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World War I, End of the Monarchy, Founding of the Republic of Austria, and the Treaty of Saint-Germain-En-Laye 1914–19

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World War I, End of the Monarchy, Founding of the Republic of Austria, and the Treaty of Saint-Germain-En-Laye 1914–19 21 I . STARTING SITUATION: WORLD WAR I, END OF THE MONARCHY, FOUNDING OF THE REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA, AND THE TREATY OF SAINT-GERMAIN-EN-LAYE 1914–19 1 . THE ABDICATION OF THE KAISER, “REPUBLIC OF GERMAN- AUSTRIA”, PROHIBITION AGAINST THE ANSCHLUSS, AND THE FOUNDING OF A STATE AGAINST ITS WILL 1918–19 The military defeat in the autumn of 1918 furthered the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy. Czechs (October 28), Croats, Serbs, Slovenes (October 29), and Poles (November 11) proclaimed their independence and set up their own states. Hun- gary declared the real union with Austria to be ended (October 31). In the just mentioned “People’s Manifesto” from October 16, 1918, Emperor Charles an- nounced the conversion of the monarchy into a federal state for the western half of the empire, while Hungary was not rattled about the territorial unity of the crown of St. Stephen. Charles’ initiative was not to be accepted, but rather it would only accelerate the collapse and lead to the formation of national assemblies by the individual nationalities.1 On October 21, 1918, the predominantly German-speaking members of the Imperial Assembly (Reichsrat), which had last been elected in 1911, met in the Estates House of Lower Austria (the Niederösterreichisches Landeshaus) in Vienna as a provisional national assembly. Out of 516 originally elected represent- atives, 208 were left: 65 christian socials with Jodok Fink, 38 social democrats with Karl Seitz, 100 German Liberals (Deutschliberale) and Greater Germans (Großdeutsche) with Franz Dinghofer as the leader, and five independents. Nine 1 Neue Freie Presse, Oktober 18, 1918, Nr. 19450, 1; Helmut RUMPLER, Das Völkermani- fest Kaiser Karls vom 16. Oktober 1918. Letzter Versuch zur Rettung des Habsburgerreiches, München 1966; Rudolf NECK (Hrsg.), Österreich im Jahre 1918. Berichte und Dokumente, München 1968, 64–68; to the “Finis Austriae”, Völkermanifest and the “successor states” see Lothar HÖBELT, “Stehen oder Fallen?” Österreichische Politik im Ersten Weltkrieg, Wien – Köln – Weimar 2015, 262–274; Matthias STICKLER, Abgesetzte Dynastien. Strategien konservativer Beharrung und pragmatischer Anpassung ehemals regierender Häuser nach der Revolution von 1918 – Das Beispiel Habsburg, in: Günther SCHULZ – Markus A. DEN- ZEL (Hrsg.), Deutscher Adel im 19.und 20. Jahrhundert. Büdinger Forschungen zur Sozialge- schichte 2002 und 2003 (Deutsche Führungsschichten in der Neuzeit 26), St. Katharinen 2004, 397–444. 22 I. Starting Situation days later, on October 30, as the actual moment of birth, they elected a State Council (Staatsrat) as an executive committee which appointed a State Govern- ment under the Social Democrat Karl Renner for the remaining German-speaking territory. It was a stroke of luck: as the simple leader of the State Chancellery, he took over as chairman of the cabinet, called himself the “State Chancellor”, rejected revolutionary violence, and stood for political compromises in the sense of a Grand Coalition.2 In the course of the war, the question of nationality became increasingly im- portant. Multiethnic large armies fought on all fronts, including Australians and New Zealanders. Political lobbies of the nationalities began to make ever stronger demands in Austria-Hungary, Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Vladimir Iljitsch Lenin’s demands on October 27 (November 9), 1917 and those of Woodrow Wil- son on January 8, 1918 for the right to self-determination were strong signals, if not buzzwords of propaganda, but they had a great political and serious effect. Therefore, in October 1918, all nationalities of Austria-Hungary invoked this right of self-determination – including the “German-Austrians” (Deutschösterreicher). The October 21 and 30 can therefore be seen as the hours of birth of the nation “Deutsch-Österreich”. Names for the new state made the rounds in various drafts which today would be unimaginable: “German Mountain Empire”, “German Borderland”, “Ger- man Peaceland”, or “Loyaltyland” (“Deutsches Bergreich”, “Deutschmark”, “Deutsches Friedland”, or “Treuland”). In the first instance the term “Austria” was avoided. The greater Germans (Großdeutsche) but also the social democrats understood that to mean the monarchy, while the christian socials still sympa- thized with it. It was thanks to the latter that the name “Austria” did not perish completely and was found again in the title of the state “German Austria”. Thus the name would be established for the Alpine republic for the new state “accord- ing to the will of the German people”.3 Aside from the Renner government, Emperor Charles and his Prime Minister, Heinrich Lammasch, were at first still in their respective positions. On October 31, the state colors of red-white-red were established, as were provisional state coats of arms: one with a city tower provided with a hammer in a wreath of rye and another with an eagle with a wall crown and a hammer and sickle in its talons. The broken chains only followed after 1945. The armistice of Villa Giusti that was still concluded with Italy by the imperial government on November 3, 19184 was 2 Walter RAUSCHER, Karl Renner. Ein österreichischer Mythos, Wien 1995, Siegfried NASKO – Johannes REICHL, Karl Renner. Zwischen Anschluß und Europa, Wien 2000; Richard SAAGE, Der erste Präsident. Karl Renner – eine politische Biografie, Wien 2016. 3 Robert KRIECHBAUMER – Michaela MAIER – Maria MESNER – Helmut WOHNOUT (Hrsg.), Die junge Republik. Österreich 1918–19, Wien 2018. 4 Johann RAINER, Der Waffenstillstand von Villa Giusti am 3. November 1918, in: Karl I. Ein Kaiser sucht den Frieden, Innsbruck 1996, 1–12. 1. The Abdication of the Kaiser and State against Its Will 23 not even taken note of by the national assembly. The House of Habsburg had not only abdicated in practical terms, it also no longer had any credit with regard to domestic policy.5 On November 11, 1918, the at first reluctant Charles renounced “any partici- pation in the administration of the state” and signed a declaration in Schönbrunn Palace according to which the decision was to be recognized “which affected German-Austria regarding the future form of its state”. The people had supposed- ly “taken over the government through its representatives”. He therefore relieved the Lammasch Government of its duties. In the evening, Charles decamped to Eckartsau Palace, which was still the private property of the Habsburgs. But in the Feldkirch Manifesto of March 23–24, 1919 on his way into exile, he revoked the renunciation. The Habsburg Laws of April 3 thereupon immediately provid- ed for the sharp banishment from the country and a dispossession of property. Charles went into Swiss exile and still undertook two attempts at restoration in Hungary. He died in 1922 on Madeira.6 As a result of a resolution by the Provisional National Assembly, the “Re- public of German-Austria” (“Deutschösterreich” or “Deutsch-Österreich”) was proclaimed at 3:00 P.M. on November 12, 1918 from the steps of the Parliament building on the Ring Road in Vienna before a gigantic crowd of people. Renner, in the presence of the three co-presidents, Franz Dinghofer, Karl Seitz, and the Prelate Johann Nepomuk Hauser, proclaimed the new Republic in this way. De- cisive steps for the formation of the state were decided upon by a law on the form of the state and the government which was accepted with only two votes against. According to Article 1, the “Republic of German-Austria” as a new state was to be a “democratic republic”, and according to Article 2, it was to be a “component of the German Republic” (“Bestandteil der Deutschen Republik”). Thus the de- sire was manifested for Anschluss with the German Reich.7 With the proclamation of the democratic republic and the Anschluss to Ger- many, the national revolution was driven forward into a social revolution. In Arti- cle 9 of the law that was passed on November 12 on the form of the state and the government, the fundamental principles of voting rights were also established. They were to be based upon “proportional representation and upon the general, equal, direct, and secret right to vote of all citizens without regard to sex”. That was only achieved by the United Kingdom in 1928 and by France even later in 5 Manfried RAUCHENSTEINER, Der Erste Weltkrieg und das Ende der Habsburgermonar- chie, Wien – Köln – Weimar 2013, 1051, 1156 (Footnote 2520). 6 Matthias STICKLER, „Éljen a Király!“ Die Restaurationspolitik Kaiser Karls von Österreich gegenüber Ungarn 1918–1921, in: Ungarn-Jahrbuch. Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Hunga- rologie Bd. 27 (2004), München 2005, 41–79. 7 Christian NESCHWARA, Die Entstehung der Republik. Einleitung: Von der “alten” Monar- chie zur “neuen” Republik, in: IDEM – Michael RAINER (Hrsg.), 100 Jahre Republik Öster- reich. Die provisorische Nationalversammlung und ihre Rolle bei der Entstehung der Republik Deutschösterreich, Graz 2018, 11–53. 24 I. Starting Situation the penultimate year of World War II, 1944. Women first went to the polls with the right to vote on February 16, 1919. On March 4, 1919, women took their seats in the constituent National Assembly for the first time: Anna Boschek, Emmy Freundlich, Adelheid Popp, Gabriele Proft, Therese Schlesinger, Amalie Seidel, and Maria Tusch for the social democrats and Hildegard Burjan for the christian socials. In 1927, Olga Rudel-Zeynek was elected speaker of the Bundesrat, the first time in world history that a woman led a parliament. An eight-hour work- day, unemployment insurance, vacation for workers, a Chamber of Labor, factory
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