The Educational Role of Performing and Visual Arts in Asante Traditional Politics

ETA 11 (1) pp. 117–135 Intellect Limited 2015

Nana Ama Pokuaa Arthur, Eric Appau Asante and Nana Afia Opoku-Asare Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Ghana

The educational role of performing and visual arts in Asante traditional politics

Abstract Keywords Although various forms of art are prominent in the Asante culture, the performing and Asante visual arts make a particularly vibrant and far-reaching contribution. This study has culture used a qualitative research approach, relying mainly on observations and interviews, to performing arts focus on the role of the performing and visual arts in Asante traditional politics. The traditional politics results show that the arts offer more than just entertainment and communication – visual arts they also play a motivational and educational role that encourages the Asante culture to continue to evolve. It is important that traditional rulers in Asante should help preserve and promote their visual and performing art forms to ensure that the arts continue to play instrumental roles in their traditional leadership.

Introduction Performing art has been described as the various forms of art that are executed for entertainment, correction and for the pleasure of the onlooker (Arthur 2009). For the purposes of this study, performing art is defined as any activity that seeks to communicate ideas or intentions to an audience by sound or by gestures. The role such activities play in the Asante culture cannot be over-emphasized; they permeate Asante society at every level, from

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‘enstoolment’ through to the death of a king or a chief. Generally in African societies, as soon as a traditional chief or king is installed, he is confronted with the threefold responsibility of religious head, judicial head, and military or political head. When an Asante king ascends the throne he automatically becomes Chief Justice of the traditional court, head of the priesthood and commander-in-chief of the traditional army (Agordoh 1994). Dance is one form of performing art that plays a prominent role in the lives of the Asante kings and chiefs; Asante chiefs are educated on how to dance and communicate with their subjects before they are enthroned. This is referred to by both Osei (2004) and Odotei (2001), who have noted that an Asante King Elect is customarily confined for a period of 40 days, during which he is given tuition on Asante culture, governance, body movement and traditional dances. To the Asantes, as with any other African ethnic group, dance is a communicative instrument that is integral to life itself. Opoku (1965) postulates that to the Africans, life with its rhythms and cycles is dance and that dance is life expressed in dramatic terms. Similarly, Hickens is quoted by Nketia (1974: 35) as saying ‘The African is born, named, initiated into manhood, warriored, armed, housed, betrothed, wedded and buried to music’. Nketia himself (1974) points out that music is believed to be necessary to the sustenance of a community’s life, and likens it to ‘the cry of a new born baby’, which gives solid proof that it is alive. To Nketia, music is even more than a phenomenon that pervades all the activities of African people – rather, music is synonymous with life. Drumming is perhaps the best known of the Asante musical performing arts. As Mbiti (1969) writes, ‘Royal drums are reported from all over Africa, and are regarded as sacred so that they are played only on certain occasions or to announce important messages, and are kept in houses’. This is echoed in Nketia’s (1963) discussion concerning the Nkrawiri and Mpebi drums that are played only on state occasions, when they are interpreted as signalling the approach or presence of a chief. Within the context of the article, visual arts refer to artworks that are predominantly visual in nature. These include all art forms that could be seen, handled and used. As Kuma (2009) indicates, when the body arts are removed from the human body and placed in an environment, within or outside a house, they are at that moment regarded as visual or environmental arts. Visual arts also play a very significant role in Asante Traditional Politics. Most of these art forms are the kings and chiefs of Asante’s regalia that serve as a storehouse of power, knowledge and a communicative instrument to the Asante kingdom. Opoku (1980), who affirms this statement, writes that some regalia found at the chief’s palace, such as the spokesman’s staff and umbrella tops, embody the treasured knowledge, experience and wisdom of the land. Indeed each of the regalia has its own history, functions and significance that collectively aggrandize and validate the chief’s position of leadership. Traditionally, regalia belong to the whole state and that the chief is only a trustee and custodian of stool property, not its owner, and a good chief is expected to add to this legacy of visual artefacts (Osei-Agyemang n.d.). Visual art forms like drums, stools, spokesman’s staff, umbrella, shields, horns, swords, muskets and war dresses are special art forms made by special artisans of the various palaces within the Asante Traditional Area. These artisans do not receive formal training to make these unique craft. The knowledge

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and skills they exhibit are transmitted from generation to generation and are handed down over the centuries and every member of a household (that has been chosen to make these art forms for the palaces) has some knowledge into the intricacies of design patterns for these arts (Arthur 2009).

Ethnographic account Asante is the largest of the Akan ethnic groups in Ghana. The people are scattered along the southern forest areas of Ghana, about 180 miles from the coast. They are noted for the wealth they derive from the mineral and vegeta- ble products that abound in the vast territory they occupy, and are one of the most powerful ethnic groups in the West African sub-region (Osei 2004). The Asante kingdom was founded in the seventeenth century by unit- ing a number of separate independent states, who shared the same cultural identity and ethnic origin, under the leadership of King Osei Tutu I and his friend Okomfo Anokye (a traditional priest). Before the union, the states were under the lordship of the wealthy and powerful Denkyira state. The paramount chief of Denkyira was a dictator who denied the Asante people access to European traders on the Guinea Coast, and this eventually motivated the various Asante states to band together and rid themselves of Denkyira’s rule (Adu-Boahen 1967). During the unification ceremony, Okomfo Anokye was said to have conjured a Golden Stool from the sky, and because it settled on the lap of Osei-Tutu, he was crowned the first king of Asante. Oral history attests to the fact that the new kingdom soon became so powerful that it was forced to constantly wage war against its neighbours in both the north and south to safeguard its commercial and economic interests. Several measures were put in place to strengthen the union, giving rise to an enduring political structure comprising the Adonten (vanguard), the Nifa (right) wing, Benkum (left) wing, the Kyidom (rearguard), Manwere (guard) and Ankobea (guard), as well as ceremonies such as Odwira (purification) and Adae (resting place), which all the chiefs assemble at Kumasi (the capital city of Ashanti Region) to affirm their allegiance to the Golden Stool. Busia (1954) reports that a durbar held in 1935 was meant to restore the union of independent states under the Asante confederacy, and comments that the sentiments of loyalty and solidarity were kept alive by periodic ritual Odwira ceremonies that were held in Kumasi. The durbar held in 1935 at the restoration of the union under the name of the Asante confederacy demonstrated how effective these ceremonies must have been in rousing the sentiment of solidarity and patriotism of Ashanti. The ceremonies were marked by deep feelings of exalta- tion and expressions of loyalty to the Golden Stool. Brewu (2009) asserts that the Asante political organization hinges on kinship. Each lineage is a political unit, which has its own headmen who represent the lineage in a political body. He went on to say that the whole area of Asanteland is divided into states which are called ‘Oman’, comprising all towns and villages under a central political organization, with an Omanhene as head. He added that the political unit of administration of an Asante state is based on the matrilineage with ‘Abusuapanin’ (lineage head), ‘Odikro’ (village headman), ‘Ohene’ (sub-chief) and ‘Omanhene’ (territorial chief). The Omanhene (territorial chief) is the focal point in relation between the separate lineages, the villages and the sub-divisions, and holds them together. The Asante political organization in a hierarchical order appears as shown in Figure 1.

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Figure 1: Asante traditional political organization.

In modern times Asante remains one of the largest African communities that maintains its links with traditional cultural heritage.

Methodology This study has principally focused on the role of the performing and visual arts in Asante traditional politics, using a qualitative research approach. Qualitative research, according to Leedy and Ormrod (2005), is a systematic process of describing, analysing and interpreting insights discovered in every- day life. The study adopted descriptive and interpretative research methods to examine how the various performing arts are integrated in Asante culture. Specifically, the researchers conducted structured and semi-structured interviews based on survey guidelines for research on religious systems proposed by Assimeng (1989). Much of the study was based on observation of the various activities organized within the Asante political system. Nisbet (1977) has emphasized that observation is not a ‘natural gift’ but a highly skilled activity for which an extensive background knowledge and understanding are required, as well as the capacity for original thinking and the ability to spot significant events. As

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a result of the researchers’ extensive background knowledge about the Asante culture, observation as a research tool became very instrumental in this study about the role of visual and performing arts in Asante culture in general and the traditional political system.

Findings and discussion Performing arts Educational roles of dramatic rites in Asante traditional politics In Asante, when a king is destooled or dies, the task of choosing a succes- sor falls on the Queen mother and the elders of the royal family. Members of the royal lineage who are interested in the position will present their claims through the process of Dwantoa, which as Odotei (2001) explains, involves ‘appealing to an intermediary to present one’s wishes to the Queen mother’. The Queen mother by tradition is the person who in consultation with the royal family nominates a king. Like a prospective political leader reading a party manifesto, the prospective king goes through rigorous rehearsals to groom him to best present his case. To the dramatist, and a casual observer, the process of Dwantoa looks like an organized form of performing art. Observers of the rite as well as participants gain education on how to speak clearly and without fear in public. According to Eisner (1994), this form of education improves knowledge through experience of the sensory system and the quali- ties in the environment. One prominent observation of the Dwantoa rite during the study involved the enactment of the history of Asante and other significant historical events during the installation of Otumfuo Opoku Ware I as the second Asante king. Assumaning, a sub chief of Adum (personal communication, 2012) tells of the early days of Opoku Ware I with the Pampaso Hemaa (Queen mother of Pampaso), a suburb of Kumasi before he was appointed to ascend the Asante stool as Asantehene (king of Asante). As part of the tradition, the Queen mother carried Opoku Ware I on her back and refused to release him to the Gyasehene (general supervisor of the king’s palace), the Akyeamehene (chief of the spokesmen) and the Nseniehene (chief of Nsenie township) who were sent by the Mamponghene (chief of Mampong) on three occasions to fetch him, until finally she agreed to release him upon receiving a fee. This dramatic scenario has since been re-enacted in more modern times by a recent Pampaso Hemaa. This art has several functions: it symbolically illustrates a mother’s nurturing role and her eagerness to protect her children in all situations; to educate the people of Asante about their history; and to add an aesthetic dimension to royalty. Another powerful dramatic tradition is the guarding of the Golden Stool using a musket made of wood and metal by the Asantehene, as seen in Figure 2. The Asante believe that their souls are concealed in the Golden Stool, which was conjured from the skies by Okomfo Anokye centuries earlier as a symbol of unification for the Asante confederacy and therefore needs to be protected by all means possible. The symbolic guarding of the Golden Stool by the Asantehene is performed with a musket to assure his people that they are safe under his protection, and also express his preparedness to perform his functional role with this ‘custodian’ act of bravery. The assumption is that if the people have confidence in their king’s ability to defend them at all times, it will assure them of his protective function even though he cannot be every- where in the state at once, philosophically enacting Eisner’s (1994) idea that

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Source: Adaekesee video clip from Manhyia Palace Museum. Figure 2: Otumfuo Osei Tutu II guarding the Golden Stool with a musket during Adaekese in 2004.

by creating mental images we are able to conceive what we have never expe- rienced in the empirical world. Another dramatic event is the firing of muskets, which is a ritual that is customarily performed by the Asante chiefs and Asantehene (see Figure 3). This ritual is performed during coronations, upon achieving a military victory and at funeral ceremonies. Musket firing at coronation ceremonies is symbolic of the protection of the king, and when it takes place after a battle it officially ends the war.

Figure 3: Firing of muskets by Asante chiefs.

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When performed during royal funerals, it is believed to scare away death from the rest of the royal family, and also serves to demonstrate that the allegiance of the sub-chiefs to their dead king survives his passing. This ritual also educates observers that the sub-chiefs still owe allegiance to their dead king.

Dramatic rites performed at Asantehene’s funerals and their cultural and educational roles Arguably, every component of the Asante royal death ritual has a dramatic orientation. Nketia (1974) notes that the funerals of distinguished people in Asante often incorporate the dramatization of their social relationships, beliefs and social values. A good example is the ‘water ritual’ performed for a dying king. Water is given to the king on his death bed by a member of the royal family as preparation for his journey to the ancestors with the belief of giving him strength to help him climb the hill that leads to the other world so that he would not be thirsty or encountering any difficulty. The rite also enables the family to send their requests and petitions through him to the royal ancestors. A similar function is performed by the swearing of oaths by the sub-chiefs of Asante in a ritual that enables them to speak to the dead king as if he were alive; make presentations of burial items; and the preparation of ritual food by traditional cooks (Soodo) for the attendants of Gyaase and the king to eat near the corpse of the king (Rattray 1927; Odotei, 2001). Collectively, these rituals serve the therapeutic purpose of relieving the pain caused by the king’s departure to the other world, and also to represent the belief that the king is not gone forever but lives on as an ancestor in the spirit world. The belief is that, though the king has performed his last physical act as a provider for his people and on the spiritual level, he would continue to provide succour for them even in death. As the study respondents revealed, the Sora da (washing of the soul) ceremony performed on the 40th day of the king’s death is also very dramatic. This ritual involves preparing a lavish meal for the departed king, believing that his spirit will come and eat it. It is believed that serving the king through this food ritual will enable the king’s relatives to gain favour from him and that as an honoured ancestor, he would serve as a conduit of blessing and a liaison between God and the living.

Educational role of Asante political dance The Asante kings perform the fontomfrom dance on occasions such as coronations, preparation for war, celebratory festivals and sometimes in mourning ceremonies. During royal funerals, the king may point his fore- finger at his eyelid, stretch his hand forward and back to himself, and make movements that symbolize capturing and binding scenarios. By doing this he invites his onlookers to share the loss as he signifies the concept: ‘if I had power over death, I would have tied him before he laid his icy hands on my precious one’. The fontomfrom dance is a significant educational instrument. Its audience decodes the meaning of the gestures of the king (Gardner 1983) that signifies that power has its limits and should not lead to undue pride. In times of war, the king may dance with both a sword and a gun in his hands to signify his preparedness for war and remind his people of his role as a military leader.

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Figure 4: Otumfuo Osei Tutu II dancing to fontomfrom drum music.

The educational role of music in Asante’s traditional politics Music permeates every activity in the traditional political system of the Asante state. The study revealed five categories of highly significant songs associated with war, praise, dirge, jubilation and history.

War songs Asante war songs, as noted by Elliot et al. (2000), as cited in Owusu-Banahene (2008), are most often motivational in nature. They are designed to arouse and move people in to action, push them to follow in a particular direction to keep people engaged in certain activities. The lyrics, rhythm and other technical inputs in the music are organized in a way that moves the audience into action. It motivates the king and the entire army to fight and defend the land of the Asante when the need arises. War songs also instill hope and confidence into the army, the Queen mother, the royal family and the community at large. An example is this song:

Yen ani aye kokoo dada, yen ani nsuro hwee, Asante kotoko wo kum apem a apem beba

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Which translates literally as:

Our eyes are red, our eyes do not fear anything Asante porcupine, slay a thousand and a thousand more will come

When an Asante person says n‘ani aye kokoo (the eyes are red), invariably it means he is either grieving, feeling sad or angry. According to Antobam (1963) and Sarpong (1977), as cited in Asante and Opoku-Asare (2011), Akans (including the Asante) use red to symbolize the negative aspects of life such as death, acts of war, national danger, sudden calamities, violence or discomfort. Consequently, when an Asante says ‘slay a thousand and a thousand more will come’, he implies that he is ready for war.

Praise songs The role of praise songs is to eulogize the king for him to feel accepted as the mighty one who is adored by his people and also make him feel important. An example of praise song is:

Ohene bra oo!2x odeefuo, odeefuo bebree Wo ye oyansafuo, oyansafuo bebree Which translates literally as: king come 2x You are great one, more than great You are wise, more than wise.

Historical songs

Nana nom ee!2x nana nom a mo de mo nkwa too ho maa Asanteman,ee! Ye ma mo tri nkwa o! Nana Osei Tutu a odi kan ye ma wo tri nkwa oo! Which translates literally as : All ourkings 2x Kings who laid down your lives for the Asante Nation We wish you well King Osei Tutu 1, we wish you well.

Historical songs reflect the belief that the Asante ancestors are music-loving beings and therefore best communicated with using music. Historical songs remind the Asante people of their past, especially how their illustrious kings fought wars and laid down their lives for them. The words are deliberately chosen to be easily remembered.

Ose (jubilation songs) This type of song is often heard during the nomination of a new king, as was the case with the sixteenth monarch of Asante, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, current Asantehene whose real name is Barima Kwaku Duah. After the Queen mother’s nomination for a king has been accepted by the council of elders, the prospective king customarily pays a ‘thank you fee’ before the elders present him to the people of Asante. This function is usually accompanied with singing and jubilation from the crowds who wait outside the palace for the good news.

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In addition to its panegyric role, the enthusiasm with which such Ose or jubilation song is sung by the people can give the elders useful clues about the popularity of their choice of a king.

Dirges Dirges are mourning songs that express intense grief and pain and the grim nature of death in a way that evokes sadness in the hearts of onlookers usually rendered by female members of the royal family. The dirges remind the people of the mighty tree (philosophically, the king) that has fallen. On the dawn of the first day of the two weeks set aside for the Ayikesee (grand funeral for the king), the Queen mother, past royal wives and other female royals embark on a public walk with singing and wailing to draw the attention of the people to the circumstance and to communicate the solemnity of the occasion. The dirges therefore play the role of an educational instrument to inform the natives of the event.

The educational role of drumming in the political system of Asante Drumming plays a diverse role in the Asante culture. Apart from offering praise to the king, drumming is used to summon warriors to the battlefield: when a warrior gets separated from his companions, war drums are beaten so that the sound will direct him back to his camp, thereby saving the lost warrior from being captured and killed by their opponents. Drums also serve as a means of sending emergency messages such as warnings about fire outbreaks and as supportive musical instruments in a variety of festivals. Drums are also used to signal the approach of a king or queen to durbar grounds, to encourage spectators to follow and acknowledge them, and to communicate the solemnity of the occasion. Drums play a particularly extensive role in royal funeral rites, both in their own right and as supportive instruments for preparing the stage for praise singers and to herald significant occasions to the extent that people who are unfamiliar with the local culture can readily sense the impending or presence of such an occasion. As Agordoh (1994) and Nketia (1966) have noted, it is possible to deduce the nature of an occasion from the drumming that heralds or accompanies it. Drums have also had a part to play in correcting indiscipline and misde- meanours that occur among the Asante people. For instance, the executions of civil and war criminals were traditionally marked by specific drum sounds. Likewise, thieves were punished by marching them through the streets of the towns with the stolen items in their hands, accompanied by the music of special drums set aside for such a purpose. Other important performing arts looked at by the study included shield spinning, umbrella whirling and horn blowing. Horn blowers form an integral part of the king’s entourage, and therefore horn blowing is performed on every occasion where the king is present: during funeral rites and festivals, when he is performing his administrative duties. The horn blowers perform a communicative function, to announce the presence of the king to establish the ceremonial tone of the occasion, while shield spinners and umbrella twirlers, accompanied by the sound of drums, provide an enter- taining visual spectacle to symbolize how well the king is protected by his people.

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Visual arts in the Asante culture This section describes the role and significance of swords, stools, royal outfit, spokesman staff and silver pot among a lot in Asante traditional politics.

Swords Asante state metal swords come in different types and play different roles in their political system. Examples of traditional swords are Keteanofena (edge of mat sword), Afenatene (straight swords), Asomfofena (messengers’ swords), Abrafoofena (executioners’ sword), the Busummuru and Mpomponsuo swords, which are handed to the Asantehene elect by the chief of Wadie Adwumakase, the custodian of the Busummuru Sword, on assumption of duty as king (Arthur 2009) as the symbol of his authority over the state. Messengers who serve in the palace are also given swords when they are sent to deliver message on behalf of the king or a chief. As Asiedu (2010) rightly puts it ‘swords are the symbols of royal messages; they lend royal authority and credence to the messages delivered by the sword-bearing messengers’. The Mpomponsuo and Busummuru State swords are the two leading state swords in Asante. While the Busummuru is used by the Asantehene to swear the oath of allegiance before the Golden Stool, which is believed to house the soul of the Asante nation, the Mpomponsuo sword is used by the king elect to swear the same oath to the chiefs of Asante in Kumasi, the centre of Asante state. This swearing of oaths with these same swords is reciprocated by the paramount chiefs during the funeral of the king. Invariably when the Asantehene dies and is laid in state, all the state swords, except the Busummuru and the Mpomponsuo, are arranged at the periphery of the bed. These swords therefore educate the people of Asante about the authority of their king as they silently speak of the deceased king’s authority while adding beauty to his death bed. The Busummru and Mponponsuo swords are exempted from the performance of the funeral rites because they are the swords that are used exclusively for rites associated with the sanctification of the king’s soul and spirit for his journey to join the venerable ancestors (Kuma 2009).

Stools Stools constitute an integral component of the Asante royal paraphernalia. The stools that offer royal seat for the king and chiefs of Asante signify these leaders’ wisdom and power. As Kumah (2009) puts it, a chief’s personal stool is more than royal insignia; it houses his spirit in this world and the next, and must be preserved after the death of its owner. The stool functions as a shrine for the late king’s soul and serves as a conduit between the past king and his subjects, making it easy for him to provide counsel and protection for his people in the afterlife just as he did while alive. Busia (1954) also describes the stool as the sacred emblem of a tribe’s permanence and continuity and that the chief as the occupant of the stool represents all those who have occupied it before him. Busia (1954) cites the Sikadwa Kofi (Golden Stool of Asante) in Figure 5 as a typical example of a unifying stool that is believed to house the souls of the people of Asante, and also serves as the symbol that united independent states to form the Asante confederacy or Asanteman. Ceremonial stools are distinguished by their shape and symbolic design; the use of the Nyansapo (knot of wisdom) stool, for example, signifies the king or chief’s promise to his people, on his accession, of his preparedness to use

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Figure 5: The Golden Stool of Asantes.

his wisdom to bind the kingdom together through prudent administration (Kyerematen 1964). The significance, role and magnitude of the stool in Asante traditional politics is observed during enstoolment and destoolment of kings and chiefs; they can make and unmake a king or a chief. Rooney (1988) asserts that when an Akan chief is removed from office he is said to be destooled. This is possi- bly done by forcibly drawing the stool from the buttocks of a seated king or chief, a situation which is believed to defile him and therefore bar him from continuing to sit on the throne as king or chief.

Royal outfit Kente, Adinkra royal cloths and Batakaari (smock) in the king’s regalia communicate various messages ranging from hope, trust, security, and power of the chief or the wearer to the people of Asante. Rich Kente cloths are usually worn during festive occasions, the Adinkra is used during purification rites and the smock in times of war.

The Kente cloth The King of Asante usually steps out stunningly dressed in Kente cloth to display his wealth, power and authority before his people. The colours of the cloth are usually dominated by red, yellow and green. The red colour philosophically reminds and educates the people of Asante of the shed blood of

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their past kings and other heroes who laid down their lives to secure their peace and territory during wars with other states. Green signifies the verdant forest cover and the land Asante thrives on and reminds them of the vast amount of green environment of the region that supports the people, while the yellow represents the rich gold mines and treasures of Asante. An example of the king’s Kente cloth is seen in Figure 6.

Adinkra Cloth The Adinkra cloth is usually worn during purification rites when the king purifies himself to seek protection and guidance from the past kings and ancestors. The cloth is worn the same way as the Kente cloth (see Figure 6). The role of the Adinkra cloth (Figure 7) is to draw the people’s attention to and remind them of the closeness of the past rulers and ancestors of Asante and also to teach them to be loyal to their kings, ancestors and other citizens.

Batakari (Smock or military tunic) The Batakari is a war dress that became part of the king’s royal outfit during the reign of King Osei Tutu I, the first king of the Asante confederacy. The Asante king’s Batakari or war tunic is believed to have come from the north- ern parts of Ghana where this garment is traditionally produced and worn as a cultural heritage. Gillon (1874) as cited in Asiedu (2010) describes this royal tunic as a war shirt with hanging amulets and charms that may have

Figure 6: Asantehene gracefully clad in Kente cloth.

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Figure 7: Adinkra cloth.

been used by the Akan as early as 1602. Figure 8 shows the Asantehene wear- ing the Batakari keseε (the big smock or grand military tunic) that has been handed down to generations of kings to date. Figures 8a and 8b show other types of war tunic decorated with amulets and worn by paramount chiefs of Asante.

The Akyeamepoma (Spokesman’s staff) The spokesman’s staff is the symbol of office of the Okyeame or spokesman of the king. It is this staff that authenticates his position in the palace. In Asante traditional politics the spokesman is the highest of the hierarchy of non-royal court officials. When the king sits to speak to his subjects or in judgement, it is the Okyeame’s duty to rephrase the king’s words for everybody to compre- hend. The Okyeame ‘speaks’ on behalf of the king and his staff projects his position, function, and role in Asante traditional politics and government as well as the king’s court. This is in consonance with Asiedu (2010) who writes ‘The chief partially depends on the spokesman’s staff, to make his people knowledgeable on state history and politics’. A typical spokesman’s staff has three sections: two form the staff itself, while the third section forms the finial. The finials on top of staffs come in different designs and it is through them (finials) that different educational lessons are enshrined. For example, a finial with ‘a hand holding an egg’ tends to educate the people that life is compara- ble to egg: when not held properly it can break, and when held too firm it can

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Figures 8, 8a and 8b: The king of Asante dressed in Batakari keseε.

still break. What this means is that life is very delicate and care must therefore be taken when handling life.

Kuduo (The royal pot) This pot is one of the most indispensable regalia found in Asante. In the past, this pot was used as a receptacle for gold dust and other precious metal belong- ing to the Asante nation. In recent times it is seen mainly as a ceremonial object that communicates to the people of Asante about the presence of a king

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Figures 9a and 9b: Spokesmen on duty with their staffs in hands.

and also reminds them of the fact that the king is a custodian of all the proper- ties of Asantes. This pot is usually the last item to be handed over to the king in his enstoolment rite. This is a silver metal vessel cast by the lost wax method. Anytime the king sits in state, the pot in placed on the right side of him.

Figure 10: The royal pot ‘Kuduo’.

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Conclusions The visual and performing arts are a highly significant component of the Asante traditional political culture and bring colour and variety to the political process. In particular, they serve as a conduit between the people of Asante and their king, and bring a unique aesthetic quality to the royal family and entourage. The study has also shown that the religious beliefs of the Asante have a significant bearing on which performing arts are most popular. For instance, the belief that the gods are music-loving beings leads the people to communicate with them in songs. Further anthropological studies on the role of performing art in the political structures of other ethnic groups are highly recommended. Such studies would have considerable educative value not just for the groups involved, but for anyone who is interested in the broad question of the role arts play in the distinctive way cultures around the world evolve. Asante Regalia go beyond Kingship status, it journeys into the territories of religion and record keeping. Each of them has its own history used and significance. When they come together their collective roles are to enhance and authenticate the kings’ position of headship. Stools in the Asante traditional politics are the most momentous work of art that symbolize power and authority in chieftaincy, and without them the traditional political authority cannot be achieved.

References Adu Boahen A. (1967), Topics in West African History, 6th ed., London: Longman, p. 122. Agordoh, A. A. (1994), Studies in African Music, 1st ed., Ho: New Age Publication, pp. 4–55. Arthur, N.A. P. (2009), ‘The Role of Performing Art in Asante Culture’, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Faculty of Art, KNUST, Kumasi. p. 1. Asante, E. A. and Opoku-Asare, N. A. (2011), ‘Cultural identity in the murals of sirigu women and their role in art education and social sustainability’, International Journal of Education through Art, 7: 2, pp. 191–202. Asiedu, N. K. (2010), Art and chieftaincy in Ahwia culture, unpublished doctor of philosophy thesis, Kumasi: College of Art and Social Sciences library, KNUST. Assimeng, M.(1989), Religion and Social Change in West Africa, Accra: Ghana University Press, p. 34. Bame, K. N. (1991), Profiles in African Traditional Popular Culture: Consensus and Conflict, New York: Clear Type Press Inc., pp. 121–22. Brewu, J. (2009), The Role and Importance of Traditional Music In Patakro Culture, Unpublished Thesis, Faculty of Art, African Art and Culture, KNUST, Kumasi. Busia, K. A. (1954), The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti, 1st ed., London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd, p. 91. Eisner, E. W. (1994), Cognition and Curriculum Reconsidered, London: Teachers College Press, pp. 29, 34. Fosu, K. (1994), Traditional Art of Ghana, Kumasi: Dela Publication and Design Press. Gardner, H. (1983), The Arts and Human Development, New York: Wiley. Kumah, D. (2009), Stools in Asante culture, unpublished M.A. thesis, KNUST.

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Kyerematen, A. A. Y. (1969), ‘The Royal Stools of Ashanti’, Africa: The Journal of the International African Institute, 39 (I) pp. 1–13. Leedy, P. O. and Ormrod, J. E. (2005), Practical Research, 8th ed., United States: Pearson Prentice Hall. Mbiti, J. S. (1969), African Religion and Philosophy, 1st ed., England: Clays Ltd, p. 180. Nisbet, J. D., (1977), Small-Scale Research: Guide Lines and Suggestions for Development, Scotland: Scottish Educational Studies. p. 15. Nketia, J. H. K. (1963), Drumming in Akan Communities, Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson & Sons, pp. 93–96. —— (1966), Music in African Cultures, A Review of the Meaning and Significance of Traditional African Music, Legon: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, p. 18. —— (1974), The Music of Africa, 1st ed., New York: W. W. Norton & Company Inc., pp. 193, 196, 218, 219. Odotei, I. (2001), Royal Rites – Death, Burial and Installation of an Asante King, Legon: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, pp. 17, 19, 33. Opoku, A.M. (1965), African Dances: A Ghanaian Profile, Lagon: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, p. 18. Osei, K. (2004), A Outline of Asante History, 3rd ed., Kumasi: Cita Press, pp. 3–16. Osei-Agyemang (n.d.), Lecture, Notes, African Art and Culture, Faculty of Art KNUST, Kumasi. Owusu-Banahene, E. (2008), Educational Psychology: The Science of Learning, Kumasi: Nacro Printing Works, p. 278. Rattray, R. S. (1927), Religion and Art in Ashanti, 1st ed., London: Oxford University. Rooney, D. (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, The Political Kingdom on the Third World, London: I. B. Tauris and Co. Ltd. pp. 114 & 18.

Suggested Citation Arthur, N. A. P., Asante, E. A. and Opoku-Asare, N. A. (2015), ‘The educational role of performing and visual arts in Asante traditional politics’, International Journal of Education through Art 11: 1, pp. 117–135, doi: 10.1386/ eta.11.1.117_1

Contributor details Nana Ama Pokuaa Arthur is a lecturer in African art and culture in the Department of General Art Studies, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana. She holds a Doctorate degree in African Art and culture with specialization in museum studies, Art history and African philosophy from KNUST. Her research interests include cultural issues, gender issues, issues related to Museum management, Africa philosophy and anthropology. Contact: Kwame Nkrumah University of science and Technology, faculty of art, department of general art studies, PMB Kumasi, Ghana. E-mail: [email protected]/[email protected]

Eric Appau Asante is a lecturer in the Department of General Art Studies, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Kumasi,

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Ghana. He holds a Doctorate degree in African Art and culture with specialization in Art History from KNUST. His research interests include cultural issues or issues in gender and art production, art and religion, philosophies and educational connotations of African Art, and semiotics of African art and culture. Contact: Kwame Nkrumah University of science and Technology, Faculty of Art, Department of General Art Studies, Post Office Box UP 79 Kumasi, Ghana. E-mail: [email protected]

Nana Afia Opoku-Asare is a senior lecturer in art Education in the Department of General Art Studies, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana. She holds an MA in Art Education from KNUST and MPhil in Education from the University of Sussex at Brighton, UK. Her Research interests include issues in culture, Education and development; Gender and art production; symbolism in African art and culture; dyes and dyeing processes; material and methods of art teaching; studio art practice. Contact: Kwame Nkruma University of science and Technology, faculty of art, department of Art Education, P.O Box P 492, Kumasi, Ghana. E-mail: [email protected]/[email protected]

Nana Ama Pokuaa Arthur, Eric Appau Asante and Nana Afia Opoku-Asare have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the authors of this work in the format that was submitted to Intellect Ltd.

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