Het Monotheïstisch Dilemma Cliteur, P.B

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Het Monotheïstisch Dilemma Cliteur, P.B Het monotheïstisch dilemma Cliteur, P.B. Citation Cliteur, P. B. (2010). Het monotheïstisch dilemma. Amsterdam: De Arbeiderspers. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/74247 Version: Publisher's Version Leiden University Non-exclusive License: license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/74247 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Het monotheïstisch dilemma Ook van Paul Cliteur: Conservatisme en cultuurrecht (1989) De filosofie van mensenrechten (1997) Darwin, dier en recht (2001) Moderne Papoea’s (2002) Tegen de decadentie (2004) God houdt niet van vrijzinnigheid (2004) Moreel Esperanto (2007) Esperanto Moral (2009) The Secular Outlook (2010) Paul Cliteur Het monotheïstisch dilemma of De theologie van het terrorisme Uitgeverij De Arbeiderspers Amsterdam · Antwerpen Copyright © 2010 Paul Cliteur Niets uit deze uitgave mag worden verveelvoudigd en/of openbaar ge- maakt, door middel van druk, fotokopie, microfilm of op welke andere wijze ook, zonder voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van bv Uitge- verij De Arbeiderspers, Herengracht 370-372, 1016 ch Amsterdam. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from bv Uitgeverij De Arbei- derspers, Herengracht 370-372, 1016 ch Amsterdam. Omslagontwerp: Sander Patelski isbn 978 90 295 7354 2 / nur 320 www.arbeiderspers.nl Voor Valéry Inhoud Inleiding 9 1 Drie religieuze terroristen 11 2 De Deense en Zweedse cartoonkwestie 59 3 De cartoonkwestie en religieus terrorisme 96 4 Religieus terrorisme en nationale soevereiniteit 133 5 Theologisch en cultureel monotheïsme 149 6 De religiekritiek van David Hume 199 7 Holbach en duaal burgerschap 222 8 Geen botsende beschavingen, maar botsende ideologieën 274 Noten 317 Register 401 Inleiding Op conferenties waar als thema religie en politiek aan de orde worden gesteld, speelt zich vaak het volgende tafereel af. Op het toneel verschijnt een dagvoorzitter die de congresgangers met een zekere voldaanheid vertelt dat het onderwerp religie ‘weer hele- maal terug’ is op de agenda. De ‘secularisatiethese’, de stelling van Weber en Durckheim dat in de moderne wereld de invloed van re- ligie op ons leven steeds verder zal afnemen, is definitief weerlegd, zo wordt ons verder verzekerd. Iedereen kan toch constateren dat mensen weer religieus zijn geworden? Maar het superieure vermaak over de naïviteit van de seculari- satietheoretici verstomt snel wanneer we ons gaan bezinnen op de hedendaagse manifestaties van die religieuze herleving. Want zelfs de meest geharnaste sympathisant van ‘het religieuze in de mens’ kan niet ontkennen dat het niet alles goud is wat er blinkt. Zelfmoord- commando’s die zich beroepen op hun religieuze overtuiging, abortusartsen die door religieuze fanatici worden vermoord, en bedenkelijke opvattingen over homoseksualiteit en man-vrouw- verhoudingen. Dat alles wordt met religieuze argumentaties on- derbouwd. Veel van de gewelddadigste conflicten waarmee we in deze tijd geconfronteerd worden, hebben te maken met religieuze tegenstellingen, zoals de historicus Christopher Catherwood heeft betoogd.1 Het monotheïstisch dilemma is aan dit soort religiositeit gewijd, meer in het bijzonder: aan het geweldspotentieel zoals dat be- sloten ligt in de drie monotheïstische godsdiensten: jodendom, christendom en islam. Het boek is in zekere zin een vervolg op mijn eerdere boeken. In Moderne Papoea’s (2002) ging het om de schaduwzijden van het multiculturalisme (dat ik afwijs) als ideo- 9 logie van de multiculturele samenleving (die ik verwelkom). In Tegen de decadentie (2004) staat de houding van de Nederlandse politieke en bestuurlijke elite centraal. In Moreel Esperanto (2007) heb ik een pleidooi gehouden voor een religieus neutrale staat en een religieloze publieke moraal. In dit boek probeer ik de vraag te behandelen die mij al jarenlang fascineert: hoe hangt religie, in het bijzonder de monotheïstische religies, samen met geweld? En hoe moeten staat en samenleving reageren op religieus gemotiveerd geweld? Een boek schrijven is een eenzame aangelegenheid, maar en- kele mensen die mij hebben geholpen wil ik hier graag noemen. Allereerst Afshin Ellian, mijn naaste collega, coördinator van het onderzoeksproject ‘Sociale cohesie, multiculturalisme en globali- sering’, waarbinnen dit boek tot stand is gekomen. Afshin is niet alleen een groot theoreticus, maar bovendien wat we in Nederland noemen een ‘ervaringsdeskundige’ ten aanzien van veel van de on- derwerpen die ik hier bespreek. Bovendien is de titel van dit boek een klein beetje gestolen van hem. Als tweede wil ik bedanken Emmie Poutsma en Patricia Bred- dels van het secretariaat metajuridica aan de Universiteit Leiden. Zij maken het mogelijk dat ik als wetenschappelijk directeur van het Instituut Metajuridica kan functioneren (althans, dat hoop ik dan maar) zonder dat ik mij behoef te bekommeren om allerlei praktische administratieve zaken. Ten derde gaat mijn dank uit naar de filosoof Floris van den Berg, die dit manuscript weer kritisch heeft doorgelezen. Ten slot- te wil ik, als altijd, de grootste inspiratie van mijn leven danken: Carla Zoethout. Natuurlijk haast ik mij na het opvoeren van zoveel autoriteiten toe te voegen dat voor alle fouten en misverstanden in dit boek maar één persoon tekent, en dat ben ikzelf. Leiden, september 2010 10 1 Drie religieuze terroristen Onder terroristisch oogmerk wordt verstaan het oogmerk om de bevolking of een deel der bevolking van een land ernstige vrees aan te jagen, dan wel een overheid of internationale or- ganisatie wederrechtelijk te dwingen iets te doen, niet te doen of te dulden, dan wel de fundamentele politieke, constitutio- nele of sociale structuren van een land of een internationale organisatie ernstig te ontwrichten of te vernietigen. Artikel 83a Wetboek van Strafrecht Op de eerste kerstdag van 2009 haalde Nederland het wereld- nieuws door het heldhaftige optreden van de Nederlandse onder- nemer Jasper Schuringa (geb. 1967).1 Schuringa bevond zich op vlucht 253 van Northwest Airlines van Amsterdam naar Detroit. Tijdens de vlucht bleek zich ook een terrorist in het vliegtuig te bevinden: de Nigeriaan Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab (geb. 1986). De terrorist had in zijn ondergoed genaaid explosief materiaal bij zich (waardoor hij al snel bekendstond als de ‘Underwear Bom- ber’)2. Bij het naderen van Detroit probeerde hij dat tot ontbran- ding te brengen, maar door een snelle actie van de medepassagiers, onder wie Schuringa, werd Abdulmutallab overmeesterd en de aanslag mislukte. Volgens de aanklacht zou Abdulmutallab het explosieve mate- riaal in Jemen hebben ontvangen, waar ook Al-Qaida al jarenlang actief is. Tijdens het verhoor verklaarde Abdulmutallab inderdaad tot het netwerk van Al-Qaida te behoren en het verbaasde dan ook niemand dat de aanslag werd opgeëist door Osama Bin Laden (geb. 1957). Dat gebeurde in een één minuut durend geluidsband- je dat naar de nieuwszender Al Jazeera was opgestuurd.3 Op dat 11 bandje zei de leider van Al-Qaida: ‘Met de wil van God zullen onze aanvallen doorgaan zolang als uw steun aan de Israëli’s doorgaat.’4 En met het literaire gevoel dat Bin Laden eigen is5 ging hij ver- der met: ‘Als onze boodschappen u met woorden hadden bereikt dan was het niet nodig geweest deze via vliegtuigen te sturen.’6 Hij richtte zich direct tot president Obama met het rijmpaar ‘Van Osa ma naar Obama’ (‘from Osama to Obama’). Opvallender dan de bijvalsverklaring door de geestelijke vader van Abdulmutallab was eigenlijk de verklaring van diens biologi- sche vader. Deze distantieerde zich van zijn zoon. De vader van Abdulmutallab deed iets, zo schrijft de Amerikaanse journalist en columnist Thomas Friedmann (geb. 1953), wat de vader van geen enkele zelfmoordterrorist gedaan heeft.7 De vader van Ab- dulmutallab bleek de Nigeriaanse bankier en ex-minister Alhaji Umaru Mutallab (geb. 1939) te zijn. Hij had contact opgenomen met de Amerikaanse ambassade in Nigeria om te waarschuwen dat uit boodschappen van zijn zoon viel op te maken dat deze zich in Jemen bevond en waarschijnlijk een gevaarlijke radicaal was ge- worden. De vader zei: ‘Mijn eigen zoon is onder invloed geraakt van een jihadistische versie van de islam die mij grote vrees inboe- zemt.’8 In 2005 had zijn zoon Umar al een tekst op een internetsite geplaatst waaruit zijn opvattingen duidelijk naar voren kwamen: ‘Ik droom ervan hoe de jihad zal uitbreken, hoe de moslims zullen winnen, de wereld zullen overheersen en opnieuw een groots rijk zullen stichten.’ Het is maar één bericht waaruit blijkt dat religieus gemotiveerd terrorisme niet tot het verleden behoort, maar een zekere aanhang heeft en de veiligheidsdiensten en de samenleving als geheel voor een uitdaging plaatst. Maar direct na deze simpele feiten begin- nen de verschillen in interpretatie. Hoe moeten we dit waarderen? Gaat het hier om een ‘enkele gek’ of maakt dit incident onderdeel uit van een groter patroon? En hoe moeten we dit patroon waar- deren? Abdulmutallab is een gelovige moslim. Heeft zijn actie iets met ‘de islam’ te maken? Of met ‘de moslims’? Of moeten we zijn actie verklaren als politiek gemotiveerd? Tijdens de actie zou hij ‘Afghanistan’ hebben geroepen. Daar- mee beginnen de problemen. Nu doel ik niet op de problemen van 12 het terrorisme, maar van de discussie over de oorzaken van het ter- rorisme. Hier gaat het immers om een kwestie die twee groepen theoretici nu al decennialang verdeeld houdt. De ene groep ver- klaart het hedendaagse
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