COFFEE SHOP DIALOGICS: Sex and the City and Third Wave Feminism
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COFFEE SHOP DIALOGICS: Sex and the City and Third Wave Feminism. by Angela Chiang, BA (Hons) A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Film Studies Carleton University OTTAWA, Ontario 29 January 2007 © 2007, Angela Chiang Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 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Abstract The third wave feminism has been characterized by its multiplicity of voices from diverse pockets of women and advocating a heterogeneous myriad of positions rather than a monolithic ideology. While several terms could be used to name the “messy” debate that third wave feminism fosters, this thesis identifies “feminist dialogics” as theorized by Dale M Bauer and Susan J. McKinstry, as the primary mode of navigation. This work focuses on situating the HBO series S ex and the City within a specific historical and discursive context, that of the third wave, concentrating on the "brunch" and "laptop" sequences which appear in virtually every episode, as the dramatization of third wave feminist dialogics. More specifically, the "brunch scenes" are read as a forum where the question of female sexuality, one of the central issues of the third wave, can be debated and collectively reconceived. However, the thesis concludes that its dramatic form ultimately undermines the dialogic project of the series. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Acknowledgements First and foremost, this thesis would not have been possible without the tireless efforts of my remarkable supervisor Andre Loiselle. There simply are not enough ways to say thank you for all that you've done for this work or for my sanity during this process. You are a truly inspiring mentor who constandy pushes me to higher levels. Thank you for the immeasurable guidance and support you have provided me for so many years. I would also like to thank my family, friends and colleagues; especially my mother for always checking up on me - I will always be your litde girl; to Nick Nguyen, Isabelle Hertanto, Jeremy Maron, Jose Sanchez and Joe Lipsett who will always be my cherished friends - I thank you for always being there for me; and to rest of the Film Studies faculty at Carleton for their assistance. I would also like to give special thanks to Sonya Poweska for her friendship over the past few months - 1 only wish this thesis had as much potential as you do. And finally, I proudly acknowledge the unconditional love of my Chubby-san; whose sweet devotion is always the perfect remedy for my most challenging of days. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. T able of Contents Introduction: Why S ex and the City ? 1 Chapter One: Charting the Third Wave 8 - “Do-Me” Feminism 17 - Reclaiming the “Bitch” 20 - “The Rules” 22 - Feminist Dialogics 29 Chapter Two: Of Archetypes, Laptops and Brunches 32 - The Pilot: Establishing the Archetypes 33 - Beyond the Pilot: Charlotte York, “Rules-Girl” 37 - Miranda Hobbes, Equality Feminist 43 - Samantha Jones, Pro-Sex Feminist 49 - The Power of the Dialogic Process 54 - The Formal Techniques of Feminist Dialogics 57 Chapter Three: From Feminist Dialogics to the Romantic Carnivalesque 61 - Interruptions 64 - The E nd o f Questioning 67 - The Elephant in the Room 69 - The Carnivalesque 73 - The Renaissance vs. The Romantic 75 - The “Death” of the Single Girl 77 - Carnivalesque Marriages and Pregnancies 81 - The Carnival Mask 85 - The “Official” Feast 89 Conclusion: The Limits of Drama 94 Works Cited 102 Appendix A 108 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 Introduction: WhySex an d the City? W hen Sex and the City premiered in June 1998, audiences knew they were witnessing television history. (Sohn, 2004, 26) Shordy after the HBO Original Series, S ex and the City debuted on June 6, 1998 a flurry of activity sprung from both the popular press and academic circles. Here, academics and avid viewers alike began debating whether the new series was progressive in its depiction of modem, urban females or deceptive, actually reinforcing conservative ideals for women under the guise of empowerment. Critical assumptions viewed the show as deceiving, as it seemingly presented progressive female characters with agency, but ultimately undermined this agency as the women fell into conservative aspirations of romantic love and domesticity. Ariel Levy, stated for example, “S ex and the City was great entertainment, but it was a flawed guide to empowerment” (Levy, 2005, 176) and Charlotte Raven, columnist for The Guardian condemned the series as “a worthless pile of swill with no cultural relevance.’’(Raven, 1999, 5). Conversely, as the series was well into its second season, the stars of the show seductively posed on the cover of TIM E Magazine accompanied by the headline, “Who Needs a Husband?” The cover story focussed on single women across the United States "deciding that marriage is not inevitable, [and] that they can lead a fulfilling life as single. It's an empowering choice, but for many not an easy one." (Edwards, 2000, 47) Even though the protagonists are on the cover, the actual article has very little to do with the content of the show directly - indirectly however, the eight page spread under banner "Single by Choice" speaks volumes as to the impact of the show. The article maps out the challenges of the processes of the empowerment and choice that face women, using the show to talk about these values and invariably crediting the series with opening the discussion and disseminating Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 this message. An article such as this would not have been able to surface had it not been for the influence of the characters that graced its cover. Regardless of what critics were debating, audiences responded, resulting in one of HBO’s most successful series. In fact, the final episode garnered the premium cable network its second highest original series rating ever, with 10.5 million viewers tuning in. (The Associate Press, 24 February, 2004) This thesis however, does not seek to address the relationship between the show and the empirical reality of contemporary women nor does it wish to reconcile oppositions or reinforcements regarding the series' cultural merit - whether it contributes to female empowerment, or to the sexualization of women, as such projects have already been undertaken. Amanda Osterhaus Ream's work Only the \jonely: A rhetorical analysis of ‘Sex and the City ’ for example, concludes, "Sex and the City serves a hegemonic function in perpetuating a hierarchy that oppresses women through objectification and commodification."(Osterhaus Ream, 2003, Abstract) Additionally, the work Blurred Sex and the City: A n Analysis of Language and Gender in Sex and the City ’ posits that the show "has been an inspiration to later TV-shows and has had an impact on the way women are portrayed in television. [It has] set new standards for what is acceptable for women to do." (Anderson, Arildsen, Kohl, Mastilo, von Hedemann and Johan, 2005, 61) Rather, my interest lies in situating the series within specific historical context; firstly, the historical discourse of feminism and secondly the historical moment of its broadcast lifecycle. An article in the Providence Journal states, “Clearly, Sex and the City had put a face to a new phase of women’s liberation.. .it was more than a TV show, it was a cultural marker.” (The Providence journal [Rhode Island], 23 February 2004) which is what this thesis aims to illustrate - namely, that Sex and the City is a “cultural marker” of a signified shift in feminist issues, marking a new trend of feminist discourse.