Women Rockers and the Strategies of a Minority Position
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Music and Arts in Action | Volume 3 | Issue 1 Women Rockers and the Strategies of a Minority Position ADELE KEALA FOURNET Department of Music | New College of Florida | USA* ABSTRACT This article is a distillation of an ethnography conducted in the fall of 2008 of female rock instrumentalists performing in bands in the Tampa, Florida bay area. The study looked into why there are comparatively very few female rock instrumentalists (five percent of the total number of instrumentalists playing in bands in the Tampa area), what social processes need to be in place for a woman to get involved in a rock band, and what unique social challenges women face as instrumentalists in a male-dominated field. The ethnography employs Pierre Bourdieu’s work on fields of cultural production, specifically his ideas of embodied cultural capital and habitus, to demonstrate that women are absent from rock because they lack the unique cultural capital necessary to participate in rock bands, and, furthermore, to explore what extraordinary social circumstances need to be in place for women to accumulate this cultural capital. Specifically, in this article I interpret Bourdieu’s theory to emphasize the importance of agency in his concept of habitus, and to show how women rock instrumentalists, once they manage to become involved in bands, develop strategies to make the most of their minority position in a highly male-dominated field. Women instrumentalists in the Tampa, Florida rock music scene develop particular strategies to cope with, exploit and transform their disadvantaged position as women in a field where having a male body is a dominant form of embodied cultural capital. *5800 Bay Shore Road, Sarasota, FL 34243, USA © Music and Arts in Action/Adele Keala Fournet 2010 | ISSN: 1754-7105 | Page 20 http://musicandartsinaction.net/index.php/maia/article/view/womenrockers Music and Arts in Action | Volume 3 | Issue 1 INTRODUCTION Over the past four years I have been playing in rock bands in the Tampa, Florida area as a songwriter, keyboard player, and vocalist. Although Tampa is not known within the United States as having the largest or most progressive rock scene in the country, it does have hundreds of bands, dozens of venues and represents a variety of rock genres including metal, indie, blues, punk, pop/rock and many combinations and variations of these categories. Playing in a rock band has been crucial to my evolution as a musician and composer, so I find it troubling that I rarely see other female instrumentalists collaborating in bands. In Tampa, approximately five percent of musicians playing instruments in rock bands are women, and only ten percent of bands have one or more female musician in them (Fournet, 2009). This article is a distillation of a longer ethnography I conducted in the fall of 2008 on women playing in the Tampa rock music scene, which addressed the following questions. First, why are there comparatively fewer female instrumentalists in rock bands? Second, how is it that some women enter into rock bands as instrumentalists despite the statistical odds against them? Third, what are the social implications of this minority status on the careers and lives of the women who become rock musicians? In conducting this research I assumed the answers to these questions would be entirely social in nature given my belief that men and women are equally musically capable. In this article I will focus on my findings concerning the last research question. More specifically, I argue that women, despite the numerous obstacles and challenges they face in their field, create strategies to make the most of their minority position. Perhaps most remarkably I have uncovered how being female in the male dominated field of rock music production can become an advantageous form of embodied cultural capital unavailable to male musicians. SITUATING MY STUDY National Public Radio just released the unedited responses to a survey that asked seven hundred American female musicians about their experiences as women in a field dominated by men. Although the answers vary somewhat, for the most part the women relate facing significant struggles. They share everything from the difficulties of touring with children, being treated as technically incompetent by sound crews, to feeling immense pressure to be young and sexually attractive as performers. Like this NPR survey, almost all of the academic studies on women in rock music focus on the social constraints that prevent women from joining bands in the first place, or highlight the obstacles they face once they are involved in bands. In Mavis Bayton’s Frock Rock: Women Playing Popular Music — a sociological study of women in contemporary popular music in the UK from the 1970s to the 1990s — the author argues the dearth of women playing in bands can be attributed to a number of material and ideological constraints placed exclusively on young women in British society, including lacking disposable income and access to public space and gendered expectations concerning appropriate activities and careers (Bayton, 1998). Mary Ann Clawson, in her study of female rock musicians at the 1991 Rumble Music Festival outside of Boston, demonstrates that women lack access to the rock band as a social institution because of the early gender-segregation of children in American culture. Women, when they are girls, are not typically close friends with boys, and boys are traditionally the ones motivated and encouraged to start bands (Clawson, 1999: 106). © Music and Arts in Action/Adele Keala Fournet 2010 | ISSN: 1754-7105 | Page 21 http://musicandartsinaction.net/index.php/maia/article/view/womenrockers Music and Arts in Action | Volume 3 | Issue 1 In an ethnography of the local rock music scene in Liverpool, England, Sara Cohen argues that women do not participate in the rock scene because band practices and performances typically occur in ‘seedy’ parts of town where women are less likely to venture: The scene is concentrated around and behind the main city centre thoroughfares. These are areas that many, particularly women, might feel uncomfortable venturing into at night, and large areas of the city centre tend to be quite deserted on most nights of the week, despite recent efforts to animate the center to attract people. (Cohen, 1997: 20) In this case, the perceived threat women experience late at night in desolate parts of town as a product of their gender functions as a larger social phenomenon that prevents women’s involvement in rock bands more specifically. In these studies the authors focus on the material and ideological constraints placed on women in British and American society that significantly limit women’s initial participation in rock bands. There are other studies that focus on the obstacles women face once they are involved in bands. Groce and Cooper (1990) demonstrate the sexual harassment, unequal pay, and lack of musical appreciation local-level female musicians experience in two small southern American cities because they are women. Vaughn Schmutz, in his cross-cultural statistical analysis of popular music media coverage in the United States, Germany, France and the Netherlands from 1995 to 2005, shows that women musicians receive significantly less media coverage than their male counterparts, and that when they do receive this coverage it is predominantly relegated to peripheral popular music genres like folk and indie rock. This underrepresentation of women musicians in popular music media coverage both indicates and contributes to women’s lack of power and prominence in popular music insofar as media attention is both an indicator and grantor of cultural legitimacy (Schmutz, 2009). In these studies the focus of analysis is placed almost exclusively on the very real constraints and obstacles faced by women participants in rock bands. And indeed, a majority of my own ethnography also focuses on these limitations. What differentiates my study, however, is that I have also uncovered the ways in which women in rock are manoeuvring within their position as minorities. In other words, this paper illuminates different tactics that women, as agents, create to push against the already well-documented constraints that surround them as minorities in a male dominated field. ROCK AS A DISTINCT FIELD OF MUSICAL PRODUCTION To further clarify the nature of the social constraints at play in the lives of female rock instrumentalists, I employ Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of fields of cultural production to inform my analysis. His theory provides an elegant vehicle for synthesizing discussions of material and ideological constraints. And, more exceptionally and pertinent to the discussion in this paper, Bourdieu’s work opens up a space for examining agency in the lives of women in rock music through his concept of habitus. To begin, we must first see the Tampa rock music scene as a separate field of cultural production, in which participants must accumulate and possess unique forms of cultural capital in order to join and be successful participants (Fournet, 2009). In broad terms, cultural capital is a non-financial asset that grants its holder social © Music and Arts in Action/Adele Keala Fournet 2010 | ISSN: 1754-7105 | Page 22 http://musicandartsinaction.net/index.php/maia/article/view/womenrockers Music and Arts in Action | Volume 3 | Issue 1 advantages within the environment of social relationships in which that form of asset is recognized and given privilege (Bourdieu, 1986: 46). There are a number of assets that can function as cultural capital in such an environment, including material objects (‘objectified’ cultural capital), connections to other individuals (properly labeled ‘social’ capital), and institutional affiliations and titles (‘institutionalized’ cultural capital). But most importantly for my purposes here, cultural capital can be the employment of embodied skill and special knowledge that is accumulated through years of exposure and activity in a particular field of cultural activity (‘embodied’ cultural capital) (Bourdieu, 1986: 47).