What to Do with the Jews? Post-World War Ii Jewish Refugees and the Creation of Israel in U.S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

What to Do with the Jews? Post-World War Ii Jewish Refugees and the Creation of Israel in U.S WHAT TO DO WITH THE JEWS? POST-WORLD WAR II JEWISH REFUGEES AND THE CREATION OF ISRAEL IN U.S. AND SOVIET POLICIES 1945-1949 by Sarah Jean Gavison B.A., Université Paris X – Nanterre, 2002 M.A., Université Paris X – Nanterre, 2003 M.A., Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris – Sciences-Po, 2005 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado Boulder in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History 2019 This thesis entitled: What to Do with the Jews? Post-World War II Jewish Refugees and the Creation of Israel in U.S. and Soviet Policies, 1945-1949 written by Sarah Jean Gavison has been approved for the Department of History Dr. Thomas Zeiler (chair) Dr. David Shneer (co-chair) Date: The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. ii ABSTRACT Gavison, Sarah Jean (Ph.D. History) What to Do with the Jews? Post-World War II Jewish Refugees and the Creation of Israel in U.S. and Soviet Policies, 1945-1949 Thesis directed by Dr. Thomas Zeiler and Dr. David Shneer This project started as a diplomatic study comparing U.S. and Soviet policies on the creation of Israel in the context of the early Cold War. Supporting the creation of a Jewish state and thus alienating the Arab-Muslim world at the onset of their struggle for influence seemed counterintuitive. This approach led my research to shift the focus toward post-World War II Europe and the question of Jewish refugees. Indeed, at the onset of the Cold War, Europe was the main battlefield for both superpowers, and therefore their goals in Europe were a major factor in all foreign policy decision-making. The Soviet Union needed to control Poland to relieve its insecurity vis-à-vis German revanchism and the West. In parallel the U.S. sought to rebuild Germany as a stronghold against Soviet influence on Western Europe. Yet, Jewish refugees were an extraterritorial entity whose presence became a liability for both superpowers’ goals in Europe, as Polish and German peoples nurtured a strong post-Holocaust antisemitism and associated the Jewish refugees with occupation authorities. This dissertation argues that solving the problem of the Jewish refugees in order to uphold their Cold War policy in Europe was the driving force behind the superpowers’ support for Jewish emigration from Europe to British Mandate Palestine, and eventually for the creation iii of a Jewish state. It would represent an outlet for Jews to leave Europe, and therefore remove the problem of antisemitism without repressing the populations they sought to control. In parallel, this work also reassesses the role that Jewish refugees in Europe played in the framing of U.S. and Soviet policies, toward both Europe and Palestine, and therefore how they regained agency and control of their own fate. The Cold War context indirectly gave them more influence than their number and the scale of the problem they represented might have allowed otherwise. Jews’ homelessness, stranded among antisemitic populations, interfered with U.S. and Soviet goals for Europe, reinforced their sense of a common Jewish identity, and developed their Zionist activism. In this context, the Jewish refugees became the bridge between U.S. and Soviet policies in Europe and in Palestine. Keywords: Jewish refugees, displaced persons, Holocaust, U.S.-Soviet relations, Cold War, antisemitism, British Palestine, creation of Israel, immigration, Zionism, Poland, Germany. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My gratitude goes first to my wonderful advisors Dr. Tom Zeiler and Dr. David Shneer. No matter where I was in the world, their unwavering support through all my research dead ends and personal set backs brought me back on my feet more than once. They believed in me and in this work sometimes more than I did, and though I am the author of this dissertation, they are without a doubt its midwifes. Their attentive and patient editing and proofreading improved it considerably, and their reactivity despite delays on my end has always been flawless. This dissertation required a lot of travel and a long writing period. I want to thank in particular the people and institutions which supported me through my research and writing. The Dissertation Year Fellowship from the Harry S. Truman Library Institute (2017- 2018) and the Dissertation Completion Fellowship from the Graduate School of the University of Colorado Boulder (2018) allowed me to focus exclusively on writing my dissertation. The Rabbi Daniel and Ida Goldberger Fellowship for Jewish Studies (2012), the Barry and Sue Baer Graduate Fellowship (2016), the Summer Research fellowships from the Departments of History (2014, 2015, 2016) and the Global Initiatives Scholarship from the Department of Jewish Studies (2016) funded most of my research travels. In the nomadism that my research (and personality?) involved during the past few years, I am particularly grateful to Dr. Scott Ury, who gave me an invaluable sense of academic home and community by welcoming me at the Stephen Roth Institute for the Study of Antisemitism and Racism, Tel Aviv University, during the whole academic year 2017-2018. I also want to thank the International Forum of Young Scholars on East-European Jewry, especially Jonathan Dekel-Chen, Semion Goldin, Israel Bartal and Zvi Gitelman, for helping me feel comfortable in the Jewish history subfield. Our work in Prague (2017) gave me the confidence I needed to embrace a topic overlapping Jewish history with my more familiar diplomatic lens, and shift from research to writing. The Summer Institute on Conducting Archival Research (2014) had already gotten me started on this dissertation. I want to express a special thanks to my colleague and friend Nick Underwood, who patiently read, commented on, and supported the evolving versions of my research project. With Pete Veru, Jennifer Cullison, Dror Segev, Yarden Avital, Karen Lloyd D’onofrio, Abby Lagemann, Tolan Hoffman, Ted Rogers, Sierra Standish, and many others, we have been a motivating community of Ph.D. candidates and researchers, supporting each other and enjoying late night conversations on every possible topic, our respective dissertations and many others. In this nomadism that my research and personal life implied during the past few years, many friends and family members gave me a sense of home: Zeev Glozman, Juliet Gavison, Sophie Chauveau, Serge Salfati, Ian Wamhoff, Cécile Givelet, and Ludovic Bariteau, Tim and Wendy Stokes, Yael Koenig, Amir Katz, and Jennifer Cullison. They welcomed me with my furry companion, and put up with my intellectual doubts and emotions. Finally, Phil Weinstock has been a close witness of these years. His life, my work, and our love were not always compatible. But he always supported me and he is, as I write these lines, the only person apart from my committee members who read and commented on this work. To our post-dissertation life together! v TABLE OF CONTENT Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 1 Prologue — The International Context: From World War II Grand Alliance to Cold War Confrontation ..................................................................................................................... 14 The diplomatic shift from World War to Cold War ................................................................................ 14 U.S. and Soviet interests in the construction of the postwar order: the crystallization of tensions around the questions of Poland and Germany ..................................................................................................... 18 The emergence of the “non-repatriable” displaced persons .................................................................... 28 The specific case of the Jewish displaced persons .................................................................................. 43 Significance of the Middle East in U.S. and Soviet foreign policies ...................................................... 49 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................... 56 Chapter 1 — Jewish Refugees in Soviet and American Policies ......................................................... 58 Soviet perception of the “Jewish question”: the case of Poland ............................................................. 59 Displacement of the Jewish problem westward: U.S. policy toward Jewish refugees ........................... 85 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 107 Chapter 2 — The Jewish Refugees: A Bridge Between U.S. and Soviet Policies in Europe and Palestine .......................................................................................................................... 109 Jewish voices from the D.P. camps and from the illegal roads to Palestine ......................................... 110 Effects of Jewish refugees’ and Zionist organizations’ activism on U.S. policy .................................. 123 Zionist activism’s diplomatic approach toward the Soviet Union ........................................................ 139 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • The Oder-Neisse Line As Poland's Western Border
    Piotr Eberhardt Piotr Eberhardt 2015 88 1 77 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/ GPol.0007 April 2014 September 2014 Geographia Polonica 2015, Volume 88, Issue 1, pp. 77-105 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/GPol.0007 INSTITUTE OF GEOGRAPHY AND SPATIAL ORGANIZATION POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES www.igipz.pan.pl www.geographiapolonica.pl THE ODER-NEISSE LINE AS POLAND’S WESTERN BORDER: AS POSTULATED AND MADE A REALITY Piotr Eberhardt Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization Polish Academy of Sciences Twarda 51/55, 00-818 Warsaw: Poland e-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article presents the historical and political conditioning leading to the establishment of the contemporary Polish-German border along the ‘Oder-Neisse Line’ (formed by the rivers known in Poland as the Odra and Nysa Łużycka). It is recalled how – at the moment a Polish state first came into being in the 10th century – its western border also followed a course more or less coinciding with these same two rivers. In subsequent cen- turies, the political limits of the Polish and German spheres of influence shifted markedly to the east. However, as a result of the drastic reverse suffered by Nazi Germany, the western border of Poland was re-set at the Oder-Neisse Line. Consideration is given to both the causes and consequences of this far-reaching geopolitical decision taken at the Potsdam Conference by the victorious Three Powers of the USSR, UK and USA. Key words Oder-Neisse Line • western border of Poland • Potsdam Conference • international boundaries Introduction districts – one for each successor – brought the loss, at first periodically and then irrevo- At the end of the 10th century, the Western cably, of the whole of Silesia and of Western border of Poland coincided approximately Pomerania.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Etoth Dissertation Corrected.Pdf
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School The College of Arts and Architecture FROM ACTIVISM TO KIETISM: MODERIST SPACES I HUGARIA ART, 1918-1930 BUDAPEST – VIEA – BERLI A Dissertation in Art History by Edit Tóth © 2010 Edit Tóth Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2010 The dissertation of Edit Tóth was reviewed and approved* by the following: Nancy Locke Associate Professor of Art History Dissertation Adviser Chair of Committee Sarah K. Rich Associate Professor of Art History Craig Zabel Head of the Department of Art History Michael Bernhard Associate Professor of Political Science *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School ii ABSTRACT From Activism to Kinetism: Modernist Spaces in Hungarian Art, 1918-1930. Budapest – Vienna – Berlin investigates modernist art created in Central Europe of that period, as it responded to the shock effects of modernity. In this endeavor it takes artists directly or indirectly associated with the MA (“Today,” 1916-1925) Hungarian artistic and literary circle and periodical as paradigmatic of this response. From the loose association of artists and literary men, connected more by their ideas than by a distinct style, I single out works by Lajos Kassák – writer, poet, artist, editor, and the main mover and guiding star of MA , – the painter Sándor Bortnyik, the polymath László Moholy- Nagy, and the designer Marcel Breuer. This exclusive selection is based on a particular agenda. First, it considers how the failure of a revolutionary reorganization of society during the Hungarian Soviet Republic (April 23 – August 1, 1919) at the end of World War I prompted the Hungarian Activists to reassess their lofty political ideals in exile and make compromises if they wanted to remain in the vanguard of modernity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Use of Helicopters Against Guerrillas the Israeli Model
    JEMEAA - FEATURE The Use of Helicopters against Guerrillas The Israeli Model DR. TAL TOVY ince its establishment, the State of Israel has been facing a bloody struggle against terrorism and guerrilla warfare, in addition to four conventional wars.1 The Israeli war against guerrilla fighters or terrorists began almost Simmediately after the War of Independence. Palestinian terrorists attempted to infiltrate Israel from the surrounding Arab countries and perform sabotage ac- tions near the border, which were little more than lines drawn on a map and proved wholly inadequate in stopping the infiltrations. After the 1967 war, most terrorists crossed over from Jordan. Following the “Black September” conflict in 1970 and up until 1982 (Operation Peace for Galilee), most terrorists infiltrated through the Lebanese border. In the 1980s and 1990s, Israel fought against the Shiite Amal Movement and Hezbollah organization in Lebanon. Since October 2000, Israel has struggled against widespread military uprisings in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. To counter these activities, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) uses various opera- tional methods. Special Forces have raided known terrorist bases and routine se- curity activities have been conducted along the borders and in the major cities. A third method has been targeting specific terrorist leaders or installations in the Middle East and in Europe. Most operations of the first and third categories are still classified. The IDF has launched a few large attacks targeting terrorist infra- structure—for example Karameh and Litany—with the most extensive one being the Lebanon War (1982), at least initially. In these large-scale operations, Israel has deployed massive infantry, armor, and artillery forces.
    [Show full text]
  • The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917-1947 / by Fred Lennis Lepkin
    THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND ZIONISM: 1917 - 1947 FRED LENNIS LEPKIN BA., University of British Columbia, 196 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History @ Fred Lepkin 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 1986 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Name : Fred Lennis Lepkin Degree: M. A. Title of thesis: The British Labour Party and Zionism, - Examining Committee: J. I. Little, Chairman Allan B. CudhgK&n, ior Supervisor . 5- - John Spagnolo, ~upervis&y6mmittee Willig Cleveland, Supepiso$y Committee -Lenard J. Cohen, External Examiner, Associate Professor, Political Science Dept.,' Simon Fraser University Date Approved: August 11, 1986 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917 - 1947.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Nations Go to War, 11Th
    Why Nations Go to War ELEVENTH EDITION JOHN G. STOESSINGER Distinguished Professor of Global Diplomacy University of San Diego Australia • Brazil • Japan • Korea • Mexico • Singapore • Spain • United Kingdom • United States Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning, Inc. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Why Nations Go to War, © 2011, 2008, 2004 Wadsworth, Cengage Learning Eleventh Edition ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work John G. Stoessinger covered by the copyright herein may be reproduced, Senior Publisher: Suzanne Jeans transmitted, stored, or used in any form or by any means graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including Executive Editor: Carolyn Merrill but not limited to photocopying, recording, scanning, Assistant Editor: Katherine Hayes digitizing, taping, Web distribution, information Editorial Assistant: Angela Hodge networks, or information storage and retrieval systems, except as permitted under Section 107 or Senior Marketing Manager: Amy 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without Whitaker the prior written permission of the publisher. Marketing Coordinator: Josh Hendrick For product information and technology Marketing Communications assistance, contact us at Manager: Heather Baxley Cengage Learning Customer & Sales Support, 1-800-354-9706 Senior Art Director: Linda Helcher For permission to use material from this text or product, submit all requests online at Senior Print Buyer: Judy Inouye www.cengage.com/permissions. Senior Rights Acquisition Further permissions
    [Show full text]
  • The 5 Towns Jewish Times
    $1.00 WWW.5TJT.COM VOL. 7 NO. 5 12 CHESHVAN 5767 lk lk ,arp NOVEMBER 3, 2006 INSIDE FROM THE EDITOR’S DESK THE LIGHT AT THE Thanks, Teeth BY LARRY GORDON 26 END OF THE TUNNEL Hannah Reich Berman Talking With Gourmet Glatt MindBiz Esther Mann, LMSW 30 Dean Skelos vs. The Vaad Kashrus Square Rooted Rabbi Yair Hoffman 52 State Senator Dean Skelos At this point, most readers are knows the Five Towns, Long aware that last Friday afternoon Aliyah Chronicle Island, and most of New York the Vaad HaKashrus of the Five Shmuel Katz 55 State better than just about Towns withdrew its certification anyone. Next week he is once of Gourmet Glatt Food IDF Death In Gaza again up for reelection, this Emporium in Cedarhurst. The Amos Harel 76 time against a dynamic Demo- letter delivered to Gourmet Glatt cratic challenger, Lawrence (see page 12) informs the owners resident Odelia Goldberg. of Gourmet Glatt that because of While the polls are pre- a violation of a clause in their Continued on Page 7 Continued on Page 10 WITHOUT HAPPINESS, WE’RE ALL ‘AT RISK’ PhotosByIraThomasCreations Mosholu Rebbe will be in the Five Towns next week. BY RABBI underlying problems, but See Page 50 Top: Rabbi Pesach Lerner delivering the daf shiur aboard the 7:49 a.m. SHAYA COHEN merely devastating symptoms Far Rockaway train to Penn Station. Standing next to him is Rabbi Eliezer of an inherent lack of happi- Cohen; seated are (aisle) Aryeh Markovich and (center) Rabbi Shmuel You’ve seen those aimless, ness—the common denomi- Bloom.
    [Show full text]
  • The Buildup of the German War Economy: the Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 by Samantha Carl I
    The Buildup of the German War Economy: The Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 By Samantha Carl INTRODUCTION German-Soviet relations in the early half of the twentieth century have been marked by periods of rapprochement followed by increasing tensions. After World War I, where the nations fought on opposite sides, Germany and the Soviet Union focused on their respective domestic problems and tensions began to ease. During the 1920s, Germany and the Soviet Union moved toward normal relations with the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.(1) Tensions were once again apparent after 1933, when Adolf Hitler gained power in Germany. Using propaganda and anti-Bolshevik rhetoric, Hitler depicted the Soviet Union as Germany's true enemy.(2) Despite the animosity between the two nations, the benefits of trade enabled them to maintain economic relations throughout the inter-war period. It was this very relationship that paved the way for the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 and the subsequent outbreak of World War II. Nazi-Soviet relations on the eve of the war were vital to the war movement of each respective nation. In essence, the conclusion of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact on August 23, 1939 allowed Germany to augment its war effort while diminishing the Soviet fear of a German invasion.(3) The betterment of relations was a carefully planned program in which Hitler sought to achieve two important goals. First, he sought to prevent a two-front war from developing upon the invasion of Poland. Second, he sought to gain valuable raw materials that were necessary for the war movement.(4) The only way to meet these goals was to pursue the completion of two pacts with the Soviet Union: an economic agreement as well as a political one.
    [Show full text]
  • Soviet-American Relations and the Origins of Containment 1941-1946: the Force of Tradition
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1988 Soviet-American relations and the origins of containment 1941-1946: The force of tradition Anita Louise Coryell The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Coryell, Anita Louise, "Soviet-American relations and the origins of containment 1941-1946: The force of tradition" (1988). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5179. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5179 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th i s is an unpublished m a n u s c r ip t in w h ic h c o p y r ig h t s u b s i s t s . Any f u r t h e r r e p r in t in g of i t s c o n t e n t s m u st be APPROVED BY THE AUTHOR. Ma n s f i e l d L ib r a r y U n i v e r s i t y of Mo n ta n a Da t e : , 1 , SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THE ORIGINS OF CONTAINMENT, 1941-1946: THE FORCE OF TRADITION By Anita Louise Coryell B.A., Rutgers, The State University, 1974 Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1988 Approved by: Chairman, Board of Examiners Dean, Graduate School lusrt/J Date UMI Number: EP40643 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo Roundtable XXII-1 on Gabriel Gorodetsky, Ed. the Complete Maisky Diaries, Volumes I-III
    H-Diplo H-Diplo Roundtable XXII-1 on Gabriel Gorodetsky, ed. The Complete Maisky Diaries, Volumes I-III Discussion published by George Fujii on Monday, September 7, 2020 H-Diplo Roundtable XXII-1 Gabriel Gorodetsky, ed. The Complete Maisky Diaries, Volumes I-III. Translated by Tatiana Sorokina and Oliver Ready. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017. ISBN: 9780300117820 (hardcover, $300.00). 7 September 2020 | https://hdiplo.org/to/RT22-1 Editor: Diane Labrosse | Production Editor: George Fujii Contents Introduction by Warren Kimball, Rutgers University. 2 Review by Anne Deighton, University of Oxford. 7 Review by Norman Naimark, Stanford University. 10 Review by Vladimir Pechatnov, Moscow State Institute of International Relations. 13 Review by Alexis Peri, Boston University. 16 Review by Sergey Radchenko, Cardiff University. 21 Response by Gabriel Gorodetsky, Tel Aviv University and All Souls College, University of Oxford. 26 Introduction by Warren Kimball, Rutgers University As a friend once commented about a review of edited documents: “An incise, pithy review that highlights what everyone wishes to know about the collection, and can take away from the texts. Little nuggets about the drafts of history that never really blow in the conference window are the big story here.”[1] What is This Genre? In books like this, attaching ‘editor (ed.)’ after the name of the ‘author’ is misleading since the author is the one who wrote the diaries; in this case, Ivan Mikhailovich Maisky (Jan Lachowiecki), a Soviet- era diplomat who spent eleven years (1932-1943) in London as Joseph Stalin’s Ambassador to Great Britain. But gathering or compiling documents is not the same as what Gabriel Gorodetsky has done Citation: George Fujii.
    [Show full text]
  • Sharon L. Davies
    SHARON L. DAVIES The Ohio State University Michael E. Moritz College of Law Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity Drinko Hall, Room 321 33 West 11th Avenue 55 West 11th Avenue Columbus, Ohio 43201 Columbus, Ohio 43210 Telephone: (614) 688-3389 Facsimile: (614) 292-2035 E-mail: [email protected] CURRENT EMPLOYMENT Executive Director, Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity, The Ohio State University January 2012 – present John C. Elam/Vorys Sater Professor of Law, Michael E. Moritz College of Law, The Ohio State University September 2011 – present OTHER EMPLOYMENT United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York, New York, New York Assistant United States Attorney, Criminal Division August 1990 – February 1995 Lord Day & Lord, Barrett Smith, New York, New York Litigation Associate Summer 1988 – August 1990 Steptoe & Johnson, Washington, D.C. Litigation Associate Summer 1987 – Summer 1988 Lord Day & Lord, New York, New York Summer Associate Summer 1986 Rheinhardt & Shachter, Newark, New Jersey Summer Associate Summer 1985 TEACHING EXPERIENCE The Ohio State University, Michael E. Moritz College of Law, Columbus, Ohio John C. Elam/Vorys Sater Professor of Law – September 2011 to present John C. Elam/Vorys Sater Designated Professor of Law – December 2002 to 2011 Associate Dean for Faculty – January 2004 to June 2006: Professor of Law – August 2002 Associate Professor of Law – August 1999 Assistant Professor of Law – August 1995 to 1999 Principal Subjects: Criminal Law; Criminal Procedures; Evidence; Advanced Topic In Criminal Justice; Race and Law University of Michigan School of Law, Ann Arbor, Michigan Visiting Professor of Law – Fall Semester 2003 Subjects: Criminal Law; Advanced Topics in Criminal Justice (seminar) St Anne’s College, University of Oxford, Oxford, England The University of Oxford – Ohio State University Summer Law Program Associate Professor of Law – Summer 2001 Subject: Comparative Trial Practice EDUCATION Columbia University School of Law, New York, New York.
    [Show full text]
  • New Europe Wonders: РOLICY COMMENTARY
    New Europe Wonders: РOLICY COMMENTARY https://www.facebook.com/NECUkraine/ http://neweurope.org.ua/ [email protected] https://twitter.com/NEC_Ukraine New Europe Center, 2020 WHAT KIND OF ROLE SHOULD UKRAINE PLAY IN RESOLVING THE POST-ELECTION CRISIS IN BELARUS? Discussions in Ukraine about how Kyiv had to react to the events in neighboring Belarus and what would be the right choice for further reactions continue. Some believe that Ukraine should act more actively and persistently. Others point out to the limited influence of Kyiv. What kind of role should Ukraine play in resolving the crisis in Belarus? What should Ukraine do? In terms of the traditional rubric “New Europe Wonders...” our Center received answers to these questions from leading experts from Belarus, the EU and the US. A key motif of expert recommendations: Ukraine should provide moral support to the opposition, help political refugees, as well as actively communicate the Belarusian case on international platforms. NEW EUROPE WONDERS: ZMICIER MICKIEWICZ, KATSIARYNA SHMATSINA, Journalist, Belsat TV channel; Political Analyst, Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies (BISS), Analyst, Belarus Security Blog, Belarus Belarus It seems to me, that Ukraine should, First, even the symbolic support matters, such as bringing together with neighbouring countries Belarusian historical flags to Rada. This gesture sends of Belarus, impose maximum a clear message of solidarity to a broader audience of pressure on Aliaksandr Lukashenka, Belarusians, beyond the policy professionals circle. who is illegally holding power in the country with the help of mass terror Secondly, while the bilateral ties between Kyiv and Minsk of the population.
    [Show full text]
  • OSW Commentary
    OSW Commentary CENTRE FOR EASTERN STUDIES NUMBER 352 18.09.2020 www.osw.waw.pl Vilnius cancels Lukashenka Lithuania’s policy on the Belarus crisis Joanna Hyndle-Hussein The Lithuanian government has not recognised the legality of the election of Alyaksandr Lukashenka as President of the Republic of Belarus, and it now regards the opposition as their main partner. Lithuania has taken on the role of spokesperson for the opposition’s interests, a move which has put an end to Vilnius’s cooperation with the Belarusian dictator. Lithuania attaches particular im- portance to maintaining ties with Belarusian citizens, on the one hand by providing support to the victims of repression, and on the other by ensuring that social and economic contacts between the two countries are maintained. Considering the delayed reactions from the West, regional cooperation with Poland, Latvia and Estonia – the countries that supported Lithuania’s proposal to impose individual sanctions against the dictator and his regime’s officials – will play a key role in Lithuania’s strategy concerning the cri- sis in Belarus. Through such cooperation, Lithuania is hoping to build a stronger alliance within the EU to call for new elections. At the same time, however, it opposes the imposition of international economic sanctions, as these would have a negative effect on the people of Belarus and undermine Lithuania’s economic interests. Lithuania’s responses to the crisis people. Lithuanian politicians have legitimised her right to represent that part of Belarusian society The mass demonstrations came as a surprise, and that is demanding new elections and holding in response the Lithuanian government has adopt- spontaneous industrial action.
    [Show full text]