Athenian History and Society in the Age of Pericles L
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A Note on the Athenian Hiereus of Drusus Hypatos
FRANCESCO CAMIA A Note on the Athenian Hiereus of Drusus Hypatos 1. A cult for Drusus the Elder in Athens In 9 BC Drusus the Elder, son of the future spouse of Augustus, Livia Drusilla, passed away near Mogontiacum (modern Mainz) during a military campaign against the German tribes. The Senate awarded him solemn funerary honours.1 Probably in the same year, or a little later, a “priest of the consul Drusus” (ἱερεὺς ∆ρούσου ὑπάτου) appears in Athens.2 Drusus, who may have visited Athens This paper is part of a wider research project of the author on the priests of Roman Athens. I thank S. Privitera who read through the article and made precious suggestions and M. Metcalfe who edited the English text. The following bibliographical abbreviations are used: - Byrne, Roman Citizens = S.G. Byrne, Roman Citizens of Athens (Studia Hellenistica 40, Leuven – Dudley, Mass. 2003) - Camia, Theoi Sebastoi = F. Camia, Theoi Sebastoi. Il culto degli imperatori romani in Grecia (provincia Achaia) nel secondo secolo d.C. (Meletemata 65, Athens 2011) - Kantirea, Dieux Augustes = Maria Kantirea, Les dieux et les dieux Augustes. Le culte impérial en Grèce sous les Julio-claudiens et les Flaviens. Études épigraphiques et archéologiques (Μeletemata 50, Athens 2007) - Schmalz, Athens = G.C.R. Schmalz, Augustan and Julio-Claudian Athens. A New Epigraphy and Prosopography (Leiden – Boston 2009). 1. Cass. Dio 55.2; F. Hurlet, Les collègues du prince sous Auguste et Tibère: de la légalité républicaine à la légitimité dynastique (CEFR 227, Paris 1997) 94-95. The death of Drusus, who was well loved by the people, provoked great grief among the Romans; cf. -
The Demos in Demokratia.Pdf
The Classical Quarterly 1–20 © The Classical Association (2019) 1 doi:10.1017/S0009838819000636 THE DĒMOS IN DĒMOKRATIA* The meaning of dēmokratia is widely agreed: ‘rule by the people’ (less often ‘people- power’), where dēmos, ‘people’, implies ‘entire citizen body’, synonymous with polis, ‘city-state’,orπάντες πολίται, ‘all citizens’.1 Dēmos, on this understanding, comprised rich and poor, leaders and followers, mass and elite alike. As such, dēmokratia is interpreted as constituting a sharp rupture from previous political regimes.2 Rule by one man or by a few had meant the domination of one part of the community over the rest, but dēmokratia, it is said, implied self-rule, and with it the dissolution of the very distinction between ruler and ruled.3 Its governing principle was the formal political equality of all citizens. In the words of W.G. Forrest, between 750 and 450 B.C. there had developed ‘the idea of individual human autonomy … the idea that all members of a political society are free and equal, that everyone had the right to an equal say in determining the structure and the activities of his society’.4 * Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the 2013 meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, the 2015 meeting of the Northeastern Political Science Association and the department of Classics at Yale in 2016. In addition to those audiences, I thank Cliff Ando, Victor Bers, Paul Cammack, Paul Cartledge, David Grewal, Kinch Hoekstra, David Lewis, John Mulhern, Hari Ramesh, Gunnar Seelentag, George Scialabba, Richard Tuck, John Tully, Jane Mansbridge, Josiah Ober, John Zumbrunnen, two anonymous referees and my colleagues in the department of Political Science at Yale, where this research was completed. -
Who Freed Athens? J
Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny. -
The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought. -
The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years*
■ Assaig] ENTREMONS. UPF JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY Barcelona ﺍ Universitat Pompeu Fabra Número 6 (juny 2014) www.entremons.org The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years* Enric UCELAY-DA CAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) abstract The following essay examines the political development in Spain and Greece between the World War I and World War II, comparing these two Mediterranean countries and placing them in a broader European and global context. The conflict between the supporters of monarchy and republic as forms of government was extremely important in the political debate in both countries, and shaped their history in a quite remarkable way. The discussion of these intricate dynamics will help to appreciate the problems that Spain and Greece faced at that time, and can also contribute to a deeper understanding of some key features of the historical change in these two countries. resumen El siguiente ensayo examina el desarrollo político en España y Grecia en el período entre la Primera y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, comparando estos dos países mediterráneos y situándolos en un contexto europeo y global más amplio. El conflicto entre los partidarios de la monarquía y la república como formas de gobierno fue muy importante en el debate político de ambos países, influyendo en su historia de una manera muy notable. La discusión de estas dinámicas complicadas ayudará a apreciar mejor los problemas a los que España y Grecia se enfrentaban en ese momento, contribuyendo asimismo a una comprensión más profunda de algunas de las características clave del cambio histórico en estos dos países. -
THE EPONYMOUS OFFICIALS of GREEK CITIES: I Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 83 (1990) 249–288
ROBERT K. SHERK THE EPONYMOUS OFFICIALS OF GREEK CITIES: I aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 83 (1990) 249–288 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 249 The Eponymous Officials of Greek Cities: I (A) Introduction The eponymous official or magistrate after whom the year was named in Greek cities or as- sociations is well known to all epigraphists under various titles: archon, prytanis, stephanepho- ros, priest, etc. Some details about them have appeared in many articles and in scattered pas- sages of scholarly books. However, not since the publication of Clemens Gnaedinger, De Graecorum magistratibus eponymis quaestiones epigraphicae selectae (Diss. Strassburg 1892) has there been a treatment of the subject as a whole, although the growth of the material in this regard has been enormous.1 What is missing, however, is an attempt to bring the material up to date in a comprehensive survey covering the whole Greek world, at least as far as possible. The present article, of which this is only the first part, will present that material in a geographically organized manner: mainland Greece and the adjacent islands, then the Aegean islands, Asia Minor and Thrace, Syria, Egypt, Cyrene, Sicily, and southern Italy. All the epi- graphic remains of that area have been examined and catalogued. General observations and conclusions will be presented after the evidence as a whole has been given. I. Earliest Examples of Eponymity The earliest form of writing appeared in Sumer and Assyria sometime within the last half of the fourth millennium BC, and from there it spread westward. Thus, it is not at all surpris- ing that the Mesopotamian civilizations also made the earliest use of assigning names or events to years in dating historical records. -
The Battlefield Role of the Classical Greek General
_________________________________________________________________________Swansea University E-Theses The battlefield role of the Classical Greek general. Barley, N. D How to cite: _________________________________________________________________________ Barley, N. D (2012) The battlefield role of the Classical Greek general.. thesis, Swansea University. http://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43080 Use policy: _________________________________________________________________________ This item is brought to you by Swansea University. Any person downloading material is agreeing to abide by the terms of the repository licence: copies of full text items may be used or reproduced in any format or medium, without prior permission for personal research or study, educational or non-commercial purposes only. The copyright for any work remains with the original author unless otherwise specified. The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder. Permission for multiple reproductions should be obtained from the original author. Authors are personally responsible for adhering to copyright and publisher restrictions when uploading content to the repository. Please link to the metadata record in the Swansea University repository, Cronfa (link given in the citation reference above.) http://www.swansea.ac.uk/library/researchsupport/ris-support/ Swansea University Prifysgol Abertawe The Battlefield Role of the Classical Greek General N. D. Barley Ph.D. Submitted to the Department of History and Classics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2012 ProQuest Number: 10821472 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. -
Democracies and International Relations
Open Journal of Social Sciences, 2019, 7, 249-271 http://www.scirp.org/journal/jss ISSN Online: 2327-5960 ISSN Print: 2327-5952 Democracies and International Relations Dingyu Chung Utica, Michigan, USA How to cite this paper: Chung, D. (2019) Abstract Democracies and International Relation. Open Journal of Social Sciences, 7, 249-271. This paper proposes the five different democracies and their international re- https://doi.org/10.4236/jss.2019.77023 lations. Democracy literally means that power (kratos) belongs to the com- mon people (demos) instead of dictators and inherited kings-aristocrats. Dif- Received: June 21, 2019 Accepted: July 23, 2019 ferent types of powers and different types of the common people constitute Published: July 26, 2019 different types of democracies. Within a democratic nation, the intergroup relation among different social groups can be competitive or cooperative. The Copyright © 2019 by author(s) and most conventional democracy is liberal democracy where power, intergroup Scientific Research Publishing Inc. This work is licensed under the Creative relation, and people are liberty, competition, and all people, respectively. The Commons Attribution International power of the liberty to compete belongs to all people. All people have liberty License (CC BY 4.0). to compete. Democracies in general are the combinations of different powers http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ (elitism, tradition, liberty, equality, and wellbeing), different intergroup rela- Open Access tions (competition and cooperation), and different people (few, most, and all). Therefore, depending on powers, intergroup relations, and people, the five democracies are elite democracy (elitism, competition, few people), na- tionalist democracy (tradition, competition, most people), liberal democracy (liberty, competition, all people), socialist democracy (equality, competition, all people), and relationalist democracy (wellbeing, cooperation, all people). -
Ancient Greek Society by Mark Cartwright Published on 15 May 2018
Ancient Greek Society by Mark Cartwright published on 15 May 2018 Although ancient Greek Society was dominated by the male citizen, with his full legal status, right to vote, hold public oce, and own property, the social groups which made up the population of a typical Greek city-state or polis were remarkably diverse. Women, children, immigrants (both Greek and foreign), labourers, and slaves all had dened roles, but there was interaction (oen illicit) between the classes and there was also some movement between social groups, particularly for second-generation ospring and during times of stress such as wars. The society of ancient Greece was largely composed of the following groups: male citizens - three groups: landed aristocrats (aristoi), poorer farmers (periokoi) and the middle class (artisans and traders). semi-free labourers (e.g the helots of Sparta). women - belonging to all of the above male groups but without citizen rights. children - categorised as below 18 years generally. slaves - the douloi who had civil or military duties. foreigners - non-residents (xenoi) or foreign residents (metoikoi) who were below male citizens in status. Classes Although the male citizen had by far the best position in Greek society, there were dierent classes within this group. Top of the social tree were the ‘best people’, the aristoi. Possessing more money than everyone else, this class could provide themselves with armour, weapons, and a horse when on military campaign. The aristocrats were oen split into powerful family factions or clans who controlled all of the important political positions in the polis. Their wealth came from having property and even more importantly, the best land, i.e.: the most fertile and the closest to the protection oered by the city walls. -
How Our Democracy Works
How our democracy works The Constitution South Africa is a constitutional democracy. The Constitution is the highest law. No person can go against it, not even the President. Parliament cannot pass any laws that go against it. The courts and the government must also make sure that what they do is constitutional. The Constitution guarantees democracy through giving every person over 18 the right to vote and ensuring one voters' roll for all adult citizens, regular elections, and a multi-party system of government. These important parts of the Constitution can only be changed if 75% of the members of the National Assembly and six of the nine provinces agree. All aspects of how our democracy works are explained in the Constitution. What is democracy? The word 'democracy' comes from the Greek word demokratia which means 'government by the people'. • Democracy is a balance between 'might' and 'right'. The state takes all the power (it has all the 'might'), but its power must be limited so that it does not abuse this power (to make sure it does 'right'). The Constitution guarantees the independence of the courts and establishes six independent institutions to protect citizens: the Public Protector, the Human Rights Commission, the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, the Commission for Gender Equality, the Auditor General and the Independent Electoral Commission. • Democracy is about balancing rights and responsibilities. Citizens can expect the government to do things for them like providing protection, health services, education and housing. Citizens also have responsibilities like obeying the law and paying tax to the state. -
Allotment and Democracy in Ancient Greece
Allotment and Democracy in Ancient Greece Paul DEMONT Contrary to the view generally accepted among historians of antiquity on the authority of Plato and Aristotle, allotment does not strictly go hand in hand with democracy. According to Paul Demont, it was rather the establishment of democracy that gradually democratized a practice that was originally aristocratic and religious. ''Democracy arises after the poor are victorious over their adversaries, some of whom they kill and others of whom they exile, then they share out equally with the rest of the population political offices and burdens; and in this regime public offices are usually allocated by lot'' (Plato, Republic VIII, 557a). ''It is accepted as democratic when public offices are allocated by lot, and as oligarchic when they are filled by election'' (Aristotle, Politics IV. 9, 1294b8). “The characteristics of democracy are as follows: the election of officers by all out of all; and that all should rule over each, and each in his turn over all; that the appointment to all offices, or to all but those which require experience and skill, should be made by lot” (Aristotle, Politics VI. 2, 1317b17-21). This feature of ancient democracy, much commented upon by ancients and moderns alike, must be contextualized. Allotment was a common procedure for making choices in all ancient societies, democratic or not, and in Greek society 1 of the archaic and classic periods, it often had a religious importance. Mogens H. Hansen, in 2 his important book on Athenian democracy , denies this fact, in order to refute Fustel de 1 See Pubblico sorteggio e cleromanzia: alcuni esempi, a.c. -
The Rule of Law As the Measure of Political Legitimacy in the Greek City States
Hague J Rule Law DOI 10.1007/s40803-017-0054-1 ARTICLE The Rule of Law as the Measure of Political Legitimacy in the Greek City States Mirko Canevaro1 © The Author(s) 2017. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract This paper explores how a conception of the rule of law (embodied in a variety of legal and political institutions) came to affirm itself in the world of the ancient Greek city states. It argues that such a conception, formulated in opposition to the arbitrary rule of man, was to a large extent consistent with modern ideas of the rule of law as a constraint to political power, and to their Fullerian requirements of formal legality, as well as to requirements of due process. The article then analyses how this ideal was formulated in the Archaic period, and how it became a key feature of Greek identity. Finally, it argues that in the fifth and fourth centuries BCE it came to be used as the measure of the legitimacy of Greek political systems: democracy and oligarchy, as they engaged in an ideological battle, were judged as legitimate (and desirable) or illegitimate (and undesirable) on the basis of their conformity with a shared ideal of the rule of law. Then as now, to quote Tamanaha, ‘the rule of law’ was ‘an accepted measure worldwide of government legitimacy’. Keywords Ancient Greece · Athens · Democracy · Oligarchy · Tyranny 1 Introduction The starting point of Tamanaha’s (2004, p. 3) much cited book-length study on the rule of law is the recognition that ‘the rule of law is an accepted measure worldwide of government legitimacy’.