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'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Carter Networks Use British Courts Against Callaghan
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 4, Number 6, February 8, 1977 Equal Employee Representation: The Key To Industrial Expansion The following are extracts from the Minority Report of ments to any form of board representation. the Bullock Committee. which were prepared by Mr. N. Our recommendation, subject to the creation or P. Biggs. Sir Jack Callard and Mr. Barrie Heath. The existence of a suitable substructure, is that if there is to Minority Report. in contrast with the Majority view of be employee representation at board level, it should be the Bullock Committee. calls for worker representation on supervisory boards. on supervisory boards. based on the West German We propose that a supervisory board, where adopted, model. which would leave the existing board structure in should consist of: one-third elected by employees; one British industry virtually intact. Further. the report en third elected by the shareholders; one-third independent visages the formation of such supervisory boards. to members. Included in the one third employee elected re ha ve no formal links with the trade union apparatus. only presentatives should be at least one member from the following a number of years experience with work coun shop floor payroll, one from the salaried staff employees, cils within each company. and one from management. If a supervisory board is to serve a useful purpose. it We present this minority report in the confidence that should not be a watchdog without teeth. It should exer our views will have the support of large sections of the in cise general supervision over the conduct of the compa dustrial community. -
Recall of Mps
House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Recall of MPs First Report of Session 2012–13 Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 21 June 2012 HC 373 [incorporating HC 1758-i-iv, Session 2010-12] Published on 28 June 2012 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to consider political and constitutional reform. Current membership Mr Graham Allen MP (Labour, Nottingham North) (Chair) Mr Christopher Chope MP (Conservative, Christchurch) Paul Flynn MP (Labour, Newport West) Sheila Gilmore MP (Labour, Edinburgh East) Andrew Griffiths MP (Conservative, Burton) Fabian Hamilton MP (Labour, Leeds North East) Simon Hart MP (Conservative, Camarthen West and South Pembrokeshire) Tristram Hunt MP (Labour, Stoke on Trent Central) Mrs Eleanor Laing MP (Conservative, Epping Forest) Mr Andrew Turner MP (Conservative, Isle of Wight) Stephen Williams MP (Liberal Democrat, Bristol West) Powers The Committee’s powers are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in Temporary Standing Order (Political and Constitutional Reform Committee). These are available on the Internet via http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmstords.htm. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including press notices) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/pcrc. A list of Reports of the Committee in the present Parliament is at the back of this volume. -
2005/4/776 Title: Department of Foreign Affairs Brief on The
DFA/5 Department of Foreign Affairs NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2005/4/776 Title: Department of Foreign Affairs brief on the Labour Party position and internal divisions with regard to Northern Ireland, prepared in advance of a meeting between Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave and Prime Minister Harold Wilson. Creation Date(s): 11 September, 1974 Level of description: Item Extent and medium: 2 pages Creator(s): Department of Foreign Affairs Access Conditions: Open Copyright: National Archives, Ireland. May only be reproduced with the written permission of the Director of the National Archives. © National Archives, Ireland .I Ivl'f' /Z ,;r.A-./vl ~~ I" ~I f ~ (.'. ) :u..¥J'I9~ ~~ 7 • ... iJ 11/'t/h1 Within the Labour Party the great majority of M.Ps. would have no particular or personal views about Northern Ireland policy and would, in the absence of constituency and public opinion DFA/5pressure, go along automatically with the policyDepartment of ofthe Foreign day, Affairs unlike many Tory MoPs. who, because of social, family and financial connections with the North, tend to be under greater pressure to take up a policy position. There are however two groups which might be called the SDLP Support Group and the Disengagement Lobby. who on occasion dissociate themselves from Gov ernment policy or from aspects of that policy. The SDLP Support Group, who work closely with Gerry Fitt and other SDLP members, often take a line in Parliament very close to the SDLP position. The number prepared to support such a stand would at most be about twelve, with Paddy Duffy and Kevin McNamara being the two best known members. -
Members of Parliament Disqualified Since 1900 This Document Provides Information About Members of Parliament Who Have Been Disqu
Members of Parliament Disqualified since 1900 This document provides information about Members of Parliament who have been disqualified since 1900. It is impossible to provide an entirely exhaustive list, as in many cases, the disqualification of a Member is not directly recorded in the Journal. For example, in the case of Members being appointed 5 to an office of profit under the Crown, it has only recently become practice to record the appointment of a Member to such an office in the Journal. Prior to this, disqualification can only be inferred from the writ moved for the resulting by-election. It is possible that in some circumstances, an election could have occurred before the writ was moved, in which case there would be no record from which to infer the disqualification, however this is likely to have been a rare occurrence. This list is based on 10 the writs issued following disqualification and the reason given, such as appointments to an office of profit under the Crown; appointments to judicial office; election court rulings and expulsion. Appointment of a Member to an office of profit under the Crown in the Chiltern Hundreds or the Manor of Northstead is a device used to allow Members to resign their seats, as it is not possible to simply resign as a Member of Parliament, once elected. This is by far the most common means of 15 disqualification. There are a number of Members disqualified in the early part of the twentieth century for taking up Ministerial Office. Until the passage of the Re-Election of Ministers Act 1919, Members appointed to Ministerial Offices were disqualified and had to seek re-election. -
The UK's EU Vote
BRUEGEL POLICY CONTRIBUTION ISSUE 2015/08 JUNE 2015 THE UK’S EU VOTE: THE 1975 PRECEDENT AND TODAY’S NEGOTIATIONS EMMANUEL MOURLON-DRUOL Highlights • The United Kingdom's European Union Referendum Bill, introduced in the House of Commons on 28 May 2015, legislates for the holding of a referendum before 31 December 2017 on the UK’s continued EU membership. UK prime minister David Cameron is opening negotiations with other EU member states to try to obtain an EU reform deal that better suits UK interests. Both the negotiations and the out- come of the referendum pose major challenges for the UK and the EU. • It will not be the first time that a UK government has staged a referendum following a renegotiation of its terms of EU membership. The first such referendum took place on 5 June 1975 after nearly a year of renegotiations, and the ‘yes’ won with 67.2 percent of the vote. Notwithstanding obvious differences, the conduct of today’s renegotiations should bear in mind this precedent, and in particular consider (a) how much the UK government can get out of the negotiations, in particular with respect to potential Treaty changes; (b) why political marketing is central to the Telephone referendum’s outcome; (c) how the UK administration’s internal divisions risk derai- +32 2 227 4210 ling the negotiations; and (d) why the negotiations risk antagonising even the UK’s [email protected] best allies. www.bruegel.org Emmanuel Mourlon-Druol ([email protected]) is a Visiting Scholar at Bruegel, Fellow at the Adam Smith Business School, University of Glasgow and Visiting Professor at the Université Libre de Bruxelles. -
Parliamentary Private Secretaries to Prime Ministers Since 1906 Prime Minister Parliamentary Private Secretary Notes
BRIEFING PAPER Number 06579, 11 March 2020 Parliamentary Private Compiled by Secretaries to Prime Sarah Priddy Ministers since 1906 This List notes Parliamentary Private Secretaries to successive Prime Ministers since 1906. Alex Burghart was appointed PPS to Boris Johnson in July 2019 and Trudy Harrison appointed PPS in January 2020. Parliamentary Private Secretaries (PPSs) are not members of the Government although they do have responsibilities and restrictions as defined by the Ministerial Code available on the Cabinet Office website. A list of PPSs to Cabinet Ministers as at June 2019 is published on the Government’s transparency webpages. It is usual for the Leader of the Opposition to have a PPS; Tan Dhesi was appointed as Jeremy Corbyn’s PPS in January 2020. Further information The Commons Library briefing on Parliamentary Private Secretaries provides a history of the development of the position of Parliamentary Private Secretary in general and looks at the role and functions of the post and the limitations placed upon its holders. The Institute for Government’s explainer: parliamentary private secretaries (Nov 2019) considers the numbers of PPSs over time. www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Parliamentary Private Secretaries to Prime Ministers since 1906 Prime Minister Parliamentary Private Secretary Notes Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman (1905-08) Herbert Carr-Gomm 1906-08 Assistant Private Secretary Herbert Asquith (1908-16) 1908-09 Vice-Chamberlain of -
The UK Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015
Complex security and strategic latency: the UK Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015 PAUL CORNISH AND ANDREW M. DORMAN* In its first Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) in 2010, the British government committed its successors to undertake such a review every five years.1 Whichever party (or parties) form the government, the next SDSR is expected to begin soon after the May 2015 general election. In the meantime the machinery of government has once again entered the ‘phoney war’ stage of the defence cycle: preliminary work and positioning has begun prior to the formal start of the review process.2 This is an uncomfortable time for the UK’s principal political parties. The current government’s defence and security policy includes the questionable assump- tion that equipment spending can grow within a defence budget that seems set to shrink and against a pledge that the regular army will suffer no further cuts.3 Yet these contradictions are as nothing when compared to those experienced within the Labour Party. Labour’s defence team has indicated that it has no wish to be constrained by the current defence and security review timetable, which it believes would produce only a rushed outcome. Instead, a Labour government would hold a strategy review once the 2016 Comprehensive Spending Review has been completed. In other words, Labour would conduct a review, which it would describe as ‘strategic’, only after the defence budget for 2016–19 had been fixed.4 Further complicating this picture is the prospect of another coalition govern- ment. In their joint debate on Trident, Britain’s force of four nuclear ballistic missile-carrying submarines, the Scottish National Party (SNP), Plaid Cymru * This article was accepted for publication by the previous editor. -
Skyjackers, Jackals and Soldiers: British Planning for International Terrorist Incidents During the 1970S
Skyjackers, jackals and soldiers: British planning for international terrorist incidents during the 1970s GERAINT HUGHES* On 5 January 1974 a column of 150 British Army troops, supported by armoured vehicles, arrived at Heathrow airport in full battle order, and over the course of the following two weeks they patrolled its runways and the perimeter. These soldiers had been ordered in by Edward Heath’s government in response to intel- ligence reports that the Palestinian fedayeen intended to use a portable anti-aircraft missile to shoot down a passenger jet, and the British authorities had already devised contingency plans (codenamed Operation Marmion) to deploy the army in order to deter a terrorist attack at the airport.1 Marmion was implemented on three further occasions in 1974—in June, July and September—and in each case the troop presence at Heathrow attracted considerable parliamentary and press comment.2 Some critics argued that in each case the British government was over- reacting to the threat at hand, and that the military patrols at Heathrow were essentially intended as a public relations exercise.3 However, Operation Marmion also had an effect which ministers and civil servants had not intended, as it fed contemporary fears that the British Army and right-wing extremists within the establishment and security services were preparing for a coup.4 Much of the discussion about responses to terrorism in Britain focuses on the conflict in Northern Ireland (1969–98),5 and there is very little scholarly analysis of how the British state responded to the threat of international terrorism from the early 1970s onwards.6 This is partly attributable to the 30-year rule regulating the * The analysis, opinions and conclusions expressed or implied here are those of the author and do not necessar- ily represent the views of the Joint Services Command and Staff College, the Defence Academy, the MoD or any other UK government agency. -
The Limits of Social Democracy?
Working Paper No. 64/01 The Limits of Social Democracy? Tax and Spend under Labour, 1974-1979 Tom Clark © Tom Clark Department of Economic History London School of Economics June 2001 Department of Economic History London School of Economics Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE Tel: +44 (0)20 7955 7860 Fax: +44 (0)20 7955 7730 Additional copies of this working paper are available at a cost of £2.50. Cheques should be made payable to ‘Department of Economic History, LSE’ and sent to the Economic History Department Secretary. LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, UK. Contents Acknowledgements __________________________________________________ iv Preface ____________________________________________________________ iv Abbreviations _______________________________________________________v 1: Introduction ______________________________________________________1 1.1 ‘Tax-and-Spend’ and Social Democracy __________________________________ 1 1.2 The British Case______________________________________________________ 3 1.3 Historiography _______________________________________________________ 3 1.4 The Rest of the Paper__________________________________________________ 5 2: Were the Mid-70s a Turning Point? ___________________________________7 2.1 The Size of the State___________________________________________________ 7 2.2 Redistribution_______________________________________________________ 13 3: The Role of Economic Constraints ___________________________________18 3.1 The Bacon and Eltis Thesis ____________________________________________ 18 3.2 -
Crown Copyright Catalogue Reference
(c) crown copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/54/25 Image Reference:0001 CC(74) 25th COPY NO 9 4 IConclusions CABINET CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cabinet held at 10 Downing Street on THURSDAY 11 JULY 1974 at 11. 00 am PRESEN T The Rt Hon Harold Wilson MP Prime Minister the Rt Hon Edward Short MP The Rt Hon James Callaghan MP Lord President of the Council Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs he Rt Hon Lord Elwyn-Jones The Rt Hon Roy Jenkins MP iOrd Chancellor Secretary of State for the Home Department [he Rt Hon Denis Healey MP The Rt Hon Anthony Crosland MP Chancellor of the Exchequer Secretary of State for the Environment the Rt Hon Michael Foot MP The Rt Hon Eric Varley MP secretary of State for Employment Secretary of State for Energy (Item 1) the Rt Hon Shirley Williams MP The Rt Hon Barbara Castle MP Secretary of State for Prices and Secretary of State for Social Services pnsumer Protection THE Rt Hon Anthony Wedgwood Benn MP The Rt Hon Peter Shore MP pcretary of State for Industry Secretary of State for Trade Pe Rt Hon Roy Mason MP The Rt Hon Reginald Prentice MP Ijpcretar y of State for Defence Secretary of State for Education and Science The Rt Hon John Morris QC MP f* Rt Hon William Ross MP Secretary of State for Wales Pcretary of State for Scotland P E Rt Hon Merlyn Rees MP The Rt Hon Fred Peart MP Pcretary of State for Northern Ireland Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food Pe Rt Hon Harold Lever MP The Rt Hon Lord Shepherd Pancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Lord Privy Seal m i 1 : SE:RE T . -
“Building Back Together” Report Here
COVID RECOVERY COMMISSION PAPER TWO Building Back Together A new partnership for the recovery www.covidrecoverycommission.co.uk COVID RECOVERY COMMISSION About the COVID Recovery Commission and this report The COVID Recovery Commission was formed in July 2020. The independent Commission brings together some of the UK’s most prominent cross-sector business figures and entrepreneurs, alongside the UK’s policy experts and those with political expertise. The Commission was created with the ambition to examine the impact of the COVID crisis on the ‘levelling-up’ agenda, and to subsequently produce bold and innovative policy solutions to help reform the UK’s post-COVID economy. This report is the second paper which the Commission has released. Following the success of the COVID Recovery Commission’s first report, ‘Levelling up Communities’ in late 2020, the Commission’s second paper focuses on how business and government can work together to increase productivity, innovation and business investment, with the aim of delivering the kind of jobs and opportunities that will boost earnings, financial security and wellbeing. This report is the predecessor to the Commission’s final paper which is due for publication in the coming months. The final report will detail policy recommendations across a range of areas, aimed at ensuring that the post COVID-19 recovery creates a stronger, fairer and more resilient economy, thereby boosting people’s life chances and supporting a reduction in inequality right across the UK. 2 www.covidrecoverycommission.co.uk 3 COVID RECOVERY COMMISSION Executive Summary The Covid Recovery Commission’s first paper highlighted significant and long-running inequalities in the UK.