men who have ular his book Iron fohn (Bly 1991) — had a Tbeen meeting for two years, great influence on the group, especially monthly. They came out of our attempt to initially. His statement that women are take a new approach to life. The initiative marked out for pain, whereas men are arose out of a weariness with some aspects distinguished by not showing their of our lives, such as the excessive hours sorrow, not weeping for their problems we work; our sense that we seek power (because, in fact, 'men don't cry'), struck because it is intrinsically interesting to home with us. We saw the need to create possess it; the lack of real intimacy our own forum, in which men who had a between male friends, and our habit of common desire to share their feelings reducing our conversation to politics; the could find mutual support. Throughout tricks that life holds in store for you; and our journeying, our female companions work. 'What do you do?' is interpreted by have helped us, often without realising it, men as a question which purely focuses by just allowing us to watch them get on on work. We are dissatisfied with the lack so well with their own struggles, support- of attention that we give to our personal ing and loving each other to the extent of lives, our marriages and our families, no inciting our envy! matter what stage of life we are at. In time, we were creating our own Competition, unpleasant 'machismo', masculine identity, a 'new man' in the the power vice, and a lack of personal Chilean style. We agreed at the first sensitivity are all the norm for men, and meeting that we were not just a group of all are both influenced by, and in their friends, nor a support group, nor a therapy turn influence, the fate of this country. As group, nor one which only wanted to men, we would like to live in a less isolated respond better to our feminist comrades way. However, our environment makes and their challenges. When we met a week this increasingly difficult. ago — two years after the group was first New masculinity 63 formed — we defined the group simply as regardless of the area in which they live, 'a forum where we can comfortably share ethnic origin, class, sex, educational our experiences'. We are professional men status, or age. Understanding how all who wish to know ourselves, and our these aspects of social identity affect women, better. This wish extends beyond people's ability to participate allows men our sense of status which is based on our to recognise, and work to change, gender parentage, identity, and political opin- relations, in solidarity with women. ions. We aim to lead more fulfilling lives and become more complete, less isolated The basis of inequality men. As men we would like to say that the way we are is not due to mere ill-will, or a The sources of the search masculine conspiracy to overshadow There are several sources for our search. women in society. There are social structures First, the women's movement has helped and institutions which reproduce unequal, to raise the consciousness of men, in Chile hierarchical, authoritarian relationships and elsewhere. More recently the 'men's between the sexes. It is a culture based on movement' (especially in the USA) has begun intolerance. However, in these same to search for an alternative to traditional relationships, it is also possible to find masculinity. new 'signs of the times' which show ways Many different philosophical influ- of overcoming the negative aspects of ences — including Jungian and Eastern these relationships. In our view, inequality thought, Mediterranean mythology, and between women and men in our society is myths of the Chilean native people — based on the following: recognise a more integrated vision of men First, the traditional family is an and women, and of 'male' and 'female' institution where male violence and aspects of human personality. These ideas authoritarianism is reproduced. It also of human nature allow both sexes to gain establishes extreme differences in the roles self-respect, and allow a more diverse and of women and men, and emotionally integrated development process for men castrates the male child. We feel that the and women. Catholic church, and its fundamentalist Likewise, research on the matriarchal vision of spirituality perpetuates many of stage through which our societies passed the oppressive relationships and values of (for example, Arroba 1996) has shown the family. how positive this period was for human- In Chile, the system of the 'hacienda' ity. Studying this period opens the way (estate or ranch) is a vertical and authorit- for us to design a future society where the arian structure of total domination by the inclusion of women in power is seen as landowner over his representative, by the beneficial to society. representative over the superintendent, We are also influenced by Marxism. In by the superintendent over the foreman, its original concept of social democracy, by the foreman over the tenant farmer, Marxism sees society governing itself as a and his oppression of his wife, her of the political objective. Social democracy children, and they of the dog! Today, after overcomes the limits of representation by almost 20 years of dictatorship and an others, to allow everyone to deal with the entrenched 'hacienda' culture, which is direct government of his or her own even present in the basics of trade union society. This means different social classes legislation, many of these relationships, and strata must be enabled to participate, with a modern veneer, can still be found 64

in companies that may possess modern a way of relating to each other. We believe machinery, but retain archaic working that our search is part of a movement to practices, recently denounced by the create a country that is more just, more Minister of Employment himself. Much is tolerant, and where people work in spoken about 'total quality' today in Chile, solidarity. Our own struggle as men is but it is never more than talk, which few part of a wider battle to create 'a better put into practice. country', in the last words of Allende. The military is another powerful forum We would like to take pleasure in the for promoting male authoritarianism, and positive aspects of our male identity. We an anti-democratic national security. The are convinced that sexual equality in all armed forces uphold the rigid control and fields and the development of our own social relations of an earlier time. sensitivity will create more fulfilling lives Traditional schooling (though teachers and better relations within and between are now less respected by society), with its the sexes, both in work, politics and lack of respect for the student's dignity, society. We would like to achieve gender reduced freedom, artificial differentiation relationships which do not disintegrate between the sexes and maintenance of into inequality in the home, work, society sexual segregation, is another source of and politics. conservatism in our society. This kind of There appear to us to be three ways to education does not produce young men or achieve our development as more women with progressive values, or integrated men. Firstly, we have to learn stimulate creativity and innovation. to be intimate with each other as men, The state also contributes to the within our group. Secondly, we need to creation of gender inequality. In Chile, increase our level of intimacy with our women only got the vote in 1949. The state partners. To begin with, we can do this by is prejudiced against people who are radically redefining our roles, emphas- differentiated from the norm; for example, ising our role in the care of our children in every corner of the country, the state is and, through that, enabling us to have a disdainful of the ability of people in the closer relationship with them. Thirdly, we regions:'... we need to develop their skills need to relate these issues to wider social to reproduce central commands', says one struggles outside ourselves and our official statement. This is an affirmation of families. The object is to untie the hard the different situations of subordination knots in society's fabric which have been to which we have referred, of which the tied by authoritarian institutions. The new subordination of women is a key example. masculinity forms a part of social change However, in each of the institutions which is running through ourselves, our mentioned above, there have recently families, and the institutions of wider been signs of a breakthrough, however society. small, against authoritarianism, rationalis- ation and 'machismo' (male chauvinism). (This article was first published in Spanish in the magazine 'Vida y Derecho' (Life and Some paths to follow Rights) Number 17 of the FORJA Institute.) How do we respond as individuals to the above issues? We would like our personal development as men to go beyond mere rivalry. What we are hoping to be able to do is to find a substitute for competition as 65

Understanding Masculinities, M Mac and final section of the book examines new Ghail (ed), Open University, 1996. forms of politics about masculinity in This is the first introductory text to Western countries, and discusses how men examine the range of different theoretical can pursue social justice. and methodological approaches to the Theorising Masculinity, H Brod and M understanding of masculinity. It brings Kaufman (eds), Research on Men and Mas- together overviews of theoretical debates culinity Series, SAGE Publications, 1994. with new empirical material, focusing on Presents ideas borrowed from the disci- different social and cultural areas, and the plines that have fostered the study of mas- wide range of masculinities that exist. culinities: sociology, psychoanalysis, and Masculinities, R W Connell, Polity Press/ ethnography. Explores issues such as power, Blackwell, 1995. diversity, ethnicity, feminism, and homo- Offers a comprehensive introduction to a phobia. Provides theoretical explanations new field of knowledge and politics. It for militarism, sports, and the men's movement. examines and assesses the history of attempts to understand the nature of Dislocating Masculinities: Comparative masculinity by psychoanalysts, social Ethnographies, A Cornwall and N Lendisfarne (eds), Routledge, 1994. scientists, and movements for social change. Draws upon anthropology, feminism, and Connell agrees that there is no 'one' post-modernism to provide a challenging masculinity, but multiple masculinities, study of gender difference. Offers a radical which can be understood through a social critique of much of the recent writing on analysis of gender relations. Contemporary men and raises important questions about developments are examined through a close embodiment, agency, and the relation focus on the lives of four groups of men — between masculine style and social contexts. some working to transform gender relations, and some resisting such transformations. Contemporary Perspectives on Masculinity: Masculinities then moves to a larger arena, Men, Women and Politics in Modern Society, and shows that modern masculinities are K Clattebraugh, Westview Press, 1990. products of a 400-year history in which Newly updated, 1997. gender was closely connected with empire Surveys the range of responses by men to and the creation of a global economy. The feminism and puts political theory at the 66

centre of men's awareness of their own imprison men — particularly machismo, masculinity. Surveys not only conservative, which is shown to be deeply masochistic liberal, and radical views of masculinity, and self- destructive. but also alternatives offered by the men's Language and Masculinity, S Johnson, U H movement, spiritual growth activists, and Meinhof, Blackwell, 1997. black and gay rights activists. Each of these This is the first extensive account of male is explored both as a theoretical perspec- language in the construction of masculinity. tive and as a social movement. Feminist linguistics has come of age. Yet, Boys: Masculinities in Contemporary in more than two decades of research, Culture, P Smith (ed), Westview Press, 1996. male speaking-patterns have been largely Analysing the meaning of masculinity in taken for granted. Language and Masculinity contemporary culture, this book examines asks several important questions. What specific Western cultural male icons have we learned specifically about men's (Muhammad Ali, Harvey Kitel, Jean Claude language and masculinity? Is it right to van Damme, Dan Quale, and Newt Gingrich) assume that men's use of language is the and critically examines male stereotypes mirror image of what have been con- such as the cowboy, the father, the homo- sidered typically female patterns of sexual, and the black terror. Written by interaction? And in what ways does the cultural studies scholars from depart- study of language and masculinities throw ments of film, media studies, English, new light on assumptions about language women's studies, and sociology, the discussion and gender? touches on almost every conceivable issue concerning the complex meanings of The Making of Anti-Sexist Men, H Christian, Routledge, 1994. masculinity in contemporary society. Do anti-sexist men really exist? If so, who The Making of Men: Masculinity, Sexuality are they and what sort of life experiences and Schooling, M Mac an Ghaill, Open produced them? Based around eight University, 1995. interviews with eight men who have Mac an Ghaill makes a stand as an eloquent, responded positively to feminism, this principled, and caring contestant on the book provides a full discussion of anti- side of the oppressed. Includes chapters on sexist male attitudes. schools as a masculinising agency; local student cultures of masculinity; sexuality; Male Myths and Icons: Masculinity in Popular learning to become a heterosexual man at Culture, R Horrocks, MacMillan, 1995. school; young women's experiences of Surveys some of the important myths of teacher and student masculinities; masculinity in popular culture, including sociology of schooling, equal opportunities the western, the horror film, rock music, and anti-oppression education. and pornography. The book argues that popular culture does not simply present Masculinity in Crisis: Myths, Fantasies and tales of male heroism and conquest, but Realities, R Horrocks, MacMillan, 1994. also gives highly complex and ambivalent Argues that masculine identity in Western images of men. The hero turns into anti- culture is in deep crisis: old forms of hero; feminine and homoerotic material masculinity are disintegrating, while men leak in; the male is often shown as the are struggling to establish new relation- victim. Popular culture, while expressing ships with women and each other. Male male hegemony, also reveals images of identity is shown to be fractured and male defeat, damage and confusion. fragile and truncated. Many stereotypes Resources 67

Fatherhood Reclaimed: The Making of the Shifting marriage and divorce patterns, Modern Father, A Burges, Vermillion, 1997. transformation in the workplace, the What are the roles of the modern father? growth of the women's movement, and How do fathers affect their children? Are development of the men's movement. All good fathers born or made? Do mothers these social and cultural changes have try and shut fathers out? This book changed traditional family roles and challenges assumptions about men as forced a re-examination of how fathers fathers, revealing that parenting behaviour and children interact. Fatherhood is a is shaped less by biology than by social collection of theoretical and empirical conditioning. Men's fathering instincts, research on fathers and families. Essays strong and innate, are often sabotaged by by scholars such as Furstenburg, Seltzer, cultural and social expectations. Draws on and Greif, examine differences in culture, diaries — ancient and modern — as well class, nationality, and custodial status. as on research and interviews with fathers Men, Masculinity and Social Welfare, from all social groups, to describe what it K Pringle, UCL Press, 1995. has meant and means now to be a father. The first full-length study of men and mas- Family Man: Fatherhood, Housework culinity in relation to social welfare. Con- and Gender Equity, S Coltrane, siders the issues of the provision and use Oxford University Press, 1996. of welfare services by men, and provides a According to Scott Coltrane, two-job framework for understanding ways in which families are now the rule in America, and men can alter oppressive power relations in fathers are much more involved in raising welfare agencies and wider society. children, and in housework. Reactions to Male Responsibility in Today's Africa, these changes range from grave mis- Population Reference Bureau, 1996. givings to a sense of liberation and new Transcript of a radio programme in which possibility. Family Man explodes many four professional men from Kenya, common myths about shared parenting, Malawi, Mauritania, and Nigeria discussg proves first-hand accounts of men's and the changing role of men in their countries. women's feelings in two-job families, and Sheds special insight on male attitudes reveal some innovative solutions to the towards women and family planning. problem of balancing job, family, and other commitments. 'Reputation and respectability reconsidered: a new perspective on Afro-Caribbean The Modernization of Fatherhood: peasant women', Besson, J, in Land and a Social and Political History, Development in the Caribbean, J Besson R LaRossa, University of Chicago, 1997. and J Momsen (eds) Macmillan, 1993. Documents shifts in social constructions This is a long-overdue re-appraisal of of fatherhood, both as an institution and Wilson's landmark construction of as an individual reality. LaRossa's histor- Caribbean masculine identity (see below) ical analysis of yesterday's fathers shows that criticises it within the context of the unevenness of social change, and provides contemporary gender studies. a means of understanding the continuing diversity of fathers and families. The Barbadian male: sexual attitudes and practices G Dann, Macmillan, 1987. Fatherhood: Contemporary Theory, Research, A locally-produced sociological survey of and Social Policy, W Marsiglio (ed), from 'Bajan'masculine identity, revealing as the Research on Men and Masculinities much about local analytical construction, series, SAGE Publications, 1995. as about the people themselves. . 68

The power of sentiment: love, hierarchy, Identifies the influences and constraints and the Jamaican family elite, L Douglass, which affect the way in which male Oxford: Westview Press, 1992. workers interact with children and their An examination of how notions of sex and parents, and with other staff. Data was power (largely masculine-based) filter initially gathered through a questionnaire through a very hierarchical society, based sent to male and female staff in 77 family on fieldwork from within the national centres run by the National Children's 'elite'. Home. White Guys: Studies in Postmodern Domination 'An evaluation of the 'creolisation' and Difference, F Pfeil, Verso, 1995 of Trinidad East Indian adolescent Expose contradictions in the construction masculinity', N M Sampath, in Trinidad of white heterosexual masculinity in ethnicity,K A Yelvington, (ed.) London: American popular culture. Probes such Macmillan, 1993 topics as the rock'n'roll bodies of Bruce Seeks to include Trinidad's Indo-Caribbean Springsteen, Axl Rose, and the late Kurt community within the discourse of Cobain; the 'male rampage' films Die Hard masculine identity, while simultaneously and Lethal Weapon and films of 'sensitive 'de-homogenizing' the predominantly transformation'; and the curious yet African/Indian discourses of previous symptomatic activities of the men's Caribbean ethnographies. movement whose 'rituals' Pfeil has investigated first-hand. Men and Their Families: Contributions of Caribbean Men to Family Life, Caribbean My Life as a Male Anorexic, Michael Child Development Centre, Jamaica, 1995. Krasnow, The Haworth Press, USA, 1995. A handbook for use in schools, churches, The autobiographical account of a young and community settings to stimulate dis- man's ongoing struggle with anorexia. cussions of issues such as the roles Sheds light on the little-known or Caribbean men play in child socialisation discussed problem of male anorexia. and cultural transformation; how these roles and the roles women play can be Articles and papers strengthened, harnessed, and consciously changed; to remind men and women of 'Status of Women; Status of Men: the importance of their beliefs and behaviour Perspectives on Masculinity, Gender and patterns; and to extend and enrich through Development with reference to the recording of group experiences the Bangladesh', Paper for Edinburgh collective knowledge and literature about Conference on Boundaries and Identities, Caribbean families and family life. S C White, University of East Anglia. Includes guidelines for discussions of Argues that the failure of Gender and male family roles, and step-by-step Development literature to attend to the instructions that facilitators can use while gender dimension of male identity planning workshops. seriously inhibits our understanding of gender relations by leaving men vulnerable What's He doing at the Family Centre? to stereotyping as patriarchal figures. The The Dilemmas of Men Who Care for study of masculinity can contribute Children, S Ruxton, National Children's significant questions to the dominant Home Action for Children, 1993. models of gender analysis, particularly Explores why so few men work in family those used within the gender and develop- centres, and the dilemmas of those who do. ment context. Resources 69

'Technology and Masculinity: The Case 'Flirting in the Factory', K A Yelvington, of the Computer', M Lie, The European Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute Journal of Women's Studies 2,1995 (N.S.)2,1996;313—333 Asks why women become 'invisible' when As a participant-observer within an urban working with technology. Suggests that it Trinidadian electrical-goods factory, may be because technology is so closely Yelvington analyses notions of erotic connected to men and masculinity that identity along the axes of ethnicity, class, activities within this field are categorised and gender. as something else when they appear in the heads and hands of women. Argues that 'Reputation and respectability: in order to understand women's relation- a suggestion for Caribbean ethnography', ship to technology we also have to study P J Wilson, Man (N.S.) 4,1969 70—84. men and masculinity. P J Wilson Crab antics, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973. 'Men at Work', M Hequet, Wilson's benchmark notions of masculine Training Magazine, January, 1995 reputation/respectability created the Report on a men's 'efficacy seminar', analytical paradigm around which all designed to 'foster collaboration in today's other Caribbean analytical ethnographies diverse workplace, and to acknowledge revolve, whether in agreement or not. the unprecedented turmoil' men are expe- riencing in their work and family lives.' 'Space for a Man: The Transformation of The seminar included lectures on how Masculinity in 20th Century Culture',} men grow up, and on men's relationships Frykman, Reproductive Health Matters 7,1996. with their parents and peers at work. It Looks at how current struggles to define a emphasised communication and relation- male identity, based in the home, lead to ship building, 'because that's where men highly diverse definitions of what is need the most help.' typically masculine. It uses Sweden not 'Men, Masculinity and Feminism', just as an example of equality, but also as W Cloete, Siren News 3:1,1995. an illustration of how plastic and complex Argues that the central problem about masculinity actually is. masculinity, is that it did not exist until 'I'll Show You Mine If You'll Show Me feminist attacks on the political and social theory that assure men and their Yours', G W Dowsett, Reproductive Health masculinity a privileged social position; Matters 7,1996. the gay rights movement also placed Describes the growing gap between gay masculinity in the spot light. Explores and non-gay men and women, with regard to issues around the relationships between relations with women, differences to gay men, feminism and gender identity. feminist thinking, concerns of daily life, dealing with the HIV/ AIDS epidemic and 'Modern Swedish Fatherhood: sex. Challenges feminists and hetero- The Challenges and the Opportunities', sexual men to address the issues of homo- G Swedin, Reproductive Health Matters 7,1996. sexuality and homophobia as an integral Discusses the consequences of changing part of understanding masculine hetero- Swedish views about fatherhood, and sexual sex, masculinity and sexual politics. shares some experiences of fathers' training groups, and the ways in which 'Men's Needs and Responsibilities', men's parenting skills are growing and special issue on Planned Parenthood bringing them closer to their children. Challenges, 1996/2 Articles challenge the popular image of 70

man being the initiator in sexuality and Achilles Heel being in control of it. Suggests that both Biannual publication that acts as a forum men and women suffer from the dis- for discussion of men and masculinity. crepancy between the superman myth Achilles Heel, 10 Ashbourne Grove, and the reality. Articles include: London, SE22 8RL, England. masculinity and the male role in sexual M.E.N. Magazine health; finding the right sexual health Its mission is to provide information, services for young men; Arab World male support and advocacy for men. Articles programmes; and converting Bangladesh's have focused on men and grief, domestic influential religious leaders. violence, gender and reconciliation, love 'Men in the Lives of Children', and betrayal, and reports on men's special issue of Coordinators' Notebook: national conferences. M.E.N. Magazine An International Resources for Early Editorial Office, 7552 31st Ave, N.E. Childhood Development 16,1995. Seattle, WA 98115 Includes articles on men and their For a sample issue, send e-mail to children, and gender relations and [email protected] conflicts in fathering in Africa, Asia and Europe.

NGOs, organisations and groups Magazines, newsletters and journals Men for Non-Violence (NZ) Inc National umbrella group for organis- Men in Families; Hombres en Familias ations throughout New Zealand which Publishes information about fathering work with violent men in their commu- research and intervention programs with nities helping them to change their the aim of sharing information and abusive behaviour. Men for Non-violence expertise in the Americas. Published in (NZ) Inc, Box 10 632, The Tefrace, both Spanish and English. Wellington, New Zealand. Tel: (04) 499 Patrice Engle, Ph.D. California Polytech 6384. Fax: (04) 499 6387. Institute, San Luis Obispo, CA 93407 USA. Men for Change Journal of Men's Studies A pro-feminist organisation for men, Male feminist magazine available from dedicated to working with women to the Men's Studies Press. PO Box 32, promote gender equity and end sexism Harriman TN 37748-0032, USA and violence. http:/www.cfn.cs.dal.ca/CommunitySu Working with Men pport/Men4Change/ This quarterly newsletter looks at issues m4c_back.html related to masculinity and sexism, in health, education, probation, careers, American Men's Studies Association social work, youth work, community An organisation dedicated to teaching, work and other professions. Focuses on research, and clinical practice in the field practice and related issuese. Working with of men's studies. Its objectives are to Men, c/o 320 commercial Way, London, encourage the refinement of the parameters SE15 1QN, UK. Tel: 44 0171 732 9409 of men's studies, to generate theory and to develop methodologies of the study of masculinity from a perspective that eschews Resources 71 oppression in all forms.AMSA Membership Internet resources Office, 329 Afton Ave, Youngstown, Ohio, USA 44512-2311. Tel: (1) 216 782 2730 Full-Time Dads — The Online Magazine Father to Father Supports and encourages men as fathers. A national American effort to unite men in 'Through open exchanges of ideas, we can the task of being a strong and positive force in end the isolation and become better their children's lives. Plans to expand and fathers.' Includes reviews of books on enhance existing father support programmes, parenting, kids, fatherhood, and articles create new opportunities for men to come on issues such as homeschooling. together in their role as fathers. Martha http://www.parentsplace.com/readroo Erickson, Univ of Minnesota, 1985 Buford Ave, m/fulltdad/index.html St Paul, MN 55108 Tel: (1) 612 6221212 FatherNet http://www.cyfc.umn.edu/Fathernet/ft Information on the importance of f.html fathering and how fathers can be good parents and parent educators. Includes Real Men research, policy, and opinion documents An anti-sexist men's organisation dedicated about the factors that support or hinder to eliminating sexism, misogyny and male men's involvement in the lives of children. violence. Contrary to the popular stereo- Includes research papers on young unwed type about 'real men' as macho tough guy, fathers and welfare reform encouraging it is important for men to rethink and work responsible fatherhood. to change traditional masculinity. Real http://www.cyfc.umn.edu/fathernet/in Men, P.O.Box 1769 Brookline, MA 02146, dex.html USA. Tel: (1)617 782 7838 Men Against Domestic Violence Fathering Magazine A coalition of men working to address the An online magazine that includes articles issue of domestic violence against women. on the joy of fathering, the importance of Babtunde Folayemi, 814 Laguna St., Santa fathers, fathering fiction, fathering advice and fathering in the 1990s. Barbara, Ca. 93101 http://www.fathermag.com/ International Planned Parenthood Foundation Working for Justice... Ending Violence Has published reports on men's support A website for profeminist activists. Provides of family planning and their need for more a forum for activists working to end effective contraception; sex education violence and oppression, in particular, from a male perspective; male hormonal profeminist men's activism to end violence contraception; and on the male-friendly against women and children. approach to family planning in Africa. http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/ Regent's College, Inner Circle, Regent's 5863/ Park, London, NW1 4NS, UK PROFEM mail list Tel: (44) (0)171 487 0741 An internet mail list that focuses on men, Fax: (44) (0)171 487 7950 masculinities and gender relations — E-mail: [email protected] promote dialogue and networking among Population Reference Bureau, Inc men and women concerned with gender 1875 Connecticut Ave NW, Suite 520, justice and the elimination of sexism. Washington DC 20009 Supports men's efforts towards positive Tel: (202) 483-1100 personal and social change. Circulates information on new initiatives, research 72

and resources. To subscribe, send an e- mail message with "subscribe profem-1" to: [email protected] To unsubscribe, send the message "unsubscribe profem-1 to [email protected] MensNet Canadian coast-to-coast, pro-feminist, gay affirmative, anti-racist, male positive network. Includes articles on topics relating to men, gender, politics, pro- feminism, progressive social change and spirituality. http://infoweb.magi.com/Amensnet/ XY Magazine An Australian nonprofit internet maga- zine about men and masculinity. A space for the exploration of issues of gender and sexuality, and practical discussions of the hows and whys of personal change. XY is male positive, pro-feminist and pro-gay. http://www.coombs.anu.edu.ac/Agorki n/xy/xyf.htm