Jurisdiction Withdrawal and the Constitution
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Petitioner, V
No. 19-____ In The Supreme Court of the United States ____________________ ROBERT A. PEREZ, Petitioner, v. STATE OF COLORADO, Respondent. ____________________ On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of Colorado ____________________ PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI ____________________ Ned R. Jaeckle Jeffrey L. Fisher COLORADO STATE PUBLIC O’MELVENY & MYERS LLP DEFENDER 2765 Sand Hill Road 1300 Broadway, Suite 300 Menlo Park, CA 94025 Denver, CO 80203 Meaghan VerGow Kendall Turner Counsel of Record O’MELVENY & MYERS LLP 1625 Eye Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 383-5204 [email protected] i QUESTION PRESENTED Whether, and to what extent, the Sixth and Four- teenth Amendments guarantee a criminal defendant the right to discover potentially exculpatory mental health records held by a private party, notwithstand- ing a state privilege law to the contrary. i STATEMENT OF RELATED PROCEEDINGS Perez v. People, Colorado Supreme Court No. 19SC587 (Feb. 24, 2020) (available at 2020 WL 897586) (denying Perez’s petition for a writ of certio- rari) People v. Perez, Colorado Court of Appeals No. 16CA1180 (June 13, 2019) (affirming trial court judg- ment) People v. Perez, Colorado District Court No. 14CR4593 (Apr. 7, 2016) (granting motion to quash subpoena seeking mental health records) ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page QUESTION PRESENTED ........................................ i STATEMENT OF RELATED PROCEEDINGS ....... i PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI ........... 1 OPINIONS BELOW .................................................. 1 JURISDICTION ........................................................ 1 RELEVANT CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS .................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 2 STATEMENT OF THE CASE .................................. 4 REASONS FOR GRANTING THE WRIT................ 8 A. State high courts and federal courts of appeals are openly split on the question presented. -
The President, Congress, and the Courts
The Yale Law Journal Volume 83, Number 6, May 1974 The President, Congress, and the Courts Raoul Bergert I. Subpoenaing the President: Jefferson v. Marshall in the Burr Case We do not think that the President is exalted above legal process .. .and if the President possesses information of any nature which might tend to serve the cause of Aaron Burr, a subpoena should issue to him, notwithstanding his elevated station. Alexander McRae, of counsel for President Jefferson' Chief Justice Marshall's rulings on President Jefferson's claim of right to withhold information in the trial of Aaron Burr have been a source of perennial debate. Eminent writers have drawn demon- strably erroneous deductions from the record. For example, Edward t Charles Warren Senior Fellow in American Legal History, Harvard University Law School. 1. 1 T. CARPENTER, THE TRIAL OF COLONEL AARON BURR 75 (1807). McRae's co-counsel, William Wirt, who served as Attorney General of the United States for twelve consecu- tive years, stated that "if the production of this letter would not compromit [sic] the safety of the United States, and it can be proved to be material to Mr. Burr, he has a right to demand it. Nay, in such a case, I will admit his right to summon the President ... ."Id. at 82. His associate, George Hay, the United States Attorney, stated, I never had the idea of clothing the President . with those attributes of di- vinity. That high officer is but a man; he is but a citizen; and, if he knows anything in any case, civil or criminal, which might affect the life, liberty or property of his fellow-citizens . -
The Unitary Executive and Inherent Executive Power
THE UNITARY EXECUTIVE AND INHERENT EXECUTIVE POWER Louis Fisher* The unitary executive model, if reasonably applied, has much to commend it. The Framers experienced first-hand the administrative problems of the Continental Congress from 1774 to 1787 and brought with them to the Philadelphia Convention a determination to structure government in a manner that would better assure ac- countability and efficiency. A single executive in the form of the President was a key step toward improved management. When Con- gress created three executive departments in 1789, it expressed a sim- ilar commitment to accountability by placing authority in a secretary, not in a board. At the same time, the principle of a unitary executive has had to compete with other important values. The purpose of my Article is to examine some of the compromises with the unitary ex- ecutive model, beginning in 1789. I then will move to analyzing the concept of “inherent executive power” and its dangers to constitu- tional government. The model of a unitary executive, if properly un- derstood, is compatible with the Constitution. Inherent executive power is not. I. THE SEARCH FOR A UNITARY EXECUTIVE The Framers had plenty of strong executive models from which to choose. They could look to John Locke, who emphasized the need for independent executive action. He understood that the legislature could not always be in sitting, nor could it provide laws to cover every contingency: “It is not necessary—no, nor so much as convenient— that the legislative should be always in being; but absolutely necessary that the executive power should, because there is not always need of new laws to be made, but always need of execution of the laws that are made.”1 Although Locke divided government into legislative and * Specialist in Constitutional Law, Law Library, Library of Congress. -
Nixon Now: the Courts and the Presidency After Twenty-Five Years
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1999 Nixon Now: The ourC ts and the Presidency after Twenty-five Years Michael Stokes Paulsen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Paulsen, Michael Stokes, "Nixon Now: The ourC ts and the Presidency after Twenty-five Years" (1999). Minnesota Law Review. 1969. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/1969 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nixon Now: The Courts and the Presidency After Twenty-five Years Michael Stokes Paulsent United States v. Nixon' was, and remains today, a case of enormous doctrinal and political significance-easily one of the five most important Supreme Court decisions of the last fifty years. The decision proximately led to the forced resignation of a President of the United States from office. The decision helped spawn a semi-permanent statutory regime of Independ- ent Counsel, exercising the prosecutorial power of the United States and investigating executive branch officials 2-- a regime that has fundamentally reshaped our national politics. Nixon provided not only the political context that spawned the Inde- pendent Counsel statute, but a key step in the doctrinal evolu- tion that led the Court to uphold its constitutionality, incor- rectly, fourteen years later, in Morrison v. Olson.3 United States v. Nixon also established the principle that the President possesses no constitutional immunity from com- pulsory legal process, a holding that led almost inexorably to the Supreme Court's unanimous rejection of presidential im- munity from civil litigation for non-official conduct, twenty- three years later, in Clinton v. -
Executive Privilege: a Constitutional Myth
Book Reviews The Seedlings for the Forest Executive Privilege: A Constitutional Myth. By Raoul Berger. Cam- bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974. Pp. xvi, 430. $14.95. Reviewed by Ralph K. Winter, Jr.t I Were the author of Executive Privilege: A Constitutional Myth an academic obscurity tilling the fields of legal history, a reviewer might well resolve the conflict between magnanimity and candor in favor of the former. But Raoul Berger is a public figure, extolled in the media as an eminent authority and relied upon as the definitive scholar on questions of compelling public concern. What he writes is front page news in the New York Times,' the subject of long stories in weekly newsmagazines 2 and recommended by reviewers as important reading.3 This reader dissents. Executive Privilege: A Constitutional Myth is so inadequate as to be almost beside the point. Indeed, media praise raises serious questions about how the media choose the legal scholarship they spotlight. Only a lack of acquaintance with Berger's work or a hypocritical affinity for the immediate political implications of his conclusions can explain this enthusiasm from such unlikely sources. This is a book, for example, which strongly suggests that President Eisenhower committed an impeachable offense when he directed a Deputy General Counsel of the Defense Department not to answer Senator Joseph McCarthy's questions as to conversations within the executive branch relating to ways in which the McCarthy investigations into the Army might be stopped. 4 Berger's principal mode of analysis is far more compatible with the constitutional ap- proach of those who would have impeached Earl Warren than with that of those who would impeach Richard Nixon. -
Congress's Contempt Power and the Enforcement Of
Congress’s Contempt Power and the Enforcement of Congressional Subpoenas: Law, History, Practice, and Procedure -name redacted- Legislative Attorney Updated May 12, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34097 Congress’s Contempt Power and the Enforcement of Congressional Subpoenas Summary Congress’s contempt power is the means by which Congress responds to certain acts that in its view obstruct the legislative process. Contempt may be used either to coerce compliance, to punish the contemnor, and/or to remove the obstruction. Although arguably any action that directly obstructs the effort of Congress to exercise its constitutional powers may constitute a contempt, in recent times the contempt power has most often been employed in response to non- compliance with a duly issued congressional subpoena—whether in the form of a refusal to appear before a committee for purposes of providing testimony, or a refusal to produce requested documents. Congress has three formal methods by which it can combat non-compliance with a duly issued subpoena. Each of these methods invokes the authority of a separate branch of government. First, the long dormant inherent contempt power permits Congress to rely on its own constitutional authority to detain and imprison a contemnor until the individual complies with congressional demands. Second, the criminal contempt statute permits Congress to certify a contempt citation to the executive branch for the criminal prosecution of the contemnor. Finally, Congress may rely on the judicial branch to enforce a congressional subpoena. Under this procedure, Congress may seek a civil judgment from a federal court declaring that the individual in question is legally obligated to comply with the congressional subpoena. -
Enumerated and Implied Powers
6.3 Enumerated and Implied Powers Standard 6.3: Enumerated and Implied Powers Distinguish among the enumerated and implied powers in the United States and the Massachusetts Constitution. (Massachusetts Curriculum Framework for History and Social Studies) [8.T6.3] FOCUS QUESTION: What is the Difference Between Enumerated and Implied Powers? This standard looks at the differences between enumerated and implied powers in the United States and Massachusetts Constitutions. Enumerated powers are those expressly granted to the federal government by the Constitution. Implied powers enable the federal government to carry out tasks outlined by the enumerated powers. Building Democracy for All 1 Modules for this Standard Include: 1. INVESTIGATE: The Enumerated and Implied Powers of the U.S. Constitution 2. UNCOVER: Federal Minimum Wage Laws, Young Workers and the Implied Powers of Congress MEDIA LITERACY CONNECTIONS: Exploring the Use of Media for Military Recruitment 3. ENGAGE: Should the Nation Adopt a Living Wage Rather Than a Minimum Wage? 1. INVESTIGATE: The Enumerated and Implied Powers of the U.S. Constitution The enumerated powers of the federal government are listed in Article 1 Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution. Among the 18 direct powers given to Congress are the power to levy and collect taxes, borrow money, regulate commerce, coin money declare war, and support an army and navy (for a full list, see Key Constitutional Grants to Powers to Congress). The 18th power gives the federal government the ability to create and enact laws that are “necessary and proper” for its use of the other 17 powers. The Necessary and Proper clause (sometimes called the “Elastic Clause”) gives Congress implied powers; that is powers not named in the Constitution, but necessary for governing the country. -
Case 1:19-Cv-03557-RDM Document 27 Filed 01/27/20 Page 1 of 54
Case 1:19-cv-03557-RDM Document 27 Filed 01/27/20 Page 1 of 54 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA COMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT AND REFORM, UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Plaintiff, v. No. 19-cv-3557 (RDM) WILLIAM P. BARR, in his official capacity as Attorney General of the United States, et al., Defendants. REPLY MEMORANDUM IN SUPPORT OF DEFENDANTS’ MOTION TO DISMISS, OR, IN THE ALTERNATIVE, FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT Case 1:19-cv-03557-RDM Document 27 Filed 01/27/20 Page 2 of 54 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 1 ARGUMENT ............................................................................................................................ 3 I. The Court Lacks Jurisdiction Over This Interbranch Dispute. .................................... 3 A. The Court Lacks Jurisdiction Under Article III of the Constitution. ............................. 3 1. This Dispute Is Not Traditionally Amenable to Judicial Resolution. ............... 3 2. The Committee Fails to State a Cognizable Injury. ............................................. 7 3. Lawsuits of This Kind Imperil the Separation of Powers. ................................. 8 B. Defendants’ Argument Is Consistent with D.C. Circuit Precedent. ............................. 11 C. The Court Lacks Statutory Subject Matter Jurisdiction. ................................................. 12 II. Plaintiff Lacks a Cause of Action. ............................................................................... -
Executive Privilege and Congressional Investigatory Power Bernardschwartz*
1959] Executive Privilege and Congressional Investigatory Power BernardSchwartz* "Nothing ever becomes real," says Keats, "till it is experienced-even a proverb is no proverb to you till your life has illustrated it." This is as true in the law as it is in other areas of life. One may be familiar with, and even expert in, a particular branch of the law. His supposed expertise will, however, be more or less a matter of academic theory until he is personally affected by the operation of that branch in practice. In recent years, the present writer has become deeply concerned with the subject of so-called "executive privilege"--i.e., the power of the Gov- ernment to withhold information from the public, the courts, and the Congress. I had both written on the subject' and testified with regard to it as a member of an invited panel of legal experts before a congressional committee.' My own views on the matter were clearly opposed to those of the extreme proponents of executive privilege ".... the overriding danger," I declared in my testimony just referred to, "is.. the vesting of unfettered discretion in the executive to surround with secrecy all its activities."' But it was not until I was personally confronted with the problem of securing access to the files of government agencies that I was really able to appreciate what executive privilege means in practice. During 1957, I came up against that problem in my capacity as chief counsel and staff director of the House subcommittee investigating the federal regulatory agencies. Representatives of the subcommittee staff working in the Civil Aeronautics Board had, on September 13, 1957, in accordance with my instructions, asked for the files in certain cases decided by the Board. -
The Structural Safeguards of Federal Jurisdiction
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 2011 The trS uctural Safeguards of Federal Jurisdiction Tara Leigh Grove William & Mary Law School, [email protected] Repository Citation Grove, Tara Leigh, "The trS uctural Safeguards of Federal Jurisdiction" (2011). Faculty Publications. 1165. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/1165 Copyright c 2011 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs VOLUME 124 FEBRUARY 2011 NUMBER 4 © 2011 by The Harvard Law Review Association ARTICLE THE STRUCTURAL SAFEGUARDS OF FEDERAL JURISDICTION Tara Leigh Grove TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 870 II. THE THEORY .......................................................................................................................... 874 A. The Search for a Judicially Enforceable Baseline in Article III ............................... 874 B. The Structural Safeguards of Article I ........................................................................... 880 III. STRUCTURAL VETO POINTS IN POST–CIVIL WAR AMERICA ..................................... 888 A. Jurisdictional Battle: Suits Involving Corporations .................................................... 890 1. Establishing the Battleground: The Jurisdictional Expansion of 1875 ................ 891 2. Jurisdiction-Stripping -
Congressional Record—House H7451
September 23, 2004 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE H7451 and environmentally responsible thing with respect to the jurisdiction of Fed- fect of invalidating the Pledge across to do. eral courts inferior to the Supreme several States, or nationwide, H.R. 2028 f Court over certain cases and controver- will preserve to State courts the au- sies involving the Pledge of Allegiance, thority to decide whether the Pledge is OUTRAGEOUS SALES TAX with Mr. SHAW in the chair. valid within that State’s boundaries. It (Mr. SHERMAN asked and was given The Clerk read the title of the bill. will place final authority or a State’s permission to address the House for 1 The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the pledge policy in the hands of the States minute and to revise and extend his re- rule, the bill is considered as having themselves. marks.) been read the first time. H.R. 2028 as reported by the Com- Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise Under the rule, the gentleman from mittee on the Judiciary is identical to to address a bill by the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. SENSENBRENNER) and H.R. 3313, the Marriage Protection Act, which the House passed just prior to Georgia (Mr. LINDER). It is co-spon- the gentleman from New York (Mr. sored by the majority leader, a bill NADLER) each will control 30 minutes. the August recess except that it ad- which the President has indicated he The Chair recognizes the gentleman dresses the Pledge rather than the De- looks upon favorably. It is to abolish from Wisconsin (Mr. -
Why Does Justice Thomas Hate the Commerce Clause?
WHY DOES JUSTICE THOMAS HATE THE COMMERCE CLAUSE? James M. McGoldrick, Jr.* I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................... 329 II. CONGRESS’S POWER TO REGULATE INTERSTATE COMMERCE ...................................................................... 330 A. THE “DRAMATIC DEPARTURE IN THE 1930S” .................. 340 B. LOPEZ AND MORRISON: TWO OUTLIERS LIMITING FEDERAL COMMERCE POWER ....................................... 346 C. JUSTICE THOMAS’S VIEW OF COMMERCE POWER; SOMEONE TAKES A “WRONG TURN” ............................. 353 D. GONZALEZ V. RAICH: THE ADVENT OF THE RATIONAL BASIS TEST DRAWS NOT A WHIMPER ........................... 362 III. THE DORMANT COMMERCE CLAUSE’S LIMITATION ON STATE AND LOCAL POWER .................................... 365 A. THE MODERN TEST FOR THE DORMANT COMMERCE CLAUSE ........................................................................ 371 1. DISCRIMINATION AGAINST INTERSTATE COMMERCE: (VIRTUALLY) PER SE INVALID ............ 371 2. UNDUE BURDENS ON INTERSTATE COMMERCE: BURDEN IMPOSED VERSUS LOCAL BENEFIT .......... 375 B. JUSTICE THOMAS HATES THE DORMANT “NEGATIVE” COMMERCE CLAUSE ..................................................... 383 IV. CONCLUSION: WHY DOES JUSTICE THOMAS HATE THE COMMERCE CLAUSE? ........................................... 393 I. INTRODUCTION “Until this Court replaces its existing Commerce Clause jurisprudence with a standard more consistent with the original understanding, we will continue to see Congress appropriating state police powers