Stateless Persons’: the Repatriation of Estate Tamils of Sri Lanka to India C.1920-80

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Stateless Persons’: the Repatriation of Estate Tamils of Sri Lanka to India C.1920-80 © 2018 JETIR June 2018, Volume 5, Issue 6 www.jetir.org (ISSN-2349-5162) From ‘British Subjects’ to ‘Stateless Persons’: the Repatriation of Estate Tamils of Sri Lanka to India C.1920-80 Dr. Shyni Danial Independent Research Scholar School of Social Sciences, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, Kerala Abstract This paper engages with the issues of citizenship, statelessness and repatriation of estate Tamils of Sri Lanka to India in the period between 1920 and 1980. The study aims to reveal the way in which how Indian immigrant community enjoyed enfranchisement rights in the Colonial Ceylon and the way their political privileges were questioned in the later periods. The nation state formation in South Asia brought new meanings to individual identities and the concept of ‘British subjects’ which ensured various rights to the Tamil immigrants in the Colonial Ceylon became insignificant. The paper goes on to describe the way in which how the estate Tamils had undergone a condition of political uncertainty which finally led to their repatriation to their ancestral regions in South India and the discussions and debates which occurred around their repatriation to India. Key Words ​ ​ Plantation Labour, ethnicity, Citizenship, statelessness, repatriation and rehabilitation. Introduction The development of the plantation economy generated labour migration from South India to Sri Lanka. The labourers who worked on plantation estates were mainly recruited from the colonial Madras presidency, especially from Trichinopoly, Tanjore, Pudukotai, Madurai, Selam, North and South Arcot, Madras and Coimbatore.1 The Tamil labourers were dispersed over all nine provinces in Sri Lanka. In 1930, the colonial government in Sri Lanka noted that 50 to 60 percentage of estate Tamils were born in Sri Lanka and their number was seven lakhs.2 It also stated that the estates Tamils were settled in Sri Lanka although they kept making periodical visits to their home villages in Tamil Nadu. Only a minority of those of Indian origin were located in urban areas where they engaged in semi-skilled work, domestic service and business. 1 Haraprasad Chattopadhyaya. Indians in Sri Lanka: A Historical Study, Calcutta, 1979, p.37. ​ ​ 2 File No 1- 83, 10.10. 1930, Department of Education, Health and Lands, Overseas Branch, National Archives of India. ​ JETIR1806741 Journal of Emerging Technologies and Innovative Research (JETIR) www.jetir.org 330 ​ © 2018 JETIR June 2018, Volume 5, Issue 6 www.jetir.org (ISSN-2349-5162) The estate Tamils in Sri Lanka enjoyed different kinds of welfare facilities including housing facilities, education for children, maternity benefits in the case of female workers and minimum wages during the Colonial Period. The colonial Government of Ceylon enacted a number of welfare measures for the immigrant estate population throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Their regular periodical visit to villages in South India had reduced surplus labour in the Sri Lankan plantations. The present paper looks at the question of the citizenship and political rights of the persons of Indian origin in Sri Lanka in different periods and their subsequent repatriation to India. It examines the discussions and perceptions which occurred around these questions and the way in which political parties, politicians and the press in India formulated their ideas on the question. The Question of Nationality ​ The question of the identity and rights of estate Tamils in Sri Lanka acquired political significance in the 1930s. In 1930, the colonial government established a commission headed by Donoughmore, to expand the form of representative government which had been initiated in the 1920s. This commission emphasized the need to extend the franchise to all sections in the country including women and estate Tamils.3 The existing system had laid down two qualifications for enfranchisement: a literary test and income criteria. The Donoughmore commission put only one condition for acquiring voting right, i.e., a five-year continuous residence in the country. This political privilege was extended to the estate Tamils within the broader concept of 'British subjects’ which ensured equal rights to the immigrants with the indigenous population. But this suggestion was widely criticised by the Sinhalese politicians, who feared that this would result in the large scale enfranchisement of estate Tamils giving them considerable clout in political life. They claimed that the very fact that persons of Indian origin maintained some contact with their village in Tamil Nadu which proved that their sense of attachment lay with India not Sri Lanka and that therefore they could not be regarded as one of the constituents of its national polity. They pressed the colonial government to drop the simple criteria of a five-year residence in the country, and to use the criteria of domicile to judge the person’s permanent interest in a country. They wanted a clear distinction to be made between domicile by birth and domicile by choice. Under the pressure of Sinhalese politicians the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) modified the recommendations of the Commission. The voting right was given to estate Tamils on condition that a person would have to possess a certificate from an appointed officer stating that s/he was resident in Sri Lanka for five continuous years. They received the status of 'undomicile’ or domicile by choice even though a substantial proportion were born in Sri Lanka. They had to also make a declaration that they would not depend upon any other country except Ceylon. Nevertheless, as a result of 3 Ibid. ​ JETIR1806741 Journal of Emerging Technologies and Innovative Research (JETIR) www.jetir.org 331 ​ © 2018 JETIR June 2018, Volume 5, Issue 6 www.jetir.org (ISSN-2349-5162) this process 1, 00, 000 Tamil-speaking residents in Sri Lanka were admitted into the electoral register in 1931. In the State Council election in 1936, their number increased to 1, 45, 000 and it became 2,25, 000 during the 1939 election.4 Sri Lankans on the other hand were categorised as domiciled by birth. Fearing the increasing participation of the estate Tamils in elections to the State Council, the Sinhalese politicians urged the government to introduce a rigid qualification test for voting right. The colonial government felt that the right to vote would help estate Tamils to improve their economic conditions. But it could not ignore the powerful voice of the Sinhalese political leaders so it adopted a stricter voting test. The effect of this was felt in the State Council election of 1942 in which the number of eligible voters among estate Tamils fell to 1,68, 000.5 In 1939, the Indian National Congress sent Jawaharlal Nehru to enquire into the dismissal of Indian daily-waged labourers from government departments in Sri Lanka. Declaring that the GOSL was not protecting the rights of Indian labourers in Sri Lanka, Government of India (GOI) banned the migration of unskilled labour from India to Sri Lanka. At the same time in 1940-41 GOI also entered into negotiation with Sri Lanka to clarify the political rights of Indians in Sri Lanka. But these negotiations failed to resolve the political predicament of the Indian estate population in Sri Lanka. The colonial government in Sri Lanka did not wish to take the risk of provoking too much political opposition by taking up the rights of Indians in Sri Lanka. It left the issue to the future decisions of the new Government in Sri Lanka. 6 GOI wanted the Indian emigration Act to provide the framework for determining the position of persons of Indian origin in Sri Lanka. It pointed out that under the terms of the Act, labour emigration from India had been permitted only on condition that labourers would have the right to settle permanently in the country and to exercise the same privileges as other inhabitants of the country. On this basis it argued that person of Indian origin should be put on the same political footing as the nationals of Sri Lanka.7 In 1947 GOI had entered into negotiations with GOSL over the principles on which citizenship status was to be defined for persons of Indian origin in Sri Lanka.8 Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India stated that India was ready to accept those estate Tamils who wanted to come to India and claim Indian nationality. At the same time, he also pressed Sri Lanka to liberalize the conditions for claiming citizenship and simplify the registration process for those who wanted to stay there. In particular, Nehru argued the case for those people who had lived in Sri Lanka for three to four generations, stressing both the economic contribution 4 S.U.Kodikara, Indo -Ceylon Relations since Independence ,Colombo, 1965, p.78. 5 Ibid. 6 Chattopadhyaya, Indians in Sri Lanka, pp.210-11. ​ ​ ​ 7P.Sahadevan, India and Overseas Indians: The Case of Sri Lanka,1995, Delhi, 122-23. 8 S.Gopal, eds. Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, New Delhi, Vol.4, 1986, p. 622, Nehru Memorial Museum and ​ Library(here after NMML ), New Delhi. JETIR1806741 Journal of Emerging Technologies and Innovative Research (JETIR) www.jetir.org 332 ​ © 2018 JETIR June 2018, Volume 5, Issue 6 www.jetir.org (ISSN-2349-5162) they had made to the country and their sense of attachment to it. He also negotiated the citizenship right for estate Tamils under the emigration rules which guaranteed rights and facilities to Indian immigrants. He stated this to (in) his letter to D.S. Senanayake (1947-1952), the then Prime Minister of Sri Lanka dated on 17.6.1947: One of the conditions for emigration to other countries to which the Government of India have always attached the utmost importance from the very beginning of Indian emigration has been that an emigrant labourer should be given facilities to settle in the country to which he emigrates on equal terms with members of the indigenous population.
Recommended publications
  • 25 Handbook of Bibliography on Diaspora and Transnationalism.Pdf
    BIBLIOGRAPH Y A Hand-book on Diaspora and Transnationalism FIRST EDITION April 2013 Compiled By Monika Bisht Rakesh Ranjan Sadananda Sahoo Draft Copy for Reader’s Comments Global Research Forum on Diaspora and Transnationalism www.grfdt.org Bibleography Preface Large scale international mobility of the people since colonial times has been one of the most important historical phenomenon in the human history. This has impacted upon the social, cultural, political and economic landscape of the entire globe. Though academic interest goes back little early, the phenomenon got the world wide attention as late as 1990s. We have witnessed more proactive engagement of various organizations at national and international level such as UN bodies. There was also growing research interest in the areas. Large number of institutions got engaged in research on diaspora-international migration-refugee-transnationalism. Wide range of research and publications in these areas gave a new thrust to the entire issue and hence advancing further research. The recent emphasis on diaspora’s development role further accentuated the attention of policy makers towards diaspora. The most underemphasized perhaps, the role of diaspora and transnational actors in the overall development process through capacity building, resource mobilization, knowledge sharing etc. are growing areas of development debate in national as well as international forums. There have been policy initiatives at both national and international level to engage diaspora more meaningfully since last one decade. There is a need for more wholistic understanding of the enrite phenomena to facilitate researchers and stakeholders engaged in the various issues related to diaspora and transnationalism. Similarly, we find the areas such as social, political and cultural vis a vis diaspora also attracting more interest in recent times as forces of globalization intensified in multi direction.
    [Show full text]
  • Indian Leaders on Tibet.Pmd
    C. Rajagopalachari, the last Governor-General of India, on Tibet Brutal Colonialism in Tibet IT is difficult to find suitable words to express the sympathy that I feel in respect of this movement - of what I may call in a different sense - a movement for the liberation of Tibet. The issue of Tibet is not a question of legalistic exploration as to the sovereignty of Tibet but a question of human rights which must be decided on the plane of justice and humanity and not on the basis of any legal puzzle. Sovereignty and Suzerainty are terms which have varied from time to time in respect of their content. Whatever legal jargon might have been used from time to time, in respect of the relation between Tibet and China, in particular, and the outer world, in general, no one can doubt the fact that Tibetan people have a right to rule themselves. His Holiness the Dalai Lama in his message had made things quite clear and pointed out how even on a legalistic plane there can be no doubt about the rights of the Tibetan people to rule themselves irrespective of any belonging to other nationalities. This invasion of Tibet which terminated in His Holiness taking refuge in Indian territory is brutal colonialism. There can, therefore, be no second thoughts in the matter. All Indian people wants Tibet to be released from the grip of China. 1 Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the first President of Indian Republic, on Tibet (Excerpts from his last public speech, Gandhi Maidan, Patna, 24 October, 1962.) FREEDOM is the most sacred boon.
    [Show full text]
  • Sri Lanka Assessment
    SRI LANKA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT October 2002 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Sri Lanka October 2002 CONTENTS 1. Scope of Document 1.1 - 1.4 2. Geography 2.1 - 2.4 3. Economy 3.1 - 3.2 4. History 4.1 - 4.79 - Independence to 1994 4.1 - 4.10 - 1994 to the present 4.11 - 4.50 - The Peace Process January 2000 - October 4.51 - 4.79 2002 5. State Structures 5.1 - 5.34 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.2 - Citizenship and Nationality 5.3 - 5.4 Political System 5.5. - 5.7 Judiciary 5.8 - 5.10 Legal Rights/Detention 5.11 - 5.21 - Death penalty 5.22 - 5.23 Internal Security 5.24 - 5.25 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.26 Military Service 5.27 - 5.28 Medical Services 5.29 - 5.33 Educational System 5.34 6. Human Rights 6.1 - 6.168 6.A Human Rights Issues 6.1 - 6.51 Overview 6.1 - 6.4 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.5 - 6.8 - Treatment of journalists 6.9 - 6.11 Freedom of Religion - Introduction 6.12 - Buddhists 6.13 - Hindus 6.14 - Muslims 6.15 - 6.18 - Christians 6.19 - Baha'is 6.20 Freedom of Assembly & Association 6.21 - Political Activists 6.22 - 6.26 Employment Rights 6.27 - 6.32 People Trafficking 6.33 - 6.35 Freedom of Movement 6.36 - 6.43 - Immigrants and Emigrants Act 6.44 - 6.51 6.B Human Rights - Specific Groups 6.52 - 6.151 Ethnic Groups - Tamils and general Human Rights Issues 6.52 - 6.126 - Up-country Tamils 6.127 - 6.130 - Indigenous People 6.131 Women 6.132 - 6.139 Children 6.140 - 6.145 - Child Care Arrangements 6.146 - 6.150 Homosexuals 6.151 6.C Human Rights - Other Issues
    [Show full text]
  • Some 50 World Leaders Call for Post-Pandemic
    MINISTER SAYS SRI LANKA CHINA APPROVES PLAN TO REIN IN FACING ‘BIGGEST FOREX HONG KONG, DEFYING MAY CRISIS IN HISTORY’ WORLDWIDE OUTCRY 29 - 31, 2020 GOVT. TO REIMPOSE VOL: 4- ISSUE 197 END OF A . SELECTIVE LOCKDOWN 30 AFTER VIRUS CASES SPIKE REMARKABLE ERA BUSINESS PAGE 02 GLOCAL PAGE 03 HOT TOPICS PAGE 04 TRIBUTE PAGE 08 Registered in the Department of Posts of Sri Lanka under No: QD/144/News/2020 COVID-19 and curfew in Sri Lanka • Sixty one individuals were confirmed as COVID-19 pos- itive yesterday (28), taking Sri Lanka’s tally of the novel coronavirus infection to 1530. Of the 61, 18 are returnees from Kuwait, 17 from Dubai and 26 are navy personnel, all under quarantine at various centres. Seven hundred and seventy five individuals are receiving treatment, 751 have been deemed completely recovered and 10 have succumbed to the virus. • A nationwide curfew is to be re-imposed on Sunday (31), Thursday (June 4) and next Friday (June 5) to avoid unnecessary congregation of people following the sud- den spike in cases from quarantine centres. • Gaffoor Building in the heart of Colombo Fort is placed under quarantine after a sailor stationed there was found to have contracted the novel coronavirus. • The Ministry of Health issues a comprehensive set of guidelines focused on the ‘new normal’ with timelines on when most activities can resume. • The foreign ministry says the government is making arrangements to facilitate the return of Sri Lankans re- siding and working in Seychelles in compliance with the existing regulations and availability of quarantine facili- ties in the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Republic at 40
    ! 24 Interview From Federalism to Separatism: The Impact of the 1970-72 Constitution- Making Process on Tamil Nationalism’s Ideological Transformation g D. Sithadthan1 1 Former Member of Parliament; Leader, People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE). This interview was conducted by Luwie Ganeshathasan on 20th July 2012 in Colombo. ! ! From a Tamil perspective, what were the broad political issues of the post-independence period and what were the main political and constitutional challenges that the Tamil people faced? Opinion was divided at that time among the Tamils. Some sections were advocating for a federal state but people like Mr G.G. Ponnambalam were for a unitary state. I think he believed that, at that time since the Tamils were in an advantageous position, that within a unitary state, Tamils could have a major portion of the cake. There was a belief that if the Tamils ask for a federal state they will be confined to the north and east only and will have no share of the power in the central government. The Tamil people’s opposition was on an issue-by-issue basis. For example, there was opposition to the design of the national flag because the Tamil people felt it is a symbol of the Sinhala people only. Later the green and orange stripes were added to signify the Muslim and Tamil people, but to this day the Tamil people are not willing to accept the national flag as ours. Furthermore, in spite of Section 29 of the Soulbury Constitution and the famous Kodeeswaran Case, the Sinhala Only Act was passed.
    [Show full text]
  • Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: the ROOTS of PLURALISM BREAKDOWN
    Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: THE ROOTS OF PLURALISM BREAKDOWN Neil DeVotta | Wake Forest University April 2017 I. INTRODUCTION when seeking power; and the sectarian violence that congealed and hardened attitudes over time Sri Lanka represents a classic case of a country all contributed to majoritarianism. Multiple degenerating on the ethnic and political fronts issues including colonialism, a sense of Sinhalese when pluralism is deliberately eschewed. At Buddhist entitlement rooted in mytho-history, independence in 1948, Sinhalese elites fully economic grievances, politics, nationalism and understood that marginalizing the Tamil minority communal violence all interacting with and was bound to cause this territorialized community stemming from each other, pushed the island to eventually hit back, but they succumbed to towards majoritarianism. This, in turn, then led to ethnocentrism and majoritarianism anyway.1 ethnic riots, a civil war accompanied by terrorism What were the factors that motivated them to do that ultimately killed over 100,000 people, so? There is no single explanation for why Sri democratic regression, accusations of war crimes Lanka failed to embrace pluralism: a Buddhist and authoritarianism. revival in reaction to colonialism that allowed Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists to combine their The new government led by President community’s socio-economic grievances with Maithripala Sirisena, which came to power in ethnic and religious identities; the absence of January 2015, has managed to extricate itself minority guarantees in the Constitution, based from this authoritarianism and is now trying to on the Soulbury Commission the British set up revive democratic institutions promoting good prior to granting the island independence; political governance and a degree of pluralism.
    [Show full text]
  • Bargaining in a Labor Regime: Plantation Life and the Politics of Development in Sri Lanka Mythri Jegathesan Submitted in Parti
    ! Bargaining in a Labor Regime: Plantation Life and the Politics of Development in Sri Lanka Mythri Jegathesan Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! © 2013! ! Mythri Jegathesan All rights reserved ! ! ABSTRACT Bargaining in a Labor Regime: Plantation Life and the Politics of Development in Sri Lanka Mythri Jegathesan This dissertation is an ethnographic study of migrant labor, development, and gender among Malaiyaha (“Hill Country”) Tamil tea plantation residents in contemporary Sri Lanka. It draws on one year of field research (2008-2009) conducted during state emergency rule in Sri Lanka amongst Malaiyaha Tamil plantation residents, migrant laborers, and community members responding to histories of dislocation and ethnic marginalization. Based on ethnographic observations, detailed life histories, and collaborative dialogue, it explores how Malaiyaha Tamils reconstitute what it means to be a political minority in an insecure Sri Lankan economy and state by 1) employing dignity-enabling strategies of survival through ritual practices and storytelling; 2) abandoning income-generating options on the plantations to ensure financial security; and 3) seeking radical alternatives to traditional development through employment of rights- based ideologies and networks of solidarity in and beyond Sri Lanka. Attending to these three spheres of collective practice—plantation life, migrant labor experience, and human development—this dissertation examines how Malaiyaha Tamils actively challenge historical representations of bonded labor and political voicelessness in order to rewrite their representative canon in Sri Lanka. ! ! At the center of each pragmatic site is the Malaiyaha Tamil woman.
    [Show full text]
  • The Strategic Significance of the Island State of Sri Lanka
    THE STRATEGIC SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ISLAND STATE OF SRI LANKA by RAMESH SOMASUNDERAM B.A. (DEAKIN) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS DEAKIN UNIVERSITY MARCH, 2003 DEAKIN UNIVERSITY CANDIDATE DECLARATION I certify that the thesis entitled: The Strategic Importance of the Island State of Sri Lanka submitted for the degree of: Master of Arts is the result of my own work and that where reference is made to the work of others, due acknowledgement is given. I also certify that any material in the thesis which has been accepted for a degree or diploma by any other university or institution is identified in the text. Full Name …………………………………………………………………............... (Please Print) Signed ….…………………………………………………………………............... Date …….…………………………………………………………………............... Acknowledgements I wish to place on record my thanks to my principal supervisor, Dr Chris Waters, for his assistance and guidance. I would also like to thank Linda Black for her help in the typing of my thesis. CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT 1 CHAPTER 1 - Introduction: Key Issues 3 - Summary of the Chapters 19 - End Notes 21 CHAPER 2 - The Pybus Mission: Events Leading to the Conquest of the 24 Whole Island State in March 1815 - Summary 59 - End Notes 61 CHAPTER 3 - The Defence Agreement between Britain and Sri Lanka 68 (Ceylon as it was then called) in 1947: Its Significance as a Part of the Western Strategy after World War II to contain the Soviet Union and the Spread of Communism on a Global Basis - Summary 112 - End Notes 115 CHAPTER
    [Show full text]
  • Castes and Tribes of Southern India
    CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E., Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant E’tranger, Société d'Anthropologie de Paris ; Socio Corrispondante, Societa Romana di Anthropologia. ASSISTED BY K. RANGACHARI, M.A, of the Madras Government Museum. VOLUME I—A and B First published in 1909 With commentary by VED from VICTORIA INSTITUTIONS VICTORIA INSTITUTIONS Aaradhana, DEVERKOVIL 673508 India www.victoriainstitutions.com admn@ victoriainstitutions.com Telegram: https://t.me/VICTORIA_INSTITUTIONS EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E. Please note: ‘Castes and Tribes of Southern India' is in the public domain. However, the Commentary written by VED from VICTORIA INSTITUTIONS is not. All rights reserved. This print version edition published in January 2020. PRINT You can print this book, for your own use or for selling to others. The cover-file of this book can be opened by clicking on the Pin image here. You can print this book using your private Printer, such as Epson &c., or you can send this file to some Online or Offline Digital book printing service. For each book you print, you need to send Rs. 30, or its equivalent in your native-land currency, to VICTORIA INSTITUTIONS, the creator/publisher of this digital file. This shall be a legal and moral obligation on you. If you are a book-publishing company, you can print this book for selling. You also are legally obliged to pay the same amount mentioned above for each book your print and sell. The various means available for sending the amount is given below on this page. When sending the money, you can mention: Print - and this book’s name in an abbreviated form.
    [Show full text]
  • Sri Lanka and the Mythical Tamil Homeland
    SRISRI LANKALANKA ANDAND THETHE MYTHICALMYTHICAL TAMILTAMIL HOMELANDHOMELAND WHY A SEPARATE STATE IN SRI LANKA IS AN IMPRACTICAL GOAL Compiled by Embassy of Sri Lanka, Washington DC, U.S.A SRI LANKA - GEOGRAPHICAL AND ECONOMIC REALITIES 25,000 sq. miles in extent. Similar to West Virginia in size. Population : West Virginia - 1.8 million Sri Lanka - 20 million Not an ethnic conflict between Sinhalese and Tamils in north and east of the island, but an issue of poverty and underdevelopment, affecting all communities. In 1971, Sinhala youth rebelled in the south due to similar reasons. KINGDOMS OF SRI LANKA & WHAT EELAMISTS SAY Note, the yellowed section is not given as part of the Jaffna kingdom, but as “main areas where Tamils reside”! HISTORICALHISTORICAL REFERENCEREFERENCE MATERIALMATERIAL HOWEVERHOWEVER INDICATESINDICATES THAT:THAT: In ancient Sri Lanka, there were three kingdoms viz. Ruhunu, Maya, Pihiti. In the 16th century (between 1515-1597AD), Sri Lanka was divided into several sub- kingdoms under the Kotte Kingdom (up to 1597), viz. Sitawaka (1521- 1594 AD), Kandy (1590- 1815 AD), and Jaffna Origin of the Jaffna kingdom is said to go back to 1246 AD and lasted until 1620 AD in Singai Nagar and Nallur. (C.Rasanayagam : Ancient Jaffna pp.370,374). No separate Tamil kingdom in Jaffna prior to 13th century. Eastern region of the island was never a part of the Jaffna kingdom. Jaffna was a sub-kingdom under the King of Kotte, during the latter part of the 15th century. So was Kandy, years later. However, when the Kotte kingdom became weak, Jaffna sub-kingdom was able to exercise greater power (Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, De Queyros (Book I; page 101) The Jaffna kingdom ended nearly four centuries ago in 1620 AD, with Sankili Kumara being deposed and hanged by the Portuguese.
    [Show full text]
  • Sri Lanka April 2004
    SRI LANKA COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Sri Lanka April 2004 CONTENTS 1. Scope of Document 1.1 - 1.7 2. Geography 2.1 - 2.4 3. Economy 3.1 - 3.3 4. History 4.1 - 4.90 - Independence to 1994 4.1 - 4.10 - 1994 to the present 4.11 - 4.51 The Peace Process January 2000 – April 4.52 - 4.90 2004 5. State Structures 5.1 - 5.44 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.3 - Citizenship and Nationality 5.4 - 5.6 Political System 5.7. – 5.9 Judiciary 5.10 - 5.13 Legal Rights/Detention 5.14 - 5.21 - Death penalty 5.22 – 5.23 Internal Security 5.24 - 5.26 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.27 - 5.29 Military Service 5.30 - 5.32 Medical Services 5.33 - 5.43 Educational System 5.44 6. Human Rights 6.1 - 6.155 6.A Human Rights Issues 6.1 - 6.56 Overview 6.1 - 6.4 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.5 - 6.7 - Treatment of journalists 6.8 - 6.13 Freedom of Religion 6.14 - 6.27 - Introduction 6.14 – 6.16 - Buddhists 6.17 - Hindus 6.18 - Muslims 6.19 - 6.25 - Christians 6.26 – 6.27 Freedom of Assembly and Association 6.28 – 6.30 - Political Activists 6.31 Employment Rights 6.32 - 6.39 People Trafficking 6.40 Freedom of Movement 6.41 - 6.51 - Immigrants and Emigrants Act 6.52 - 6.56 6.B Human Rights - Specific Groups 6.57 - 6.131 Ethnic Groups 6.57 - 6.113 - Tamils and general Human Rights Issues 6.57 - 6.107 - Up-country Tamils 6.108 - 6.112 - Indigenous People 6.113 Women 6.114 - 6.122 Children 6.123 - 6.128 - Child Care Arrangements 6.129 - 6.130 Homosexuals 6.131 6.C Human Rights
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic Business: Mainstream and Outsider Traditions of Tamil Entrepreneurship
    Proceedings of Jaffna University International Research Conference (JUICE 2014) Track: Enterpreneurship Ethnic Business: Mainstream and Outsider Traditions of Tamil Entrepreneurship A.S. Ananda Department of Social Sciences, Sabaragamuwa University, Sri Lanka [email protected] ABSTRACT 1. INTRODUCTION This paper challenges traditional as well as The common experience of writings on ethnic homogenous scales of appraising ethnic entrepreneurship entrepreneurship is that being inserting certain ethnic that exists in concurrent ethnic entrepreneurship or racial group into a common category that has been literature, with paying attention to diverge and dynamic undertaken into different themes such as, ‘Chinese characteristics of Tamil entrepreneurship. It emphasizes business’, ‘Jews’ networking pattern’, ‘social capital that the Tamil business may classify into several factions accumulation of East Indians’, ‘Korean family business’, as far as mobilizing different peculiarities of each sub ‘Japanese’ tradition of entrepreneurship’ etc. Most of these profile without narrowing down one group as “Tamil writers have emphasized primordial social ties, norms and entrepreneurship”. Therefore the study has cast a new values those which are prevailed in certain cultures [1, gaze upon comparing entrepreneurialism of ‘outsider’ 2, 3, 4,]. Sometimes, there are some explanations about entrepreneurs and mainstream business groups. For emerging of ethnic entrepreneurship in given situations instance, the Chettiars and the Muslim Tamils, who are like Chinese in Malaysia, Israelis in German, Chinese and mainly Tamilnadu, Jaffna and Colombo based Tamils, Japanese in Canada and many others referring to themes represent the mainstream of the worldwide ethnic of marginal, minority or immigrant entrepreneurship commercial network of Tamils. Their particular identity is [5, 6, 7].
    [Show full text]