SEEKING SPECIFICITY IN THE UNIVERSAL: A MEMORIAL FOR THE JAPANESE CANADIANS INTERNED DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR by Kevin James

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture

at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2008

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The undersigned hereby certify that they have read a thesis entitled "Seeking Specificity in the Universal: A Memorial for the Japanese Canadians Interned during the Second World War" by Kevin James, and recommend it for acceptance to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture.

Catherine Venart, supervisor

Richard Kroeker, advisor

Deborah Gans, external examiner

ii DALHOUSIE UNIVERSITY

Author: Kevin James

Title: Seeking Specificity in the Universal: A Memorial for the Japanese Canadians Interned During the Second World War

Department: School of Architecture

Degree: Master of Architecture

Convocation: May 2008

Permission is herewith granted to Dalhousie University to circulate and to have copied for non-commercial purposes, at its discretion, the above title upon the request of individuals or institutions.

The author reserves other publication rights, and neither the thesis nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's written permission.

The author attests that permission has been obtained for the use of any copyrighted material appearing in the thesis (other than brief excerpts requiring only proper acknowledgement in scholarly writing), and that all such use is clearly acknowledged.

Signature of author

Date: DEDICATION

For Hanako

IV CONTENTS

Abstract vi

Acknowledgments vii

Introduction 1

Thesis Question 2

Abstraction and Ritual 3

Kazuo Nakamura 6

Ise Shrine 11

Kyudo 13

The Japanese Canadian Experience 17

Tashme 26

Site and Program 33

Elements 33

Natural Context 37

Abstraction of the Site 40

Design 43

Summary 76

References 78

v ABSTRACT

Through the design of a memorial for Japanese Canadians who were interned during the

Second World War, this project addresses the root causes of their internment and proposes an architectural response that will balance the fundamental characteristics of Japanese culture within the context of the shared cultural heritage of Canada.

Located on the site of the former Tashme internment camp in British Columbia, the memorial consists of an armature which allows for a phased program of growth which will evolve over a period of years, acting as a physical manifestation of the process of reconciliation.

VI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Catherine Venart for her guidance and support over the course of my thesis. Her patience and willingness to grant me the time needed to allow my work to develop was a gift which I greatly appreciated.

I would also like to thank Richard Kroeker for his help and advice. He enabled me to step back from my work and view it from a different perspective at a critical stage.

Also, the thorough and helpful editing of my thesis by Steve Parcell was invaluable; his dedication to the profession is inspiring.

I would also like to acknowledge the help I received from the National Nikkei Heritage

Museum as well as the Hope Visitor's Info Centre.

I also owe a great deal of thanks to my parents who have supported me through this endeavor.

And finally, to Hanako for all her kindness and support which enabled me to pursue this thesis with focus.

VII 1 Introduction

Art's more relevant ambition strives for an integrated experience of the world and for a return to the basic forms of human experience, understandings that our culture has lost. In the language of art it is essential to differentiate between surface-structure surprises aimed at startling effects and timeless deep structure messages. (Pallasmaa 2005,41).

Architecture, at its most basic level, regardless of cultural origin, can be described in terms of its fundamental elements. Among these are geometry, form and scale. Profound works of architecture are created through the way these elements are arranged. Qualities of light and darkness, mass and void, and compression and expansion create spaces Oculus of the Pantheon. Photograph by Soeren which allow for variation in materiality, tactility and haptic Dalsgaard. experience. These can be characterized as the fundamental From NASA Images. structures of form which underlie all architecture and are the deep structural messages referred to by Pallasmaa. However, while these elements are universal in nature, the way in which they are understood is not. In the West, the fundamental structures of form are abstractions understood to be outside human experience, archetypal in nature and timeless. In the East, the opposite is true. Abstraction is not something which is apart from nature, but rather, intrinsically Forest of the Tombs by Tadao Ando, Kumamoto. Photograph tied to it. There are no specific archetypes because there can by Henry Plummer. be no perfect forms. Each iteration is inherently imperfect From Gian Carlo Calza, Japan Style (2007). because it is governed by the process by which it was made, by human hands. This however is not a cause for dismay as it would be in the West, but rather for celebration, for in the imperfect object resides the traces of its creation. The act of creating is thus elevated above the creation itself. Process is more than the means by which to produce; it is the primary purpose itself. The repetition of a process Inside the Silo, Tashme creates rituals, thus formalizing the value placed on process and elevating the performance thereof to a sacred act. This theoretical framework can be understood as the fundamental structure of thought in the East. It can be summed up by the concept that immortality lay in constant change, compared to the Western concept of immortality which is focused on timelessness. Thus, while both the West and the East use the same fundamental structures of form, they are understood in entirely different ways: static and timeless in the West; dynamic and engaged with time in the East.

In the design of a memorial for the interned Japanese Canadians, a delicate balance between the fundamental structures of Western and Eastern form and thought must be achieved in order to provide an architecture which addresses the hybrid culture of the community it represents. The keys to the approach are to use those shared elements of architecture which are found in both cultures while also addressing the primary role of process in both the design of the memorial and its realization. These strategies allow for the universal comprehension of the memorial while the way in which it is placed into the landscape creates a specific link to both place and history.

Thesis Question

How can ritual and abstraction inform the development of a memorial which must address both cultural specificity and universality? Abstraction and Ritual

Use of universally understood geometrical forms and the experiential qualities which can be derived from them allows them to function as a bridge between both Canadian and Japanese heritage. They are thus the means for a universal appreciation of the memorial, while the process driven approach to its evolution addresses the specific fundamental structures of thought which are at the core of the Japanese philosophical construct. This has been elaborated by the Japanese writer Kakuzo Okakura in his seminal work, The Book of Tea.

It was the process, not the deed, which was interesting. It was the completing, not the completion, which was really vital. Man came thus at once face to face with nature. A new meaning grew into the world of art. (Okakura 1906, 15).

Following this idea, the act of creating the memorial will be given as much attention as the form it takes. As the community for whom the memorial is to be built has both Canadian and Japanese cultural influences, an analysis of both its Canadian cultural heritage and its Japanese heritage is required in order to find its similarities and differences at a fundamental level. This approach is essential to the creation of a memorial with which any individual, regardless of cultural heritage, can engage. The critical approach is one of seeking those fundamental structures of cultural heritage, be they formal or philosophical, and distilling their essence. Thus distilled, they can be brought to the site and used to develop a process for the ritual of the memorial. In Japan, abstraction has been used as a means to find these essential structures. Through abstraction, we are able to examine the nature of the human condition and reflect on the larger universal implications.

Abstraction is not a synonym for the lack of meaning, but its opposite. Abstraction is a condensation of meaning or imagery, a pregnant symbol. (Pallasmaa 2005, 80).

In the design of a memorial for the Tashme Japanese Canadian internment camp, abstraction allows us to penetrate into the act of internment as one of human volition, caused by ignorance, fear and weakness. In the same respect, it also allows us to interpret this event and reflect on human nature, both positive and negative. Human nature is understood to contain the most base of our instincts as well as our highest moral standards. It is both in our nature to hate and to love and these two aspects were both at play during the life of the camp. While we should recognize the crime of the internment, it is just as important to recognize the ability of the human spirit to rise above such injustice and to persevere. In both of these instincts are to be found the universal heights and depths of our human nature. This memorial then is both specific and universal in terms of time and place. It alludes to the universal nature of the causes of the internment, and acknowledges that similar events have taken place throughout history and will likely continue to happen, while at the same time, addressing a specific event which occured in a specific place.

The specifics of culture to a memorial for the interned Japanese Canadians must take into account the hybrid nature of the individuals it affected. Any memorial which derives solely from the Japanese cultural heritage of these people ignores the fact that they were by and large Canadian citizens who had grown up in the cultural context of Canada.The existing memorial for the camp which is located in Hope is an example of this misguided intention as it creates a memorial to the Japanese aspect alone. This is superficial at best and only perpetuates the belief that this crime was committed against a foreign body when in fact it was committed on our own citizens. Likewise, to suggest that no evidence of the Japanese cultural heritage be addressed in the memorial would also gloss over the responsibility of acknowledging that race played an important role as the root cause of the internment and displacement of the community. Therefore a careful balance must be maintained between addressing the cultural characteristics of the community interned without resorting to a pastiche of stylized elements. Instead, through abstraction, ritual, and materiality, a complexity must be obtained which addresses both the fact of the racial aspects and the shared Canadian aspects inherent in the memorial. Distilling the fundamental characteristics of the cultural heritage of the Japanese Canadians while also acknowledging the larger issue of racial discrimination addresses both the specific and universal implications of the event. Kazuo Nakamura

Abstraction is a tool which allows us to identify universal characteristics by distilling their essence. This tool can be used to find the essential elements which we can all respond to, as well as address the cultural specifics of the Japanese Canadians. The work of the Japanese Canadian artist Kazuo Nakamura was used as basis to understand the process of abstraction. Nakamura uses abstraction to distil the essential structures of meaning from both his Japanese and Canadian cultural heritage. An internee himself at the Tashme Camp during his teens, Nakamura's experience in the camp is related to his drive towards abstraction, for in this he sought the fundamental structures of the universe and the unifying elements which bond us all to one another. Over the course of his career, he sought to express the inner structure of nature in a progressively more abstract way. This led him to find ever more fundamental ways of expressing landscape. His work follows a trajectory from landscape paintings based on classical perspective to the abstraction of their basic forms and colours, through to an analysis of their fundamental structure and finally to a pure mathematical expression of this structure. At each stage, his work moves further away from classical representation. This approach places him firmly among his fellow Canadian abstract painters. However, Nakamura always maintained that he was still painting landscapes, albeit from a different perspective and with a focus on the fundamental structure of nature rather than appearances. This admission is in opposition to the other Canadian abstractionists who were seeking to remove their work from the world of things into the world of ideas. However, it places Nakamura firmly within the long held Japanese understanding of abstraction. 7

Top Kazuo Nakamura, Hemlocks (1957). From A Human Measure, ed. Noni Regan (2004).

Right Kazuo Nakamura, Inner Structure (1956). From A Human Measure, ed. Noni Regan (2004). For Canadian painters, the main building block is based on the impact and awareness of Western cultural flow... For Canadian painters of Japanese parentage, it means some awareness of Eastern cultural flow - in particular the development of nature concept and sophistication of natural design...but today the dominant flow in art and science is universal. (Kanbara 2004,15).

The combination of natural elements into abstracted geometrical forms is tied directly to the manner in which the Japanese view their relationship to the natural world and is reflected in the work of Nakamura. This understanding of abstraction as a part of nature rather than removed from it underscores the significance of cyclical time, ritual and process in the arts of Japan.

Pure abstraction is always broken down by an element taken from nature: an insect or a small plant. This aspect - geometry within naturalism - is one of the keys to discovering and interpreting avant-garde art in Japan; and the roots that bind it (and will continue to do so) to the cultural and aesthetic values of the country's own tradition. (Calza2007, 111).

Thus, while in the Western tradition, decay, aging and dematerialization are understood to be working against timelessness, in Japan the opposite holds true. In Nakamura's work, we witness the hybridization of his twin cultural perspectives. The dualistic nature of his work expresses his identity as a Japanese Canadian artist, influenced by both his Japanese heritage and his Canadian culture. His work offers a glimpse into what it means to be a Japanese Canadian and how this identity finds expression in the arts. 71'* At

Kazuo Nakamura, Untitled (c. 1975-85). From A Human Measure, ed. Noni Regan (2004).

I used to measure the Heavens, now I measure the shadows of Earth. The mind belongs to Heaven, the body's shadow lies here (Epitaph, Kazuo Nakamura. From A Human Measure, ed. Noni Regan (2004)). With Nakamura's culturally hybridized art providing an understanding of the significance of nature and, subsequently, the cyclical patterns which govern it, the role of process can be analyzed for its social functions inherent to his Japanese heritage. These functions are based on the understanding of time central to the philosophical construct of the Japanese and are manifested in the form of ritual.

The order of the nomad's world is preserved in the memory of the tribe. The material permanence of the architectural structures of Western societies is here replaced by the cyclical repetition of a ritual, one that connects its adherents with both the past and the future. (Pallasmaa 2005, 315).

Culture is often maintained through rituals passed down from generation to generation. In ritual, time is abstracted into a physical act in that traditions are experienced in a visceral way. This haptic connection with one's history reinforces it as a lived understanding. In contrast to simply learning history through a secondary source such as the textbook, a ritual is able to involve all perceptive capacities of an individual which creates both a mental and physical memory. Through this, both mental and physical knowledge are able to be communicated. 11 Ise Shrine

In terms of passing down physical knowledge, the penultimate example is found in the ritual associated with the rebuilding of the Ise Shrine.

The most outstanding aspect of the Ise Shrine is the ritual of Skikinen Sengu. This ritual consists of the total disassembling and reconstructing of the shrine's buildings once every twenty years. Construction materials for the new buildings come entirely from the shrine's forest. With these materials, the buildings are reconstructed in the exact same form, and new trees are planted in place of the logged trees, to be used for the reconstruction ritual that is to happen two hundred years later [Yano, 1993]. These activities, continued over a span of fifteen centuries, is where the shrine's views on life and the world are told without the use of language. (Noguchi 2004, 8-24).

Through this act, the knowledge of construction method is passed down, itself a fundamental characteristic of Ise Shrine, Japan. Japanese culture. For the Japanese, the ritual associated From J.C. Moua and Seth with Ise Shrine forms the core philosophical understanding Tabor, Amaterasu Omikami: Great Goddess Shining in of the relationship between the individual and nature. The Heaven (2008). architecture is merely the means by which to express the concept of our own impermanence as physical beings, while at the same time expressing the timeless character of the concept of its construction. Through the rebuilding of the Shrine, the act of construction becomes the ritual by which to achieve a higher level of awareness of both one's own impermanence and the importance of acting with dignity, honesty, truth and integrity. The process by which the shrine is rebuilt governs the quality of its meaning. The lifespan of the individual carpenter is thus subsumed by the lifespan of the trees used for its construction and the lifespan of the many iterations of the process of construction. In the Shinto belief system, all things in nature are sacred and the human being is not separated from nature, but an important aspect thereof, a concept fundamentally different from the classical

Western understanding.

The split between mind and matter, one of the leading causes of the crisis of values that affects the modern west can be ascribed not only to the Christian vision of life that is usually identified as its primary source. Elements can be traced back to the ancient Jewish and Hellenistic worlds, the two strands that converged to form European civilization. And the difference between the two cultural traditions, those of the West and of Japan, presents itself essentially in terms of the relationship between human beings and the universe. In the world of the Old Testament, the boundaries of nature are very clearly established; there is a creator and there is creation which is passive and undergoes the act of creation. The created is matter, devoid of a soul, inert. Man redeems himself for the state of subjection in which he too would be submerged if, and insofar as, he is able to recognize himself as a dualistic being and distinguish between his body, which is material, a perishable phenomenon that has been created, and his soul, the invisible element breathed into him by the creator's own breath. Man therefore cannot confuse the creator, unique and uncreated, with what is generated by his creative acts, even in their loftiest aspects - for example, the sun. An approach of this kind is fundamentally different from Japanese cultural tradition, which sees itself as based from its beginnings on a state of unity between the material and the spiritual, making it almost impossible to distinguish between them. (Calza 2007, 137).

This in turn defines the relationship the Japanese individual has with the external world. Through the ritual at Ise, this concept has been maintained at the core of an individual's understanding of his or her place in the world. The enactment of construction becomes secondary to the process of putting things together: an instrument for passing down knowledge of a culture, its history and its philosophy. Kyudo

Another Japanese ritual which highlights the significance of process is kyudo: Japanese archery. In its traditional form, it is practiced as a moving meditation, the purpose of which is to bring the practitioner into an awareness of one's own dignity, a genuine human dignity fundamental to all human beings. This awareness is developed over a long period of time in which the repetitious practice of a prescribed series of movements leads to a perfection of intention. The success of kyudo is not determined by accuracy of shooting, nor is it dependent on mastery of the individual movements which make up the meditation; instead, it is the result of correct intention and focus. In the following quote by Sensei Kanjuro Shibata, one of the masters of the traditional form of kyudo, the basic concept of the meditation is explained.

One is not polishing one's shooting style or technique, but the mind. The dignity of shooting is the important point. This is how Kyudo differs from the common approach to archery. In Kyudo there is no hope. Hope is not the point. The point is that through long and genuine practice your natural dignity as a human being comes out. This natural dignity is already in you, but it is covered up by a lot of obstacles. When they are cleared away, your natural dignity is allowed to shine forth. (Shibata, 2008).

That the goal of kyudo is not related to its apparent purpose is significant because it defines a way of understanding the value of the act over the purpose of the act. It forces one to be conscious of one's intention in the present, rather than in the past or future.

Ritual as expressed in both the rebuilding of Ise Shrine and the practice of kyudo are both concerned more with process than objects, or indeed objectives. Architecture too can be understood in this way. Being active confrontations and encounters, all basic architectural events have a verb-form rather than a noun- form. Architecture is fundamentally an art of actions, not forms. (Pallasmaa 2005, 319).

The engagment of the individual with architecture necessarily takes the form of a narrative. When this narrative is developed into a ritual, the static forms of the architecture are engaged with the dynamics of a process. This process of engagement enriches the visceral experience of the individual, connecting their specific experience in the present with a sense of time that eclipses any one person. Architecture, through the use of materials which express time, mediates between both the individual experience of time in the present and the cyclical time of the seasons and years: between the ritual of the human and the larger ritual of nature. \, \ \s&L. 4 It ]i'C

Kyudo process analysis

Cfl 16

I drove through what was left of some of the ghost towns, filled and emptied once by prospectors, filled and emptied a second time by the Japanese Canadians. The first ghosts were still there, the miners, people of the woods, their white bones deep beneath the pine needle floor, their flesh turned to earth, turned to air. Their buildings - hotels, abandoned mines, log cabins - still stood marking their stay. But what of the second wave? What remains of our time there? (Kogawa 1981, 125).

Remnants of original camp structures. Tashme, 2007 17 The Japanese Canadian Experience

The treatment of the Japanese Canadian community by NOTICE TO ALL the Canadian government in the years leading up to and JAPANESE PERSONS including the Second World War is an event which, despite AND PERSONS OF its scale, receives little attention in history books and is in JAPANESE RACIAL ORIGIN TAKE NOTICI thot "truer Ordure No.. II. 73. 23 and M of tho Iritiih Columbia Security Commit- danger of vanishing from our collective memory as a nation. eion. the fotleuirvo oreoe were mod* prohibited oreaf to oil poreoni of tho JoeottOM reree:— The systemic racism which was responsible for an instance LULU ISLAND SAPMHTON (includine, Sfereitonl •UHQUITLAM StA ISLAND POUT MOODY EoUltNE in which Canadian citizens were incarcerated by their own MAItPOLE IOCO DISTRICT OF rOKT COQUITLAM QUtlNSIOKOUGH MAILIAIDVIILE government has largely gone unscrutinized by modern CITY OF F«ASS« MILLS NEW WESTMINSTER historians and artists alike with the exception of the important AND FURTHER TAKE NOTICE thai any pereon ol the Jopanete toco found within ony of tho totd pro­ hibited offal withoi't o written permit from tho r)rit- ith Columbia Security Commiition or tho Royal Cana­ work done by the surviving members of the Japanese dian Mounted Police thall fee liable to the penaltiet provided under Order in Council t C. looS. Canadian community. This work, however, is different from AUSTIN C TAYLOR, Chairman. Britith Columbia Security Commttvon a more universally Canadian response to these injustices. Despite official redress from the government of Canada, Internment poster, 1942. little has been done to address this event as an inherently University of British Columbia archives, special collection. shared Canadian heritage. These events happened not only in time, but also in specific places.

Japanese Canadian registration card. 1941. University of British Columbia archives, special collection. 18 In terms of the specifics, the line drawn 100 miles from the coast of British Columbia is a physical entity which displaced upwards of 22,000 people. East of this imaginary boundary were located some 12 internment camps which held the displaced individuals for the duration of the war.

This thesis examines this event in detail and proposes an architecture of reconciliation for both the Japanese Canadian community and the nation as a whole. The true strength and maturity of a nation is gauged not by the manner in which it celebrates it accomplishments, but in how it acknowledges its shortcomings.

Signpost in Kelowna. 1942 University of British Columbia archives, special collections 19

Internment camps

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Location of Japanese Canadian internment camps in British Columbia The following is an abbreviated account of the history of the Japanese Canadian community in Canada and the events that led up to their internment during the Second World War.

1877 The first Japanese individual to settle in Canada was Manzo Nagano. Forty years later, the community had established itself throughout the coastal regions of British Columbia and the islands. Large communities developed in Victoria, Steveston, Powell Street and on Salt Spring Island.

1907 The creation of the Anti-Asiatic League helped stir up public resentment to the Japanese Canadians, culminating in the riots of the same year. The league, largely comprised of white business owners and industrialists, saw the Japanese Canadians as a threat to their interests in agriculture and fisheries. The league petitioned the provincial government for a cap on immigration.

1908 A gentleman's agreement was made between Japan and Canada in which Japan would limit the number of passports for male labourers to 400 per year. This was intended to stem the flow of Japanese workers into B.C.

1919 Nearly half of all fishing licenses were owned by Japanese Canadians, in total 3,267 licenses. The Department of Fisheries, under pressure from the Anti-Asiatic League and public opinion, instituted a policy to limit the issuance 21 of licenses to "persons other than white residents, British subjects and Canadian Indians" (Hope and District Historical Society 1984, 57).

1925 Close to 1000 licenses had been stripped from Japanese Canadians. Fearful of growing discontent in the Japanese Canadian community, the government redrafted the original gentleman's agreement with Japan to restrict the number of L passports to 150 per year. This new number included both wives and children, thereby further restricting the number of

workers allowed to enter Canada. Impounded fishing boats, Steveston, B.C. 1941. University of British Columbia 1941 archives, special collections. At the outbreak of WWII, all Japanese Canadians were not permitted to apply for service in the Canadian military. In March of the same year, all Japanese Canadians were required to register with the government. In August, they were made to carry their registration card with photo identification and fingerprints at all times. On December 7th of 1941, Pearl Harbor was attacked by Japan. On the 8th, all Japanese Canadian-owned fishing boats were impounded and the Japanese newspapers and schools closed.

1942 January 16 The removal of Japanese males from coastal areas began.

February 24 All male Japanese citizens between 18 and 45 were ordered to be removed from a 100-mile-wide zone along the coast of B.C. 22

February 26 This mass evacuation began. Cars, cameras and radios were confiscated and a curfew was imposed. Any Japanese Canadian citizens who protested their removal were sent to prisoner-of-war camps in Ontario where they were held under threat of death with P.O.W.s captured in Europe.

March 24

The Custodian of Enemy Alien Property ordered all Japanese Movement of Japanese Canadians to turn over all their property as a protective Canadians to the internment camps. 1942. measure only. This property would never be returned to its University of British Columbia archives, special collections. rightful owners.

March 16 The first Japanese Canadians arrived at Hastings Park pooling centre where they were corralled into stables and barnyards and forced to live without privacy in unsanitary conditions. Beds of straw were provided on metal bunks arranged in rows on the floor of the stockyards. Families were divided and no information regarding their detainment was provided.

March 25 The British Columbia Security Commission began sending able bodied men to road camps in the interior. The Commission also began planning the internment of women and children to "ghost-town" detention camps.

May 21 The first Japanese Canadians arrived at camps at Kaslo, New Denver, Slocan, Sandon and Tashme. 23

June 29 The Director of Soldier Settlement was given the authority to buy or lease confiscated Japanese Canadian farms. 572 farms were turned over without consulting their owners and were bought at rates far below the value of the land.

1943 January 19 The Federal Cabinet order-in-council granted the Custodian of Enemy Alien Property the right to dispose of Japanese Canadian property without consent by the owners.

1945 April With the end of the war in sight, the official campaign to eradicate the Japanese Canadians from the West Coast began. Through a process of misinformation and intimidation, Japanese Canadians were told they must either move east of the Rockies or be "repatriated" to Japan.

September 2 Japan surrendered after the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

1946 May The "Repatriation" began; 3,964 Japanese Canadians were deported to Japan, two-thirds of whom were Canadian citizens who had never set foot in Japan. 24

1947 Amid growing protests from academics, journalists, churches and politicians, the Federal Cabinet order-in-council repealed its decision to deport the remaining Japanese Canadians to Japan.

1949 April 1 The last restrictions on Japanese Canadians were lifted and they were granted the right to move freely anywhere in Canada.

What emerges from this brief account of the history of the Japanese Canadians is a pattern of systemic racial discrimination nurtured for over 150 years by organized groups intent on protecting their own economic interests in the name of racial purity and protection. The rationale for the internment of the Japanese Canadians during the Second World War became no more than the final purge of the community from the West Coast. This is confirmed by contemporary accounts by the R.C.M.P. in British Columbia which did not believe the Japanese Canadian Community to be a threat to National Security. The civilian organization largely responsible for the internment was the British Columbia Security Commission, which consisted of several prominent industrialists from the province, as well as outspoken politicians who had long sought to rid the province of the Japanese. The fact remains that no Canadian of Japanese heritage was found guilty of any crime pertaining to national security. Although an official redress has been made by the federal government, it overlooks the deeper root ,. ,_ „„_„ Tashme camp, c. 1971. causes of the internment and neglects to examine the true University of British Columbia archives special collections 25 nature of a dark period of our collective Canadian history. This thesis seeks to address those aspects overlooked by the conventional understanding of this event and to propose a memorial to the root causes which are universal in nature. Of specific and timely concern is the current status of the many sites where the internment camps were located. They are currently threatened by both neglect and development. The role of architecture in this context is to address these places as locations of significance to Canadian history. If we choose either through intention or neglect to allow these specific places to vanish into the ether, we risk losing significant aspects of our history. Shameful and dark they may be, but to allow them to disappear forever is an injustice to the victims. Are we not strong enough as a nation, as a people, to acknowledge our faults and come to terms with our past? No true reconciliation, to those who were affected by these injustices and to the nation itself, will be realized until we address these events as physical realities. To this end, this thesis is concerned with the development of a memorial on the site of a former internment camp located just over 100 miles inland from the coast, just outside Hope.

Coastal map of British Columbia showing location of Tashme internment camp. Image constructed using Google maps 26 Tashme

The internment camp was located 15 kilometers southeast of Hope along Highway 3, on property leased from Amos Bliss Trites, whose family had been operating a ranch on the site since the early thirties. Several of the existing ranch buildings were converted for use during and after the war. Tashme was the internment camp closest to the 100-mile boundary and the only camp built from the ground up by the interned Japanese Canadians themselves. It was the most isolated and most complete of the camps, situated 2300 feet above sea level between giant mountain barriers on either side of the valley. In fact, the geography itself was the only form of physical containment; the mountains themselves were used as a natural boundary.

Former site of Tashme Internment Camp. Image constructed using Google Maps. The camp was in operation from October 1942 to November 1946 and, at its peak, housed 2624 people in 350 tar-paper shacks arranged along 10 avenues set out in a military grid angled on one side by the Sumallo River which runs through the site.

Tashme, 1942. University of British Columbia archives, special collections

The name Tashme was crafted from the first two letters of the surname of each member of the British Columbia Security Commission: Austin C. Taylor, a prominent Vancouver industrialist, Assistant Commissioner J. Shirras of the British Columbia Provincial Police, and Assistant Commissioner F. J. Mead of the R.C.M.P. These men would oversee the planning, supervision and evacuation of Japanese Canadians from the coast.

Constructed from the surrounding coniferous forests and made largely of spruce, the camp huts were little more than storage sheds for the entire population. Avenue of tar-paper shacks, Tashme, 1942. University of British Columbia archives, special collections

Each shack was 14 feet by 26 feet long, built with a single layer of ship-lap boarding, and covered with tar paper on the outside and a single layer of grey building paper on the inside. Each shack consisted of a single dining/living space of 9 x 14 feet sandwiched by two bedrooms of roughly 8 x 14 feet. Due to a restriction prohibiting the use of interior doors, the bedrooms were separated from the central space by means of curtains. Each kitchen was equipped with a cook stove and a sink, along with an oval tin heater. Kerosene lamps were used for lighting, though no fuel could be kept inside the shack. Each shack housed two families with up to 8 people sharing the space. The shacks were not insulated despite the freezing climate and internees frequently complained of having to chip away the ice which connected their blankets to the walls in the morning when they woke.

In front of most shacks the residents crafted gardens for vegetables and flowers. There were also small plots of land which could be used by residents to grow food, though this had to be given to the general store and was then sold back at a much higher price. Each shack shared an outhouse and a woodshed with one other. A space of roughly 30 feet separated the backs of shacks from one another and the outhouses were located in the middle of this space. The internees used this space between shacks to grow additional vegetables and hung clotheslines to dry their laundry.

The camp also contained bath houses built in the traditional Japanese communal style, a miso and soy sauce factory, school classrooms, butcher shop, bakery, hospital, mortuary, general store and assembly hall. Several pre-existing structures were used for seniors' apartments, classrooms and the administrative staff of the camp. The image below is an early version of the plan of Tashme and shows clearly the scope of prospective development.

Plan for Tashme, 1941. From the Department of Labour, B.C. Obtained from the Hope Visitor Info Centre, Hope, B.C. Hemmed in by the natural landscape, the mountains served to isolate the internees from the world. These same mountains provided the wood for the construction of the camp buildings.

The settlement lay in the heart of some of the richest forests in the province. Timber limits were leased, and from the outset many experienced Japanese Canadian loggers were employed at felling trees. Thus, all lumber used for construction and renovation at Tashme was obtained on the spot. A saw-mill was erected on the grounds as dwellings soon began to take shape. (Hope and District Historical Society 1984, 177)

The residences of the staff and administration of the camp differed greatly from that of the internees. Staff housing consisted of apartments built across the river, separated from the rest of the camp. The apartments were nicely finished inside with indoor plumbing, electricity and a large comfortable common room which included a fireplace.

After the war, the camps were not immediately closed, and the internment of the Japanese Canadians continued. Only after the final closure of the camps was the property returned to the Trites family.

Post-internment, the site was again leased out to a group for the placement of wayward boys and went by the name of Boystown. This was a short lived venture and the land was eventually sold to the Sunshine Valley Development Group, which has been selling parcels of land surrounding the camp for private residences and vacation homes ever since. Fortunately, the exact location of the internment camp has not yet been built upon, though all the remaining structures have been torn down. The last two shacks were demolished in 2006. Portions of these artifacts were recovered. As a piece of Canadian history, they are invaluable; however, the bulk of what still exists is currently being left to rot in large rubbish piles on the site of the former camp.

The fact that the internees built their own prison from the wood of the site is intriguing inasmuch as it is similar to how Ise shrine is also intrinsically tied to its site. What differs, of course, is the purpose related to construction. At Ise, construction is tied to the idea of spiritual enlightenment, while in the camps, it was a means of building one's own prison. The development of the memorial will incorporate a landscape element through which this process can be re-framed. In this instance, the memorial itself will be partially constructed with materials from the site as a means of addressing the historical act of construction and the implications of the cyclical nature of this process.

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Elements

The site of the former Tashme internment camp is currently owned by the Sunshine Valley Development group which is actively selling parcels of land for use as both primary and secondary homes. This development is mostly located on the northwest side of the property and is not currently in danger of subsuming the area where the camp was once located. Several of the pre-camp farming buildings still exist, including a large barn, a storage shed, and the two silos once connected to an additional barn. None of the original camp shacks remain, though some material from the last two demolished buildings can be found on the site.

Site photography showing existing historical structures 34

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Photography of existing silo structures 35 The remains of the barn, storage shed and the silos on the site offer a unique opportunity to utilize them as part of the design. Essentially, these structures represent both the camp when it was up and running and the current state of the site, which is more akin to a graveyard. The silos also exist as pure forms in the landscape and, through the natural process of aging and decay, have developed a patina of wear which strips their original purpose - to hold grain - and emphasizes their fundamental formal qualities. This aspect of the silos allows for their use as architectural elements capable of bridging the cultual division of East and West and therefore are appropriate elements within the context of a memorial for the Japanese Canadians. As markers in the landscape, they signify an entrance to the site, which is accurate in a historical sense as well as a poetic one: It was in the building once connected to the silos where newly arrived internees were processed.

Silos as markers in the landscape Panoramic montage of the inside of a silo.

en Natural Context

Tashme was the camp located closest to the 100-mile restricted area, lying just over 2 hours from the coast of B.C. The relative isolation of the camp formed by the natural barriers of the mountains, however, ensured that its occupants could not easily escape the camp. The mountains which hemmed in the site were comprehended differently by the children of the camp than by the adults. Essentially, the children saw the beauty in the landscape while their parents could only see it as a prison. This aspect of the site is reflected in the work of surviving members of the Japanese Canadian community, many of whom were once interned.

Topographical model showing location of camp in centre 38 For the duration of the internment, an unspoken policy among the adults to protect the children from the experience was followed. The term "kodomo no tame, gaman shimasho", "for the sake of the children, we must endure" was followed. This led to the children having a much different experience of their internment and affected the way they saw the natural context of the landscape.

Topographical model of site and surrounding mountains 39 This quality of the landscape, acting as a source of both wonder and confinement, suggests that a complex reading of the landscape is required for the development of the memorial.

Existing site and echoes of the camp 40 Abstraction of the Site

Site geometry

During its creation, the camp was forced to mitigate the natural features of the landscape with the desire for a strict military grid on which the shacks were laid out. The rigid geometric grid was forced to recognize the primacy of the natural environment. The Sumallo river cut forced one side of the grid to progressively shorten until it was half its original length, creating a triangular shaped layout. The military grid is 41 a common geometric tool used to order a space and, though abstract in form, is universally understood. At Tashme, however, the abstract grid is combined with an element from the natural. As discussed earlier, this form of abstraction is the form fundamentally understood in Japanese culture.

The natural environment is inextricably tied to its abstraction. By utilizing the geometry of the camp to create a path by which to pass through it, the balance between nature and abstraction is maintained. This also allows the scale of the camp to be experienced in a visceral way, aiding in the understanding of the memorial and activating a physically lived experience of the space which is consistent with the idea that a space is enriched through a narrative experience.

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The design of the memorial uses architectural form and landscape elements within the natural context of the site to create universal and specific meanings. Architectural form is used to tie together different time scales related to the experiential narrative of the memorial, the seasonal changes, and the longer time scale which eclipses the life-span of an individual. The architecture, through the use of simple geometric forms, frames the experience in a universal way, while the process it enables connects the memorial to the specifics of its site. 44 To address the narrative function of the experience of the memorial, a path is created which ties three elements of the memorial together: the entrance through the silos into the sunken court and pavilion; the cut through the landscape following the grid of the former camp along the Sumallo river; and the lookout which is located at the apex of the triangular geometry created by the camp layout. These elements act as the armature on which the landscape element, governed by the rituals associated with its planting and maintainance, is allowed to develop.

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Sequence of models 46 The path from the entrance to the landscape is a means to understand the role time has played in the development of the site in its historical and natural context. The necessity of entering the site by descending into the earth is both a metaphor for how the history of the internment is dealt with in Canada and a literal reference to the fact that the material of the camp itself has been consumed by the earth from which it originally came.

Early study model of entrance 47 The entrance to the memorial begins as the visitor proceeds down a sunken path defined by the geometry of the pre­ existing farm. As the visitor approaches the base of the silos, they pass beneath the original foundations which are now braced on either side by sheets of corten steel. The past is thus framed between an exterior band of steel and an interior band. One silo acts as the passageway through to the path while the other is only accessible by the first and is a dedicated quiet, contemplative space. This space compresses the visitor and re-orients their sense of human scale within the vast landscape they have entered. It forces Photograph from vantage point within existing silo them to confront the memorial as an individual. This space represents one of the fundamental structures of form which allows for a universal understanding: Made aware of their body in space, the visitor has a view of the sky framed by the oculus of the silo. 48

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Silo study models After passing through the silos, the visitor enters the sunken courtyard which contains a pavilion housing information on the history of the camps, the nature of the memorial and how to participate in the ritual of planting the landscape element. From this vantage point, the visitor is brought into an abstracted world generated by the geometry of the camp where it intersects with the geometry of the farm. Both have specific meaning for the memorial, as the camp was essentially run by forced labour, both agricultural and in forestry. In this sunken courtyard, a 1/10th-scale replica of the layout of the camp is etched into the stone floor. On this "map" are engraved the names of the individuals who were imprisoned at the camp. This device helps orient the visitor once they enter the larger landscaped element. In a way, it structures their ability to comprehend the scope of the internment before they are overwhelmed by the scale of the space itself. lepoui ynoo ue>juns Apeg

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Pavilion and sunken court perspectives The memorial map consists of engraved slate tiles which are embeded in the floor of the sunken courtyard where the geometry of the barns and the camp meet. This line, defined largely by the Sumallo River which formed the angled edge of the camp, forcing the grid to acquiesce to its surroundings, is replicated in the layout of the memorial map. On each tile, the names of the internees are engraved. As the visitor to the memorial traverses this map they are funneled into the narrow path leading to the landscape element.

Memorial plaque detail layout

Memorial plaque 1:1 detail with names of the entire Nakamura family interned at Tashme 58

Model of entrance and pavilion The path or cut which leads to the landscape element is a second area of compression. Here the visitor is forced to address the space as an individual. This theme is carried along the path as spaces alternate between compression and expansion. At all times, however, the sky is visible above as a scalar device acting as a visual link from the narrow spaces of the path to the expanse above. Once the visitor has traversed the first 100 metres of the path it begins to open on alternating sides, following the exact layout of the previously existing rows of camp shacks. On each side, the earth ramps up to either the landscape of cherry trees or the river which determines the line of the path, combining the geometric with the natural.

Sectional view from path to landscape element 60

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Path perspectives As a means of connecting the materiality of the concrete retaining walls of the path and the sunken court, pine and spruce boards cut in the dimensions of the original camp structures will be used as formwork. The verticality of the formwork counters the long horizontal distance of the path, giving a human dimension, and breaks up the homogeneous nature of the concrete by imprinting the organic structure of the wood on its surface. Thus textured, the concrete becomes a haptic surface which communicates how the original camp was constructed, while at the same time memorializing the materiality of the camp as a fundamental characteristic of its development and decay. The organic is made inorganic through the abstraction of its inner structure, mimicking the silver-grey patina that the wood of the original camp took on over time.

Detail of formwork imprint on concrete 65

Site model of path 66 The design of the memorial involves the growth of natural elements, allowing for a re-claiming of the experience of the landscape. This will be achieved through the implementation of a ritual based process in which visitors to the site will participate in its renewal. Over the course of a number of years, a series of cherry trees will be planted on the site, following the former grid of the camp. Visitors to the site will choose the plot they wish to plant on and, through their participation, will be the actors in charge of fostering the evolution of the park.

Existing site and echoes of the camp

Ritualized landscaping plan 67

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Sping blossom season in the landscape

Winter in the landscape The cherry trees are the natural element placed into the rigid geometry of the camp. Despite the unique nature of each tree, the arrangement of the trees in the landscape, situated within the original plots of the shacks, gives a sense of the camp's original structure. The natural and the geometric are combined to represent the unity of the two in the traditional understanding inherent to the Japanese. Using the cherry tree itself as an overt symbol of the racial dimensions of the memorial is done in a way which anyone who visits the site can immediately appreciate for its natural beauty. For the Japanese Canadians, the brief blossoming of the cherry trees links the fragile and sad aspects of the internment to the ageless appreciation of the cherry blossom in Japanese culture as one of profound beauty in impermanence. The blossoms, too, as a cyclical ritual of nature, are linked to the larger ritual of the site's development, bringing the scale of the memorial back into the scale of individual understanding: a fallen blossom held in the palm of one's hand.

After the bloom Once the visitor has passed through the landscape element, in their own way and taking as much time as they desire, they encounter a foot bridge which takes them across a tributary of the Sumallo River and towards a lookout located at the apex of the abstracted geometry of the site. The lookout element, which follows the line of the path, offers the visitor a vantage of the entire memorial, while at the same time alluding to the continuation of the memorial beyond the site of the camp itself. A winding path from the base of the lookout to the first vantage point maintains the line of the path used to reach the lookout, and uses a framing of the landscape beyond to extend this line visually. Once at the top of the lookout, a second vantage point trains the eye back over the landscape element and the entrance silos, still visible as markers from the beginning of the journey. The lookout then is not a point of finality along the path, but rather a node in which to reflect on the physical experience one has just had of the camp while mentally connecting the experience to a larger frame of reference: from the specific to the universal. Similar in nature to the archer in kyudo, the lookout is not a target per se, but an architectural manifestation of correct intention: a direction, not a destination. Lookout west elevation

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Lookout perspectives 74 S

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Model of lookout 76 Summary

The intention to design a memorial which would address the specific event of the internment of the Japanese Canadians within a larger universal understanding of the root causes of such events led to a design based on abstraction and process.

Through abstracting the elements of the site and structures, the scope and scale of the internment is able to be communicated without the reliance on explicit descriptions. Following the fundamental understanding of abstraction in the Japanese philosophical context necessitates the intertwining of natural elements into the abstract. This was achieved through a use of materials specific to the site and the surrounding landscape, as well as through the implementation of the landscape element as a ritual in the development of the memorial. By inserting the natural element of the cherry tree into the rigid geometry of the layout of the camp, the natural and the abstract are connected. This allows for different readings of both the landscape and the memorial itself, and is intended to allow for different experiences of the memorial: one being the grid structure of the camp and the other, nature.

The work of Kazuo Nakamura guided this process and supports the idea that through this type of interaction, the unique characteristics of the Japanese Canadian community are addressed in a fundamental manner which does not resort to surface-level stylized representations. The significance of allowing the memorial to evolve over time is also critical in addressing the fundamental characteristics of the Japanese Canadian heritage. As visitors to the site are the primary actors in its development, a series of rituals are created which ensure the memory of the internment is not forgotten.

The concept of passing the knowledge of the internment to successive generations through ritual ensures that this event is experienced in both a mental and physical way. The combination of the two places the experience of the internment in the world of ideas and the world of visceral experience, thus strengthening its resonance. The examples of the use and significance found in the rituals at Ise Shrine and in the traditional practice of Kyudo support the idea that a process driven approach to the memorial is another way to connect it to the fundamental structures of Japanese thought. This process also reconnects the memorial to its site, reframing the experience of the landscape, forming a deep rooted connection to history for future generations of Canadians, Japanese Canadians and international visitors alike.

Given more time to develop this thesis, ways would be sought to involve the surviving members of the Japanese Canadian community. Also, the Department of Education could be involved in using the memorial for a mandatory part of its curriculum. Canadian children could learn about one of the darker events in our history in an experiential way. The involvement of the larger community in the memorial's maintenance and care would need to be addressed to ensure that the ritual associated with the planting of cherry trees on the site is continued. Indeed, the success of the proposed memorial depends entirely on the commitment made to its preservation, while its failure would signify the lack of value we, as a nation, place on our collective history. 78 References

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