Sabitha V kvIdnbm k°-dnb Complementing the Books Santhosh Amruth M. Rakkee Thimoth Rajesh Komath Caroline Osella Filippo Osella Sharmila Sreekumar Sujith Kumar Parayil TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April K. . J. V TAP T . Rammohan arghese ASAM, KARIKKAMP in Malayalam - English T A Quarterly Journal for

. P Abraham V ol: . THE Kerala S V y / Issue 1-4 July 2009- ASSOCIA {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c tudies ALL Y TION FOR COMP History Native Criminality in Early British Malabar Colonial Law and the Construction of T Difference and Indifference in Pottekkat’s Darkness Invisible: Socio-economic Order Making of the Jungle Mappilas: in Colonial Travancore Constitution of a Game Sanctuary Logic of Extraction and S Kerala Shaping the Life: Business in Kozhikode (Calicut), South India Neo-liberal Capitalism, Islamic Reform and ‘Globalisation is ruining us’: as Women Re-reading Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, T Visuality of Ethnography: Bara Bhaskaran’s Visual History of Kerala Erasing the S Drawing the , PERUNNA ext ravelogues on Adn-bn-°m\pw Adn-bm\pw s and Context , Represent Y outh in a Changing INDIA April 2010/ Reg. No: M2 1 - 686 102, CHANGANASSER / Absences, Sn. Un. cma-Ir-jvW Xm]kw tereotypes TAP TAP TAP TAP TAP Africa ARA s ation and TIVE STUDIES p atiality of Exclusion: ASAM ASAM ASAM ASAM ASAM Ambivalence ≥ 1257/ 05 ...... Y , KERALA, 224 204 176 153 141 1 82 22 10 18 1 Hayden White, Homi Bhabha, Bernard Cohn and Nicholas Dirks. 1 they stand for ing justifications for their individual endeavour in the politics an increasing realisation of this inherent tension, often find- contemporary writers of academic history write the past with ing the past is itself a political activity often refuse to acknowledge the fact that very act of writ- with an irreverent and rational mind. At the same time they ers of history acknowledged the need to read such sources never represent a reality devoid of prevalent politics, research- of innocence in historical research. As sources can rian to find and expose truths in a sense represented an age objectivity and its firm conviction in the ability of histo- of capturing the r bound to confront this dilemma, inherent ambivalence spatio-temporal enmeshes. All efforts at writing the past are of representations would have to rely on historians and their past reality is re-enacted into representations, the referentiality than an attempt at a true ‘re-enactment of the past’. While sentation becomes a mode of meaning production rather ability of reality an extremely mediated phenomenon. Repre- representation while ‘emplotting’ history render the transfer- enfranchising. It is thus apparent that the means and forms of tion and narratology even though the endeavour is visibly knowledges is also not free from the impasses of representa- grain representations are historical. The framework of this short introduction is informed by the ideas A ’ in an effort to r ll histories are textured with representations and all History . and Ambivalence eality and its impossibility—a neither , R esurr epresentation 1 The modernist obsession with ect the hitherto subjugated . ‘R eading against the -nor . The

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 2 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April this mimicry or r domination into their own life and relations. At the same time, nation centred. Reiterating the ‘the inner compatibility of empire and and recognizable other’, originality is lost centrality de- ‘mimic men authority ‘mimicry’ and white imitation became the right conduit to desire among the native elite to emerge ‘authentic’ through and consciousness. The colonial discourse also generated lonial difference in an attempt to establish authentic self order to ensure control with consent, and articulate the co- structing colonial knowledge was to formalise in same time, it should be acknowledged that the attempt at con- spect to his position towards the colonised ‘other’. At tradictions as exhibited by the coloniser’s ambivalence in re- out that colonial discourse was not free from inherent con- of the ‘native modern neither nor hand, articulated difference from the colonial masters and facture of new authorities in native society and on the other compulsions of accuracy However new and renewed identities, mobilisations subjugations. of this knowledge construction became the foundations and cultural categories created formalised in the course needing and longing for colonisation correction. Social resentations fixed India as ‘static, timeless and exotic’, a place tion of otherness and thereby ensuring subjugation. Such rep- colony by producing ‘fixed’ knowledge, resulting in fabrica- These sour important resource used for construing ‘colonial histories’. quantities of texts, which subsequently became the single most through diverse ‘investigative modalities’ produced huge to serve the empire. The colonial ‘cultural project of control’ the colonial strategies of producing new forms knowledge sentations. The immediate case that leaps to mind would be knowledge The te ’ the mimic man translated colonial discourse of , as differ . In the attempt of ‘black skin/white masks’ or xtual raw materials of history , an ambivalence. The liminality and ambivalence ces became central in the ‘objectification ’ to r production and hence are always excess-repre- e-pr e-pr ent fr esent or mimic, in sear esentation is mir ’ on the one hand allowed manu- om essentialist r , ar e cr eations of diverse r ed in enderings, it is pointed , devoid of academic ch of ‘a r -determinacy egimes of eformed ’ of the , a claimed distinction. K.T bringing to the foreground shades and flipsides of ac- contested from various quarters nowadays, particularly by third world due to its remarkable social development is being dominant fixations. from the minority position against glory and idolization of and Ambivalence inform these essays, less or more, but often and occupation. In the process, body became a cultural physiognomy distinguish individual castes and tribes on the basis of their tion in the ‘regime of truth’, photographs were deployed to into essential categories. As an objective tool of representa- by the colonial anthropology to formalise native social groups examines the way in which photography was used as a tool back’. The article of Sujith Kumar Parayil, on the other hand, of modernity as progress in disagreement by taking a ‘step past from its minority locations and re-draw representations tory and by privileging ordinary lives, the visuals re-enact deployment of conventional and alternative resources his- advances its plurality and discontinuity stereotypes and visualising absences, de-totalises history argues that Bara’s visual reconstruction of Kerala, upsetting heterogeneous human and social environments. Rammohan Bara and it retrieves Kerala as a differently peopled space, with present is a conspicuous presence in the frames of past ation and derivative demeanour of Kerala historiography together lar drawings of Bara Bhaskaran, offers possibilities of e Through a unique visual language of strokes and letters Bara the state in an effort to envisage a new visual history of Kerala. explicates how they unsettle the dominant representation of ent ambivalence hold the articles of this issue T representations of the past and present their inher- in their multiple manifestations. The fixing and unsettling of gies of the empire often find resonance in those nation their own fellow beings. The textual/representational strate- Kerala’s representation as a development model to the . The intersecting concerns of History , traditional practices and performances/rituals x ceeding the pr

. Rammohan Ente Keralam Rekhakal edominantly ‘lock-in ’s essay r . Thr , R eads the popu- ough a car epr esentation AP ASAM

’ situ-

, . The

eful and

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 4 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Amruth M and Santhosh Abraham r criminals and bandits, as addressed in the contributions of of landscapes and relegation certain communities as the photographed space too is unwittingly captured. an ideal, considered visual frame, as the social semiotics of nial camera could be seen in its limitation manoeuvring ahistorical. The double vision and ambivalence of the colo- the colonial gaze captured native society as static and native anthropologists were open to the signifiers of change, gists, the ‘mimic men ferences between the photographs of native anthropolo- graphic photographs exhibits. Sujith also underlines the dif- its sexual fantasies as the ‘objects’, voyeuristic ethno- the colonial camera also opened its eye to native women with pose for the camera. F by superimposed visual frames; allowing them to confidently graphs of the elite, on other hand, were less determined T reserved forests and game sanctuaries in the princely state of ests and non-forests a further division of the former into article engages with the fixation of native landscape into for- in bewilderment, fr and they confronted the new technology of representation lowed no space for the lower castes to ‘imagine image’ shot in their subaltern physical environment. The camera al- thropologist by deploying their occupational tools and were the lower caste photographs were created by colonial an- ing the photographs, Sujith also finds that visual frame of same occupation were collapsed into single categories. Read- identity and many communities who were engaged in the sign, a performer sation of the forest under colonialism as a field power and suitability to their own economic interests. The institutionali- to colonial control and partly due the former’s perceived colonialism became fitting to the princely states too, partly due The master discourse of modern forestry as articulated by ravancor The colonial period also witnessed the formalisation e, with the support of a discourse desiccation. ’s ‘transcendent self ozen with fear and wonder ’, and their colonial counterparts. While ramed by established social knowledge, ’ became the artefact of espectively . The photo . Amruth’s - under pr formed by the hunting narratives from across empire and ing by elites, proscribing native subsistence hunting. In- attempt to ensure a sustained supply of animals for sport hunt- game sanctuaries as a sanctified wild space represented an in that sense is just extraction postponed. The instituting of ing for amusement and as Amruth emphasises preservation sustained yield principle was not seen as antithetical to hunt- servation for conservation derness as a space for white and masculine conquest. Con- ernment established game sanctuaries and reconstituted wil- due to their prior experience of British decision to restore the Hindu chieftains and landlords nals and bandits. Colonial criminal anthr resistances by representing/fixing the resistive groups as crimi- explicates the colonial strategy of de-legitimising local diplomacy and hospitality ciple, although game sanctuaries became a handy tool in state banditry of the Jungle tory of colonial representations Mappilas began with those ernmental measures of rectification by annihilation. The his- administrative category of Pazhassi Raja against the British) were used to create portedly once won over der the leadership of chieftains like Unni Musa (who was re- The incidents in which Mappilas confronted the British un- were understandably won over by the British reconciliations. Nairs who had been also initially represented as ‘criminals’, war to the domain of representation. Contrary this, argues that the failure of British conciliatory measures led He e structed its criminal others for the sustenance of colonialism. aid of intersecting theories legality of the pr one hand and sought to preserve the forests for benefit lence as it aimed at extracting timber uninterrupted on the a new order itself could be seen to ensnared in ambiva- xamines the story of Mappilas Malabar , and became definitive in the making of subsequent esent as well the futur essur

e fr Mappilas om colonial planters, the T as embodiments of criminality and ’s sak

, but later took the company of Jungle Mappilas . Santhosh Abraham in his essay

e was never the guiding prin janmi e on the other , race and science con oppression. Santhosh , calling forth gov- opology , who defied the ravancor . F urther , with the e gov- , the - -

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 6 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ‘dark continent’. The differ guish himself as different from the ‘objects’ he had seen in the eye of a Eurocentric anthropologist, allows him to distin- Pottekkat’s visit to Africa for the ‘very act of seeing it’, but with Pottekkat, one of the widely read writers in Malayalam. ates in her article by reading the travel writings of S.K. cal debates in the aftermath of Mathura judgement, Sara of one its women readers. Informed by the feminist politi- Radhakrishnan Chuzhumbol’, which is a re-reading of rape-plot in Methil superior administration and rule of law tions also restated the British right to rule natives with their femininity literary intervention in Malayalam to centre experiences of of the representational strategies ‘pennezhuthu’, a recent Sreekumar’s article, on the other hand, addresses limits ated a fictitious Africa with ‘total absence of black’. Sharmila been reinforced by his camera, and as Sabitha argues, cre- bivalences within the mimic man and his preset vision have elaborates on problems faced by Indians in Africa. Such am- hands of the whites overlooks exploitations by Indians and tail. The same intellect that see the black oppression at to detailed descriptions of the female body in voyeuristic de- Pottekkat that see the obscenities of African life, also resorts parison to those in Kerala. The same Victorian gaze of gaze re-places objects, animals and places in Africa com- ing miscegenation. His determined and parochial Malayalee purity as he was uncomfortable at seeing Indians undergo- foregrounds Pottekkat’s internalisation of the notion racial perior subject position as an ‘Indian master’. Sabitha also and Indians takes pleasure in ‘seeing’ Africa from his su- colonial r and criminality ‘Negro’ bodies, their semi-nakedness, shameless dance forms articulated in terms of the bad odour emanating from ioned the vision of ‘native modern White mythologies of race and criminality largely fash- epr . She r esentations of Mappilas as a community . P ’s story ‘Udal Oru Chuzhnila’ thr eads Sara Joseph’s short story ‘Ee Udal Enne ottekkat mak ences of ‘time’ and ‘civilization e friendships mostly with whites ’ as Sabitha. T . ough the life . Such fic- .P r eiter ’ ar e - of mimicking. Mor to present herself as a cogent victim of rape remain other sites cal man-woman binary and the necessity of being immobile r business and the resources from Gulf becoming a great other communities through modern education, employment, has been shored up by a public discourse of competition with breaks and as much diversification decline. The change the decline of bazaar reveals as many continuities rimental effects of globalisation or militant labour unionism, argue that in contrast to the pessimistic appraisals of det- tion and remittance flows from the Middle East. The Osellas of a ‘new economy’, result largely economic liberalisa- the dwindling traditional bazaar economy and emergence that enabled newer ways in which religion is re-imagined representations of Islam and Muslims. The material context change from Kozhikode, upsetting the stereotypical global rience of complementarity between religion and economic cal of the feminist ‘real’. cal readers, overlooking the issues of signification and uncriti- of the chief pedagogue, who mobilises a community criti- rator late her disenchantment and has to rely on the feminist nar- Joseph’s story fixing women as already raped or open to be raped. In herent in the feminist re-reading – refusal of agency and consent or protest. This is one of the limitations/dilemmas in- feels dis-enfranchised from her body and thus is unable to in the pervasive violence around which woman subject resentation. Rape in the feminist re-telling is another episode erotics’ and refuses to conform the pre-written master rep- narrative’s invitation into the ambivalence of violence and ioned by the male gaze. Sara Joseph’s protagonist ‘resists problematise the internalisation of rape in Methil’s story fash- Joseph’s story attempts at a feminist ‘misreading’, to munity transformation and hence the crisis of bazaar is tices is informed and necessitated by a wider project of com- einfor Filippo Osella and Caroline bring forth a live expe- . W cement, in particular oman as a homogeneous category , the raped woman has no language to articu- eover , the feminist narrator assumes r . Efforts to r eform r , gender as a radi- eligious prac- ole

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 8 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April from the same caste in order to ‘ensure smooth family rela- broadminded with regard to caste, the youth prefer marry and fixing them in subordination. Though stated to be also experienced as a mechanism of creating caste hatred lower caste youth find reservation handy for getting jobs, it is time drives them away from home for employment. Though Globalisation is seen bringing people closer not act to raise questions about social/familial norms. educational and employment choices education does gious rites. Caste and class still wield a strong influence on and are part of its associations but practice rituals reli- using its objects or taking benefits. They use Marxist idiom The opposition to globalization do not prevent them from as the youth oscillate between different ideological worlds. and what is practiced underwritten by varied ambivalences local settings. The tension between what is perceived as ideal ality and free individuals get fractured afterlives in different enlightenment modernity such as secular reasoning, ration- of modernity Kerala to the contradictions between idea and experience their ethnographical research among the youth in northern representations. primordialise religion and reduce the community to absolute contexts runs in contradiction with the attempts to the way in which Islam lives and re-invents itself specific orientations of reformist Islam and neo-liberal capitalism rowing. The drawing together of seemingly different in such a way as to enable capital mobilisation through bor- opportunities as unislamic and re-articulates the sin of usury conjugality at its centre also frames wasting new economic course in favour of change with hard work, ambition and individual practices ralities alien to the bazaar and its capital mobilisation, trade tion associated with the ‘new economy’, beckons new mo- not only economic but also moral. The material transforma- Rajesh Komath and Rakkee Thimothy take us through and sociality aspiration of good life and progress. The new dis- . The paper r , yet go together with community and eveals that the universal notions of , but at the same ernisation. However complete modernity or a reflexive/corrective/resistive mod- ways- an inherent tension within discourse formation, in- lence in ‘modern could be unsettling as much settling and reifying. Ambiva- tested terrain with diverse inter ings. the idea of univocal representations and primordial belong- cational/class standing. The ambivalent present also ing marriage partners from their community with similar edu- tioning. Education restricts the ability of dalit women in find- ence in marriage intersects with caste and geographic posi- tions’. Rajesh and Rakkee also point out that the class prefer- the r bivalences, invalidating the authorial meaning. W (mis)readings in the domain of reception, with their own am- concerns of the present, opening up possibilities numerous ties of the past. The past is here a tool and emblematic blage’ of parallel representations as against texturing continui- history is created in narration and the emphasis on ‘assem- imagination, as Scaria Zacharia points out by r self could be fictionalised by inter-meshing myths, history and the time/space/power dynamics of its production. History it- ded as the acceptability it carries could not be taken beyond continuing resistance to representations. ambivalences as much the possibilities of ‘misreading’- a past and present, pre-empting the future, will have their own Ramakrishnan The cultural domain of representations is indeed a con- epr esentations/articles in this issue of T ’s popular novel ’ r , even r epr esentations may be r efle

xive modernisation is embed- F

ests ramming each other rancis Ittycora Issue Editor V .J. V AP ead in multiple eading the T . An aura of ASAM of the e hope that arghese fractures . It .D.

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 10 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April the social reality and denied sp Alternative ways of viewing the past are condemned as fragmenting movements – have thrust Kerala historiography in a ‘lock-in’. schools of reform thought – Marxism and caste-based social set against the plethora of studies, inconsiderable. The two ‘official’ reached its south-west point, Kerala. There are exceptions, yet methods — occurring from at least the early 1980s have not quite Asia — as revealed in themes and perspectives, sources sites, activities, processes, actors and attitudes. captures Kerala life at its social depths and weaves together a range of nographic fieldwork to present a visual history of Kerala. The work ments) deploys drawings and texts based on archival material eth- Bara Bhaskaran’s Ente Keralam Rekhakal (My Kerala: Lines/Docu- K.T Bara Bhaskaran’s visual history of Kerala Erasing the Stereotypes Drawing the narratives. the late 1990s – tend to be derivative discourses of grand histories of the region — burgeoning under state-sponsorship since work is of significance considering that even the village and local missing in the available historiography of modern Kerala. Bara’s drama and the fine details of social existence”, which are largely enables him to recover — say after Ranajit Guha “the small their hybrid versions. Discarding the dominant grand narratives evades the evolutionist linearity of ‘official’ narratives as also . Rammohan The important advances in the historiography of modern South Absences, ace. Import antly , Bara Bhaskaran The cutters, cooks, card players, blacksmiths, tailors, witch-doctors. immigrant traders and trade union activists; and, cobblers, wood- ers; potters and priests; doctoral scholars football players; and florists; prosperous entrepreneurs struggling primary teach- ists and young students of art; nomads temple servants; cops V reclamation of rice-fields to global marketing traditional art forms. agriculture to human migration; proselytisation urbanisation; of textiles to proto-industrialisation new Gods; mechanisation of dif female; circus girls and nuns; god-women domestics; people The subjects include tribals and fishers; sex-workers, male whole. the drawing and text combine to create a complex, composite tions lost sight of. Foremost in the emotions suppressed; practices undocumented; and inter-connec- unattended; sites missed; technologies forgotten; names ignored; unravels events and actors hitherto dimly recognised; artefacts people, especially at the lower depths of society of its stereotypes. Bara engages with the lived experiences able understanding of Kerala, and by doing so, erases at least some once humane and ironic. It fills the many absences in avail- ing. This thinking assumes a language of strokes and words, at against the drawing. Mostly the text stands on its own, sometimes it is juxtaposed are a few texts without drawings as also texts. ing; nor is the drawing deployed to illustrate text. least, the text is not conceived to support/supplement draw- the text. Mostly anchors the drawing, while at others it is drawing that the drawing and text is not fixed. tions, his own as well those of others. The relationship between assortment of historical sources and from ethnographic observa- sen from his travel sketch-book, the texts are constructed an frame comprising a drawing and text. While the drawings are cho- aried sites — pickle factories and ‘p T ferent castes, high and low ext also depict The Bara advances his narrative through a series of frames, each T ext – that is, drawing and text signifies Critical think- , these are as if by default, because, app s a range of processes: from de-industrialisation Y et even while ret , as also outcastes; celebrity art- T ext, perhap aining sep At cert arallel’ ain point s, are the portrait colleges; railway . In doing so, he arate identities, K.T Also, there s the text . Rammohan arently at s. 1

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 12 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Drawing the of the neo-rich. morials, martyr columns, markets, palaces and monstrous houses nies, cinema-houses, artisans’ workshops, fish markets, war me- ies, statues, warehouses, forts, beaches, tribal settlement colo- bridges, dams, cave temples, urban slums, city tanks, monaster- rolling, book-binding and fish processing. There are townscapes, making, cashew kernel separation, inland water transport, beedi- trading in rice and vegetables, river sand mining, oil-pressing, tile- mental asylums — find a place. So do varied economic activities: booze shops; old-age homes and veda schools; police camps presses; slave markets and timber yards; beauty parlours harbours; shrines and grocery stores; cemeteries printing lic offices; libraries and movie studios; post offices fishing toilets and rubber plantations; devotional healing centres pub- cess, activity hedges, mortuaries and mechanised kitchens of new times. Pro- paper mills of the old; and, motorised fishing canoes, plastic sheet use, weapons, steam locomotives, movie studio equipment and products of human imagination, attitude, and labour: tools daily remain as in statues and cemeteries. depicted, is invariably a peopled space – at least their shadows Absences, Erasing the Stereotypes , site, or tool, of the p Also recovered through drawings and text ast or of the present, whichever s are other captive labour in the coffee plantations. market of old Wynad as well the current recruitment tribals shot dead by the post-colonial st who spearheaded the land struggles of tribals and poor 165 years later up a stif state. In 1805, Pazhassi, the king, fell to colonial bullets after putting The forests of Wynad thus emerge as a site twin-murders by the Field interviews and observations connect the past with present. the past. the past. Some of these are used as visual artefacts to give a feel phy lute evidences of scientific history as wont empiricist historiogra- old drawings and posters. These are not however deployed as abso- ballads, phies and nals, newspaper reports and editorials, early travelogues, biogra- sembly proceedings, school textbooks, missionary pamphlets, jour- ders, notifications, land records, representations to government, as- gazetteers, geographical and statistical surveys, government or sources: archaeological inscriptions, palm-leaf and paper records, . Mostly The Bara’s visual reconstruction of Kerala is enabled by varied f resist local myths, fiction, advertisements, handbills, photographs, autobiographies, diaries, will, correspondence, rent receipts, T , these are considered as markers of cert ext does not treat the p ance with the help of local chief , in the same forest s, V ate. Bara’ ast in isolation from the present. arghese, the milit s t T ains and tribals. ext depict ant Communist ain p K.T s the slave . Rammohan atterns of About , was

-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 14 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April the poor in Bara’ Drawing the nently figuring in his centralising the vulnerable, yet emphasising their heterogeneity spirited individuals as Bara’s portraits and texts bring out. By as developmental categories, are vulnerable sections, they fishers, workers in the unorganised sector and like – considered sandal paste by devotees. While each of these groups – tribals, in southern Kerala that has all over its wall job-wishes written cations also belong to the disadvantaged class. Bara draws a temple occupying lowly positions that fall short of their educational qualifi- unemployment of the educated as Kerala, job-seekers and those not privilege a closed view of the subaltern. In society high outcastes and workers in traditional industries. Rightly There is an overwhelming presence of children, women and Absences, Erasing the Stereotypes s visual history T ext are tribals, fishers, lower castes and . Among the social group , Bara does s promi , Bara - temple and its environ: cleared forests. Bara then proceeds to describe, in own words, the framed alongside. teenth century document relating to the pledge of temple receipts is at the interstices of social history ography vulnerability Bara militantly refuses space for apolitical, sentimal viewing of their relations of caste and class produce reproduce the vulnerable, spirited individual and by hinting at how the state social within, which contrast, contest and contradict. By highlighting the of a homogeneous Kerala to reveal the several human environments writings and movies on Kerala. He breaks the imagined geography caste male, often with a feudal background – as exemplified in many erases the ‘typical Keralite’ — urban, educated, employed, upper of accumulation. Bara draws the p space – as David Harvey puts it — “filled with ideologies”, especially not a one-dimensional devotional space. It is an intensely political piction of a state-owned temple within the forests. For Bara, this is wooden tigers. The description: opens up the interior of a makeshift photographic studio with its Bara’ The deity is believed to have rode tigers. Bara’s next frame , and development studies. Consider up. in-hand. Myth and Reality that would make DD Kosambi sit river acres of forestland and comprising 18 hills. The chill Pamba Situated at 4135 feet above sea-level. Extending over 338.7 deity — to have snapshots of riding tigers in the manner their New Sapphire studio: Proprietor boards in four languages all along the way prohibiting this. season. Pilgrims relieve themselves on the wayside. Notice Sabarimala during the pilgrim season. In Pamba and Erumeli. the past 32 years Mahin has been operating studios in judgement s perspective is fascinatingly interdisciplinary . T . Music of the jungle. Exotic legends. Religions walk hand- iger habit . Forest protection laws. Another drawing foregrounds the temple in s. High priest at. T iger milk. ‘Holy Light , critical anthropology s. S alace of the local king. t ate Minister , Mahin T wenty-two provisional , for inst s’. S T tudios for pilgrims uckalay . Auctions every ance, his de- . It is shaped , human ge- K.T . Rammohan . An eigh- Through

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 16 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Drawing the mushroom during the pilgrim season: churches. view of the town congested with mostly new buildings, including home and the next generation leaving. Bara begins with an aerial with the elderly because of first generation migrants returning cash remittances from migrants abroad and overwhelmingly filled A third frame shows one of the many wayside restaurants that Elsewhere, Bara depicts a prosperous midland town flush with Absences, Erasing the Stereotypes leased out by others are cheaper season of 55 days. That would seriously cut into profit. Sites The government charges him a rent of Rs. Four lakhs for India studio, Sapphire, New Sappha, and This year he has opened five studios in Erumeli alone — Praise the Lord! Makes a profit of Rs. Eight to Nine lakhs from each studio. to run the studios. Each studio employs 15 20 assistants. Rs. Half a lakh. Mahin employs assist space even for the flies to sit on. Lord save us! These do not bathe. Nor these brush teeth. have no These restaurants do not bat a lid through the entire season. travel agencies: This town has branches of 35 banks, Indian and foreign; 13 A pointed text alongside: Air-India, Orion, Bharat, International, . The rent is never more than ant s from T amil Nadu Appolo. Abeys, T fail to arrive, they may watch videos of the funeral. body for weeks together till the migrant offsprings arrive; and if they accompany funeral processions; mortuaries allow preserving the also the number of music bands and video studios. Music influences not only the number of hospitals and old-age homes but The town’s demographic profile with preponderance of the elderly of the local panchayath: mission of current times. Bara cites from the Tribal Plan statement spent as per official records. Development project is the civilising electricity relating to a tribal settlement colony that is devoid of drinking water Bara portrays. There are also a few direct references — like those ext. The failure of the st The state has a strong but often invisible presence in Bara’s Even without being explicit, the inter-connections are in place. , and proper housing despite lakhs of rupees having been Asiana, Blue-bird, City schools; 48 hospitals; 38 devotional music bands. mortuaries of which six are mobile mortuaries; 21 driving Canaanites, and CSI Evangelical among others; 15 Marthoma, Orthodox, Malankara Catholica, Syro Malabar studios; 20 old-age homes; seats of 10 Christian sects – foreign and others; 14 auditoria; 36 beauty parlours; 46 video ate is revealed in the faces and bodies that , Cosmic, Fatima, Hindust K.T . Rammohan an, Indo-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 18 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April factory – set up by the Birlas, big Indian corporate house, upon ‘Model of Development’, and ‘God’s Own Country’. Of the rayons erase the ‘exotic Kerala’ notes and draws: too. Of the state-initiated eco-tourism project on a forest fringe, Bara Drawing the they speak rather than be spoken for cal profiles — mostly in the words of portrayed, ensuring that portrays children, women, and men of the settlement, with biographi- Ambedkar — the icon of Dalit resurgence hung on wall. Bara woman’s dress, alcohol bottles, forest herbs, and a picture of Besides erasing the ‘typical Keralite’, Bara’s strokes and words The state aesthetics of development is questioned literally The drawings depict their huts, implements, pet owl, hounds, Absences, Erasing the Stereotypes on it statues built of cement and steel. Cement steel viewed The biggest eco-tourism project in so that they may hear and view news channels. television for the residents who are culturally very backward It is proposed to build a kiosk in the settlement and provide s own would not be all that ugly as enshrined in chant . Asia. . s like ‘India’ There are twenty s Y enan’, three years before the poet wrote preface and had been widely murder of a Christian woman aged 83. The judgement was delivered ment delivered in 1997 implicating a middle-aged Brahman the mans facing the charge of murder 1871, protesting against capital punishment accorded to three Brah- officer of a princely state) Travancore to the British Resident in dating back nearly 150 years, written by the Dewan (chief executive book published in 2000: a quote from preface by leading Kerala poet (a Brahman) to lowing would illustrate the latter suggestively the Communist claims to purity Bara notes and draws: invitation by the first Communist government of Kerala in 1957 – Bara follows up with a counter-point: quote from letter Referring to the present again, At it Elsewhere, Bara points to an official notice in a tea-estate: s core, Bara’ murderer the Brahman community has not engendered a single Social scientists should not miss the fact that even to this day of Kerala 5. Group Of District Labour Office 4. Plantation Office, Government Copy to: 1. treatment. Workers should stop this practice forthwith. for leave on medical grounds and advanced persistently pester the estate doctor for recommendations It has come to the attention of management that workers fishes. the factory of 3000 workers snuffed out lives 30000 workforce of 3000 persons. W for livelihood – were extinguished to create an industrial boo to make multivarious products for self-consumption and Employment of 30000 people – mostly tribals who used bam- , but at times the course is vehemently direct. s, the Christian healers, whoever , whether expressed by the st . All trade-unions 2. Commissioner of Labour 3. s T ext unseat ficer , direct mode. . , Sholayar s dominant moral authority and ith toxics emptied into the river T ext indicates a court judge- . . The text begins with ate, the Brahmans, This he does mostly K.T . Rammohan The fol-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 20 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Drawing the dominates represent ‘respect’: that no Brahman ever committed murder of a popular actress. covered in the media especially since slain lady was mother history narrative that refreshingly re-presents the past and one which is drawings, many of these portraits, Bara yields a visual-historical sive, yet interrupted frames, comprising collages of documents and in both the past and our knowledge of past. Through succes- entifically ‘explained’. It recognises the possibility of uncertain ous, micro histories. Bara’ sumed, objective, scientific history by advancing plural, discontinu- the term; past and writing on past. It de-totalises as- notion of evolutionary continuity in history the characteristic of most the available histories Kerala. Dif easily assumed common denominators and simple causation — T ext shows that p Bara need not utter further on the celebrity-poet who asserts Bara’s humour is not at the expense of history; it advances . He bids farewell to the kind of ‘tot Absences, Erasing the Stereotypes ignorance is the halo of celebrities. ations of Kerala’ ast may be varyingly interpreted, but not sci- s T ext avoids ‘explaining’ s p ast. His al history’ . History in both senses of . So, he concludes with T the p that numerically ext contest ast through ferently s the , article. - Note: back over 100 years. monthly — a literary journal in Malayalam with history dating past eight years and is continuing in the pages of textual, relational, and provisional. — which views historical and aesthetic meaning as unstable, con- perfectly in sync with the current understanding of history and art

We are thankful to Bara Bhaskaran for providing the drawings used in this Bara’s visual history of Kerala is being published through the T ap asam Bhashaposhini K.T . Rammohan

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 22 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April T Visuality of Ethnography: graphs. The dense cultural tropes and social reflectivity of the ric, ritual and performance, occupational, voyeuristic photo- which are categorised here into four genres such as anthropomet- tion will read a set of anthropological/ethnographic photographs, which colonial anthropology produced knowledge. The next sec- premises and methodologies that provided the paradigm within cal ‘facts.’ This is followed by an analysis of various theoretical objectivity and scientific authenticity to substantiate anthropologi- between photography and anthropology continuity in the subsequent representations. the visulaities of Kerala society in colonial period find a historical categorizing population. Closely following this, it is also argued that pations, rituals and traditions in order to establish caste as a basis for otypes. Photography identified and differentiated social signs, occu- castes and tribes, leading in turn to the creation of cultural tropes/stere- were instrumental in creating a discourse of ethnography different argues that these photographs of the late 19th and early 20th century Alongside highlighting the socialness of photographs, paper anthropological and photographical categorisation of castes tribes. certain social realities that were largely outside the concern of colonial practices of inventing ‘other’. It is found that photographs captured of colonial Kerala and reveals the way in which they mediated This paper reads a set of anthropological/ethnographic photographs Sujith Kumar Parayil ext The first part of the essay examines enduring relation s and Context s . Photographs give a visual caste and tribes in the 19 graphs were used as cultural artefacts to represent the typicality of this paper within context, particularly focusing on how photo- anthropology (Morphy and Banks 1999: 1-3). I would like to locate This subsequently led to the emergence of distinct field visual order to define human ‘races’ in terms of castes, tribes and culture. symbolic objects indicative of the social act gathering data in al 2001). In this context, photographs have served as important tice of colonial anthropology cultural ‘types’ of castes and tribes constructed through the prac- graphic/anthropological photographs, different from the idealised alternative way of understanding the ‘socialness’ ethno- subjects in these photographs are examined. This would reveal an photographic image as primary data by anthropologists of this to reflect reality and ‘empirical truth.’ This fostered the use of cultural and social characteristic. These photographs were assumed on the physical characteristics of subject, as an index its part of a positivist system classification, which mainly focused ing both as a mode of description and means domination. ner in the latter half of 19 and elsewhere began to employ photography in a substantial man- 1998; Dirks 2001; Cohn 2000). cal data on various aspects of life and conditions in India (see Metcalf census operations and the massive attempts at gathering statisti- came an integral part of the operational tools colonialism just like to the project of colonization. Anthropological Photography as cultural visibility Other visual mediums reproduce such typified ethnographic body tional vocabulary to envisage the identity of different communities. graphic constructions of body became a legitimated representa- the social semiotics deployed. I will also argue that these ethno- ness of the photographed subjects have been expressed through ing some of the photographs will argue that historical conscious- The photographic record of castes and tribes in India was Anthropology in Kerala as well India is organically linked . th th and early 20 and early 20 . The last p Anthropology and ethnography be- Anthropological studies both in India th art of the p th century (see Silverst century Kerala, function- aper by review- Sujith Kumar Parayil ar , et

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 24 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Anantha Krishna Iyer Nambutiris: Notes on some of the People Malabar also examine some other works, such as Fred Fawcett’s Visuality of Ethnography tion here primarily focuses on Edger entific and objective credibility of their accounts. The investiga- case of ethnographic narrations) as evidence to enhance the sci- period (sketches, lithography and photography dominated in the III V of Southern India ‘other scene’ of this 19 discourse that elaborates a of the other is precisely time invent a significant ‘other’ (Scherer 1990: 133). The colonial with the colonial effort to categorize, define, dominate and some- constructed for the gaze of subject anthropology in its detailing and documenting of ethnographic images, is mainly (Harris 2001: 23; Jenkin 1994: 137). only by the anthropologist/photographer but audience as well in mind. it can be said that the ethnographer/photographer have an audience ries, the audience was perhap While this may be true today belonging to different cultural backgrounds (Scherer 1990: 141). a culture or segment of society to an audience anthropologists tation (Morphy and Banks 1999: 3). It involves the representation of resentation that serve the ends of cultural translation and interpre- social and cultural realm of the people. graphic representation valorises the categories and carries terize the castes and tribes of Kerala way in which photo- Syrian Christians tions (1937, V ies of Thurston and Fawcett, photographs occupy the position the project of colonial anthropology in India. In surveys and stud- ent castes and tribes, their physical characteristics culture in visual evidence accompanying the textual classifications of differ- or ‘white man’s burden.’ Ethno-historic photographs were used as consciousness’ with an embedded notion of the ‘civilizing mission’ olumes), L. (191 Anthropology as a discipline includes within itself acts of rep- 3 olume I), C. Gop Hence the nature of photography is determined not 1) and L. K A Krishna Iyer (1926) in order to understand how they charac- (1909) ’ Anantha Krishna Iyer s th The T century desire for an ‘authentic historical

alan Nair which uses photographs extensively , in the late 19 ’ s s more homogeneous. Contextually ribes and Castes of Cochin, The T ’ s Anthropological photography Wynad: It Thurston’ ravancore Castes and T th ’ s and early 20 Anthropology of the s s People and T Castes and T . It goes along (1900), L. K th centu- (1909, ribes ribes radi- . 2 I , , ties that the castes and tribes of South India have with discourse of comparison, Thurston tries to points out the similari- of human race”(Huxley cited in Australians and Dravidians, sprang from a common main branch point that “there is much speaks in favour of the view Dravidians in India and arrive at a conclusion by asserting Huxley’s pean tribes and races. juxt in India. Thurston, for instance, deploys various racial theories while This was one of the principal features anthropometric photogra jaws that ascribed a common origin to many of these human races. Framescape 1: also served to validate the theory of comparative racial evolution. length of hair ‘Leiotrichi’- on the basis of colour skin, along with and division of human societies into two major divisions- ‘Ulotrichi’ and tribes and European races. In principle, this eventually led to the castes and tribes of South India in comp ture was defined and classified. Thurston Fawcett studied the ing. It was on the basis of material aspects this model that cul- racial variation was central to Victorian anthropological understand- human culture based on identification of types and measurement construction of similar racial ‘types’ elsewhere. munities in of Victorian anthropology that created and presented the tribal com- tribes (see Cohn 2000: 200-203; Parman 1998:1-4). The emergence project of constructing racial types for The Victorian anthropological imagination had its genesis in the emerges, based on a comparison between the West and East. structions of ‘otherness.’ It is here that the comparative frame methodology adopted by the colonial anthropologists in their con- (Edwards 1990: 239; Dirks 2001: 196). principles of taxonomy and classification derived from biology the positivist re-organization of knowledge and was informed by ultimate proof of objective knowledge. This idea was fundamental to aposing South Indian tribes and castes with He goes on to identify several analogies about the origin of Before turning to the photographs, it is important see Africa as ‘stereotypes’ , and the anthropometric measurement 4 The 6 Anthropologist/Photographer Thurston, V is organically linked with the Ap African and other aboriginal art from this, photographs arison with the ol.1, xxxi). 5 African and Euro- Thus, a theory of s of nose, skull, Sujith Kumar Parayil Through this African phy

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 26 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April logical and scientific accuracy vey and classification of south Indian castes tribes with bio- people he was studying. He tried to make his ethnographic sur- attempt to find an appropriate slot within which he could place the that he has been dealing with theories of race, and religion in his not show any disagreement with them. What is important to note human races. the agreements or disagreements about common origin of our attention the other genre of racial theories which contextualise lated to the Europeans (ibid: xxxv). Here Thurston also bring to the great Caucasian family and by virtue of that they were re- ment that the castes and tribes (Dravidians) of South India belong of India with those European tribes in the context argu- nes. These theories found a parallel origin of the tribes and castes Dravidians of India and the the existing racial theories that suggest similarities between (Thurston 1909 vol.1, and physical characters’ of the tribes castes south India task entrusted to him was ‘record the manners and customs appointed as a superintendent of ethnography in 1901, the primary ground for various racial anthropological theories. When he was of castes and tribes shows that South India becomes a testing paradigm was prominent. European anthropological imaginations where the comparative his work comes out from the generalised textual knowledge of familiar religion of Christianity and Hinduism, reveal the fact that indexes, as well his efforts to find commonality between anthropometric analysis of the features skulls, hairs and nasal language, nature of implements and tools including weapons, rigorous anthropometric survey where each part of the body came ‘physical character’ of natives, were recorded and classified through nographic record of tribal music and songs. The second one, the tices of different ethnic ‘types’ as well the collection pho- through the detailed narrations of rituals and customary prac- Visuality of Ethnography Australoids of the Leiotrich race. While contextualising the existing theories, Thurston does His ethnographic project of identification and measurement preface African as well . ). The first one is accomplished At the same time, tot At this point, Thurston condenses Australian aborigi- ality of tices and the changes that occurred in tune with times. riage, caste-determined customs and traditions, religious prac- tried to take into account historical-social institutions such as mar- to contemporary historical consciousness, their na ized these communities as static ahistorical entities, impervious ties of the communities. While colonial anthropologists character- For instance, their works give more focus on the everyday activi- though were generated within a colonial anthropological paradigm. cal or somatic. They had certain other distinguishing features too, used ethnological and sociological descriptions, rather than physi- and L.A Krishna Iyer’s works on castes tribes of Kerala mainly tioned it in p not discuss the genealogy of races and types extensively anthropology pologists never entirely discarded the dominant preoccupations of of the est rather to point out the fact that discussion takes such a form prove the wrongness of model colonial anthropologists but of anthropological reasoning. However was used to think about the human society which shows spread Aryan blends” (Iyer 1909: 2). The idea of common racial origins Dravidian; but represent different Negrito, Kolerian, Dravidian and who, though speaking the Dravidian dialects, are not full-blooded ans, Kadars, Ulladans, Eravallens, Paniyans and many other tribes, out that “to the primitive groups above referred to belong Malay- colonial anthropologist ciety in the common racial origins of all human beings. He quoted dominant European model that fostered the genesis of human so- customs of the inst their writings on the castes and communities in South India. For erature were subscribed to by the native anthropologists also in religion occupied prominent position. where the comparison between different racial type, culture and several insight under measurement tools. In both methods Thurston presupposed ance, when L. K. Eurocentric generalizations in the colonial anthropological lit- ablished theoretical insight , unlike Europeans like assing. In other words, L. K. s of the existing domain classificatory theory Kadar Anantha Krishna Iyer traced the origins and s like hill tribe, he merged his accounts with the A. H. Keane and Thurston and Fawcett, they did s. Although indigenous anthro- , the attempt here is not to Anantha Krishna Iyer T opinard and pointed tive counterparts Sujith Kumar Parayil , but men- ’s

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 28 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April munities about their upper caste Hindu lineages. structure of Hinduism on the basis stories different com- Ezhavan, Valan, Mukkavas, esses. able religious knowledge which evolves through hierarchical proc- and understanding of other cultures through the prism an avail- ticular knowledge emerges through the translation, interpretation will shed light on this: tograph I). Thurston’s analysis and comparison of different skulls etry as nothing other than the Mediterranean or standing of South Indian, following the conventions anthropom- helped Thurston and Fawcett to mould their anthropometric under- prominent feature of the colonial anthropological project, which tinguishing feature of Kerala society and culture. of each ‘caste’ and ‘tribe.’ Here he normativizes as a dis- ples can be found in Thurston of this assertion the ‘Hindu’ origin are closely interwoven with the ideas of orient representations of castes and tribes, including those Thurston, Mediterranean or Visuality of Ethnography concept. to some conclusion about existing theories of race as a biological identify the particular usage of photography to debate and come In the extended arguments of passage quoted here one can gaged in ‘doing science’ irrespective of its rightness or wrongness. As Pinney shows (1990: 277) this analytical model was a It is also significant to note that the colonial anthropological By describing South Indians as anthropometrically close to 7

Thus various ‘castes’ T of a Dekhan” [i.e., Southern India]. (Thurston 1900: 90) veloped brow ridges, who are found in hair [with smooth hair] “with dark skin, hair sion of the Dravidians in in the Madras hospital, which recalls to mind Huxley’s inclu- amil skull.– In Plate VI [here Fig 2] is represent , and eminently long, prognathous skulls with well-de- T amil man [caste unknown], who died some time ago Australian, it can be argued that, are said to have emerged within the such as Australoid group of the Leiotrichi T iyan, Nair , and eyes, wavy black alist history Australian (see pho- Australia and in the 8 Several exam- Thurston is en- , Nambutiri, ated the skull . This p ar- skull to give an anatomical profile of the caste, which is then added Thurston proceeds on the basis of this evidence shape having belonged to a man/woman of the Linga Banajiga caste. one “Hindu” and “European.” The former is further qualified as Fig 1: a. Caption: European skull (see ally increasing from the top of head towards occipital region head of the ‘Hindu skull’. The European skull is with a curve gradu- skull is used to exhibit the absence of convexity back (Pinney 1990: 276). The photographs here show that a European Asia in terms of what is called “imaginative geography” the region history of the visual/ethnographic representation whole South Indian Dravidian can only be understood within the much larger Thurston V b. Caption: Hindu skull Fig 2: from Thurston, Miscellanea, in Fawcett, V Fig 1 Here, the photographic or anthropological construction of ol I. : from ol.1, xlvi). Fig1 juxt Thurston, Castes and T Fig 2: Caption: T aposes two photographs of skulls, ribes in Southern India, Nambutiris Sujith Kumar Parayil amil skull , 1900. 1909,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 30 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April derived from of the skull is not deduced from its shape or ‘type’ but rather who is said to be a Visuality of Ethnography ogy and serve a point of classification proposed by colonial anthropol- that serves the purpose of defining, and producing knowledge. graph is certainly an illustration (along with the quotation above) anatomical features of the Dravidians in south India. Here photo- “T types. However to the accumulating taxonomy of physical/racial types and sub- information that it was of a is available to est tends to have both a side profile and front one (Fig 2). Here the skull photograph itself: how the scientific of assumption of race. It is in this context that we talk about the very good example of a photograph being used to prove colonial presented in the form of photograph. But it can be cited as itself raise fundamental questions on the veracity of evidence ‘European skull’ ing many of the assumptions that support categories such as used to explain the skull types in a comparative manner accept- photographs because of the loaded categories that Thurston has gard the photograph of ‘T mon physical and racial types of south Indian castes. In this re- angle’ of various castes and tribes to generalize assume com- urement details. But Thurston has been taking the ‘average facial cal skulls that he used for analysis are varied according to its meas- tomical features of the particular caste (1900: 89-90). The other lo- ‘Y and scientific value of his work. For instance he measured three measured the other skulls to show his anthropometrical obsession in the Madras hospital. It should be observed that Thurston also the other local skulls. Skull photographs are used as evidence to show anadi’ amil skull” which was used to explain the generic biological and . Looking at this photograph, it can be said that the ‘T common features of the Dravidian ‘types’. The photograph became a piece of evidence to substantiate It is diffic (Y anadis of Nellore District) skulls to prove the unique ana-

the fact that skull concerned was of a person ult to arrive at any value free judgment on the skull , the Fig 2 is a photograph of skull captioned as and ‘T ablish the ‘fact’ T amilian. amil skull.’ The only biographical information that amil skull’ T amil person (caste unknown) died that it is a ‘T In fact the skull photographs is not dif 9 amil Skull’ ferent from some amilness’ was the neric knowledge construction of ‘Hindu’ ral existence of the subject and skull photographs become a ge- eral categories are important rather than the cultural context or natu- racial/type to organize in categories for interpretation. Here the gen- identified. The photographed subject’s body becomes a physical that show the details of ‘type’ which could be measured and visually follow the usual depiction of anthropometric photographs cial specificity of the different groups. The skull photographs also and support the scientific value of identification physical ra- ‘types’ are captured to explain particularities of the natives. ric photography where the close up and side profile of native skull photographs that were followed by the forms of anthropomet- same visual vocabularies have been used in the description of index (including width and height). span, mid finger to patella, shoulders, hips, left foot length, nasal ous indices where the body was measured in terms height, chest question of objective of such discourses was to “help in determining the vexed cial and cultural identities’ were ‘denied a history of their own’ and defined by ‘unchanging ra- ing museum’ became a ‘laboratory for anthropometry’ (Pinney 1990: 261) or ‘liv- the earlier races of Southern India of Kerala: examine Fawcett’s accounts of the religion Nambutiri Brahmins came to ‘castes’ and ‘religions.’ This becomes clear when we ist notion of Hinduism, caused contradictions, especially tural practices of different sects/ communities within the Oriental- cally therefore, any European contextualization of the social or cul- imbricating it in their own familiar socio-cultural environment. Fawcett attempted was a comparative analysis of “otherness” by in South India. Like many other Orientalists, what Thurston and racial identity between the Fawcett himself felt, it brought in difficult questions pertinent to In general, anthropometric photographs sought to visualize Anthropometry derived its scientific credibility from the vari- identity of race (Metcalf 1998: 1 (ibid). Australian aborigines and cert between some of the 17). As Fawcett observed, the main The human bodies thus marked ” 10

It is in this context that India (9). But at the same time, as or ‘T amil’ types. Australians and Sujith Kumar Parayil ain races , when it T ypi-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 32 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ental/Occidental, the binaries such as colonizer/colonized, Europeans/Asians, Ori- ing in society as tradition, resulting new binaries. They included epistemic order classified the cultural forms and practices prevail- various castes and the epistemic order specific to them. The new tives drawn from tradition apart the customs and practices of dition of the mythical accounts Hindu tradition and narra- us of by his underst posed to be in the books of Hinduism, which scribe the people as they actually are, and not are sup- work (his anthropological notes on Southern India) attempts to “de- are results of this approach. In Fawcett’s own description his understood it, and the social/cultural practices he had observed, sions with regard to the incompatibility between Hinduism as he another normativised understanding of the Nambutiris. His confu- Fawcett’s use of the racial paradigm results only in elaborating yet emerged a significant trope to categorise Indian society dominant discourses to understand their own other and caste comparative analysis of the orient and occident. It allowed The most influ Thurston’ Visuality of Ethnography fundamental to the socio-religious conditions of India (Dirks 2001: caste more uniform and structured began to be considered as 187). The problematic of colonial modernity made the concept became empirical objects and exemplary subjects” (Dirks 2001: netic boundary of the Indian body where individual and community Hinduism as it is not The caste-based classification get expressed through the ren- Fawcett’s approach to the religion of Nambutiris is mediated s ethnography the religion of it e it is called and the like over Southern India (Fawcett 1900: 80, some of the village and such like festivals, devil dancing - as borne out by their appearance. Brahmanas. Mr The Nambutiri called themselves “Arya Brahmanar … the Brahmanism of Southern India is much tinged with mphasis added). ential binary of this epistemic order had been the anding of their racial origin as cultured/uncultured etc and became . , caste is considered and “defined as ge- Logan thinks in Southern India” (Fawcett 1900: 6). earlier races their claim to Aryan origin is not , of which we see examples in I think , for the most part, tell their measures prove Arya Brahmans. paradigmatic. ,” . 1 1 Arya In representing the model of caste and tribes giving more empha (a) Anthropometric Photographs major divisions on the basis of their visualization. production. Ethnographic photographs could be classified into four documentation in this process of objectification and knowledge ject of colonial domination and the camera becomes a mere tool for words, the body itself becomes a metaphor of political/cultural ob- creating the anthropological body of colonial ethnography human body became a site for objectification and its governance, penetrated the multi-fragmented social bodies and societies. The the network of colonial knowledge and its strategy for dominance and its related environment are treated as a cultural specimen. Here, within the order of colonial ‘governmentality’, where human body cial and cultural ‘others’ for the process of ‘subjectification.’ represent different bodies as well to construct a typology of ra- was an instrument of colonial ‘governmentality’ and needed to masculinity and power/authority has come to characterize an exacting matrix of technology colonial photography and their physical characteristics customs. On the other hand, dence accompanying the textual classifications of different ‘castes’ purity/pollution. Ethnographic photographs were used as visual evi- savagery/civilization, master/servant, upper caste/lower caste, and nographic photographs in general present telltale binaries such as In tune with the colonial anthropology tions of ‘caste’ nities, and other social entities revolve around certain peculiar no- Framescape 2: The Spectrum of Photographs Kerala belonging to the colonial time. understand the anthropological and ethnographic photographs of identity themselves) and social environments became the markers of caste demonstrate this illusion by which objects (both tools and bodies 5). Photographs were used as an authentic and realistic media to In Thurston’s text, the anthropometric photograph functions Ethnographic photographs detailing various castes, commu- . It is in this anthropologist’ and community proposed by colonial anthropology , which is inextricably linked to . W s spectrum that we are trying to ithin this matrix, the photograph : They are typical photographs , the classifications in eth- Sujith Kumar Parayil our modernity . In other , vision, sis

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 34 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April teeth, jaws, features of hair and skin colour ries that emphasize the features of physical body such as nose, physical features. Such photographs assert and validate racial theo- definitions, p Visuality of Ethnography to physiognomy Fig 3: Mala V phy manifests itself as ethnographic ‘reality’ (See Fig 3, 4). ture associated with tribal or caste member’s body and photogra- tion of these anthropometric stereotypes exposes the physical na- ric stereotypes. From the ethnographic point of view features of castes and tribes led to the construction anthropomet- Photographs from Fig 3 & 4: articularly the close up and it eda with Filed T . They served as good guides to the measurement Thurston, : Caste and tribes, eeth Fig 4: Parayan L. Photographs from Front and Profile Fig 5: T The T ribes, . A The merging of physical s profile view Krishna Iyer V ravancor Kanikkaran Female, ol. V ol. I. VII , the construc- e Castes and , , det : ailing L. Photographic Collections, The Government Pr Photographs from Fig 6: sis. cial groups into these categories for their anthropological analy- colonial anthropological works, though they largely distributed so- tribes and castes has not been clearly accounted for appear the ideas of an ethnographic reality the anthropologist or photographer does is to proclaim make organised into categories of caste and gender (Dirks: 2001). What through the measurement and interpretation of physical subjects ject in turn became a political body colonised subject with implications for bodily presentation. The sub- ise tribal and caste identities. to visualise the different communities, and particularly character- paintings and cinema) these signs became dominant perspectives as in the later visual representations of Kerala (particularly through cordingly becomes a cultural sign. This had lasting consequences (Pinney 1990: 260). Significantly ‘other’ and the photograph ‘ultimate tool in regime of truth’ comes a specimen or ‘type’ (‘stereotype’) for understanding the A 12 Krishna Iyer Here the people came under colonialism and became A Kanikkara In this genre of photographs, (see fig 3-6) human body be- , : The T ravancor e Castes and T , the categorical dif , to be known and controlled ess, T . ribes, The human body ac- rivandr V ference between ol. I) Sujith Kumar Parayil , in any of the um ( also see

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 36 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography Fig 7:

Photographs fr Fig 9: Chenchu Tree-Climbing A Fig 7, 8: V Photographs from elans Dance om Thurston The Fig 9, 10: L. K T Fig 10: ribes and Castes of Cochin , Castes and T Anantha Krishna Iyer Fig 8: ribes Chenchu the Panans’ V ol. II . V ol.1 Devil Dance ,

genre of photographs gives visibility to the definition caste through (b) Photographs of Ritual Performance and Skills Fig 11: L. K Photograph from

The Parayans Devil Dance Trivandrum Press The Government Photograph from (c1920 blow-pipe blowing his A Fig12: Anantha Krishna Iyer Muthuvan Archive, ) , The T ribes and Castes of Cochin Sujith Kumar Parayil : The second . V ol.1

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 38 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography “women rowing boat have photographs titled as “making of fire,” “hunting,” “climbing tree,” edge of various communities and their particularly defined skills: we that the gaze of classification is redirected on technical knowl- the traditional practices and performances. It should be observed ently endowed social. In this manner fying the physical presence of group within frame differ- gathering of symbolic data and activities that is revelatory in identi- nity alone. Performance in anthropology with the restricted symbolic knowledge that is found in commu- specific property of particular communities and they function along of modernity lently exhibit is of the many cultural worlds lying outside realm mode of worship depict this as the performative space of ‘devil dance’ or primitive of particular rituals performed by ritual specialist castes. Photographs active presence of the invisible cultural tropes and social hierar formance constituted within the photographic spaces involves categorization and identification. coconut leaves. The anthropological project is fulfilled here with the participating in the performance with a drum and bunch of tender of Fig 9, the elder man along with two children (a girl and a boy) is ally engage in ritual performance for generations. In the photographs (Fig 9) have generated a visual knowledge that the V reality 8 &12) are as concrete spatial elements of the ethnographic resent ance’ (see Edwards 2003: 262-263). The genre of photographs rep- tropes’ within the form of a ‘theatre action’ and ‘cultural perform- of photography arranged according to the ‘self- reflexive cultural linked to local knowledge. Most import can be treated as the ‘dense context’ organising geographical ‘facts’ and social positions of the groups. Here photographic framescape ies of these photographs (Fig 9,10 &1 performers such as the V used to record changes in the occupational visibility of castes specified communities (see Fig 7& 8). The photographs are also tion of performances as showing the ‘primitive’ but ‘exciting’ skills words, visibility is foregrounded with the anthropological classifica- . s these performances (Fig 9,10 & 1 The social knowledge that the sp . These performances have been considered as the s of the natives (see captions in Fig 9-1 s” etc. elan and the V 13

Ap art from this, there are photographs At the same time, ritual per- , photographs of ‘a V 1) open up the situated sp edan. antly , then, becomes p 1) and social skills (Fig 7, aces of photographs si- , the sp The visual vocabular- atial narrations elans tradition- elan dance’ 1). In other art of the chies. aces ing the identity of a social group. events, once they are photographed become artefacts inform- position in the society acquires the reflexivity of self, which is different from his situated by adopting particular ornaments, masks, chants and mantra he for the transcendence of self. The musicians (blowing bugle and beating drums) create a rhythm position can be understood from their seating posture and gestures. observations. context of the religiosity Parayans to make some crucial element. This particular photograph could be placed in the larger get blurred. space in which most of the historically practiced social constraints spatial domain the performances themselves generate a new social collective social participation of different communities. Within the formance. Most of the ritual performances in society have a namic components of collective social relations the ritual per- rally and spatially different audience, it also denies the involved dy- 82). By presenting a moment of the cultural practices to tempo- image in the native realm and its spatial discourses (Faris 2002: and conventional wisdom it deny the autochthonous status of very outset by putting forward a vision of anthropological orthodoxy era is only freezing a moment that masks such social relations. However ‘Parayans devil dance’ position as a result of this transformation. The photographs ent from his everyday social position. In fact, he achieves a liminal he attains while is performing. He acquires a self which differ- said that it is the transcendent self (reflexivity) of a performer which performance and photographs exhibit? In this context, it can be orient. Therefore it makes sense only as the exotic devil dances of tices and social expressions of the actor are rendered invisible. ritual performance to an audience unfamiliar with it, the cultural prac- most significant trope in this genre of photographs. In presenting The active invisibility can be drawn at different layers; the What could be the self-reflexive cultural tropes that these ritual , the r 14 This culturally oriented collectivity of the space is As a lower caste, the Parayan subalternity and social itual performance in front of the anthropological cam- . Although these performances are occasional (see Fig 1 15 In the performance of ritual 1) symbolically represent Sujith Kumar Parayil s this

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 40 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography the dif the caste identity of different communities. For instance, in Cochin, pational status subsequently becomes a decisive criterion to define a very significant aspect of colonial anthropology of human societies on the basis occupation. This identification is genre of anthropological photographs has been to visualize the identity (c) Occupational Photographs of their occup one community as their caste came to be determined on the basis “Marakkar” who were engaged in fishing came to be referred as integral to the agrarian order in Malabar occupation to identify Ezhavas in Travancore and Cochin Tiyans Fig 13: the basis of such signifiers. and the related processes solidified determination of caste on photography in census operations and the statistical enumeration invented and generalized. The other dominant strategies of using the basis of occupation, tradition/rituals, etc. that caste was re- through various discursive practices. My argument is that it was on ment that it was colonialism invented and constructed caste ferent social group Kusavans Fig 13: Photograph from; . The Pulayans and Parayans became castes that were ation. Similarly Thurston, Castes and T s such as “V . However , toddy t : One of the main objectives this ribes alan,” “Arayan,” “Mukkuvan,” , I don’t follow the line of argu- apping became the typical (V ol. IV ) . In fact the occu- Pot T Izhuvans with Fig 16: Going for Field Fig 14: Fig 18: Pulayan oddy Drawing

A Pulayan and his Wife The A W Group of omen W ork Fig17: Fig 15:

The Nayadis going for Alms The Katalarayans Sujith Kumar Parayil

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 42 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Cultivators The Ezhuva Visuality of Ethnography Fig 20: Fig 21: The Thattans (Goldsmith) Group A Mukkuvan Fig 19: Fig 14-23: L. K Photograph from: (Fig 14-22, Fig 23: V

ol.1 and Fig 23, V Fig 22: edic S Anantha Krishna Iyer tudent The Parayans s with Their Guru or Preceptor V ol.II). W The T icker ribes and Castes of Cochin, W ork Sujith Kumar Parayil

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 44 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April master occup ‘ontological tide’ where a series of material objects symbolise their occupation. The photographed subjects are represented within an What is made appear as the signifiers determine their caste and subject is determined/made visible by a cluster of physical goods. occupations (see Fig 13-22). In fact the identity of photographic of the society have been represented with tools their respective subjects, particularly the communities belonging to lower strata Krishna Iyer’s books on Kerala castes and tribes. The photographed identity and social st It is their posture in the photographs that relates to occupational Visuality of Ethnography abolition of slavery in the middle nineteenth century and other lower castes were subjected to even after the formal could be read as a pointer to aspects of enslavement that Pulayans subordination and bondage to their professions. Such photographs words the photographs of lower orders show them in their from their shoulders, as if they are extensions of the body this point. The Pulayan women –all of them– have sickles hanging photograph ‘A Group of Pulayan Women’ (Fig 18) further reiterates well as the nature of subaltern physical environment. The always characterise their occupational engagement with nature as another part of their body and the dulled photographic backgrounds the signified objects in photographs are conceived as just like representation embodies the notion of ‘type’. On other hand, with their occupational objects (Fig 17-20). Here again, the castes are depicted in the anthropological photographs similarly (Fig 15, 19) are figured along with oar and net almost all lower tapping instruments including pots (Fig 16, 20). Fishing communities and as toddy tappers, with the tapping knife tools peculiar (Fig 13&21). Ezhavans are represented as both agricultural labour environment with their implements and other signs of occupation Kushavans and Thattans are visualised within the working instances the Pulayan and his wife with sickle (see Fig 14), and other signs that are integral to their social environment. For subalterns appear in these photographs along with their implements Photographs 13-23 are taken from Thurston’s and L.K.Anantha In contrast to this, the elite classes are represented dif ationally determined caste identity ’ s body , there are sacred bell met atus. Ap art from the sacred marks on al utensils as symbolic . 16

The peasant . In other . ferently s and . castes. undergoes a change when it is question of representing upper conveys their dominance as the custodians of this knowledge. privileged domain of knowledge. The body posture students authoritative position in the social hierarchy and access to the teacher and definite looks as well the distinguishable sitting posture of objects. The posture of the students (Fig 23) with crossed arms

Fig 24: It can also be noted that the visual field of photographs Fig 25: , holding sacred beads explicitly articulate their dominant

A Typical Nayar Family

The W eapons of the Old Nayar W arrior Sujith Kumar Parayil

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 46 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography Fig 26: subject front of the camera in an act representing themselves. The the photographic event allows them to open a performative realm in camera. The subjects are looking at the camera as occasion of subjects showing familiar gestures in response to the gaze of seen that the photographic surface was filled with a mat and consider the ‘typical Nayar family’ photographs, (Fig 24) it can be The photographs of ‘Nayars’ (Nair) underline this point. When we cultural superiority is superimposed on this genre of photographs. to the occupational photographs of subaltern. It follows objectifying any object or subject to determine their caste compared symbolic capital. In this respect, the camera is not particularly ornaments of Nayars (Fig 27) further exhibit their power acquired society (Fig 25). In addition to this, objects such as specific in the anthropological text indicates their prior position Kerala & 26). The photograph of the weapons erstwhile warrior class Fig 24-27: L. K with Ornaments Nayar Ladies

Two Nayar Girls A sophisticated visual idiom and romanticised fantasy of s are seated properly V ol.II Anantha Krishna Iyer , and are posing for the camera (Fig 24 Fig 27: ’ s The T Old Ornaments of ribes and Castes of Cochin, them and stuff for display in the Madras Museum. believed that he was going to take the finest specimens among his work. For instance, he says that the Paniya women of Wyanad awareness of colonial authority created considerable difficulties in complains that the beliefs of tribal communities and their limited result in the frightful and perplexed anxious pose. Thurston technology and its encroachment up on their inhabited spaces that It is basically an ignorance and unawareness about the new and native anthropologists attitudes of the people towards them. along with the schema of measurements adopted by colonial object—camera. rather that they expressed their fear of the intrusion alien not be possible to read such beliefs in the photograph, but seems and cultural practices of the society different looks of communities are entrenched in the social have a privileged position. The gendered photographs and the alr capture their soul and reduce life sp especially tribes and lower castes, were afraid that the camera would Ethnographers have reported that the people they photographed, looking at the event of photo-document subjects have an air of puzzlement and speculation, as if they were In the other photograph of Ulladans (Fig 29), on hand, It is a simple act of self-protection against the intrusion camera. faces marked by an expression of scepticism and powerlessness. figures seem to be leaning back in a gesture of avoidance, their herself has crossed her arms in a defensive gesture and all the scared, holding on to the leg of a woman for protection. The women wonder-struck look. Ulladans (Fig 28 & 29) for instance, have a fearful, antagonistic and people of Kerala throw light on this question. The Kurumbas and photographs particularly those of the tribal groups and lower caste mind’s eye perception of the anthropologist/photographer? Some field present here: how did subjects respond to the camera’s or eady established social knowledge in which Nambutiris and Nairs Nonetheless, these particular appearances could be read It would be useful to inquire into another aspect of the visual 17 The two children (Fig 28) are looking thoroughly . ation uncomprehendingly an. However Sujith Kumar Parayil , here it may 18 .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 48 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography Fig 31: The ThandaPulaya Fig 28: Kurumbas Fig 29: W omen The Ulladans The Koodans Fig 30: are closer to a culturally recognizable visual vocabulary a dynamic space, determined less by imposed visual forms, and names. caste or tribe affiliation alone and there is no attempt to record their detached from their workspaces. Subjects are identified by imposed upon their world. The subjects of these photographs are a particular arrangement, seeking to place them within form conventions (Snyder 1980: 224). Visuality submits the subjects to camera has captured bodies employing certain visual forms or objectified an assembled body as a ‘naturally seen picture’ and the subjects for self-articulation as well (Fig 23). sent earlier depiction of cert the camera seeks to develop a normalised and universalised visual appear in full length. Through this group lining arrangement (Fig 31), bodies in some sort of generic categorization. Most the subjects character and with similar look. It is a way of visualizing lower caste formation) to which their bodies contribute. arranged in rows and shot at an angle to emphasize a geometrical the design (seated and standing figures alternating; or bodies sequences of bodies, their individual presence is subsumed under vocabulary codifies categorical differences. Fig 22-25). The camera formulates a new visual vocabulary that follow a particular pattern of lining them up for the picture (also see clearly in the tribal and lower castes people’s photographs, which dif seems that in the visual field image is organised such a way Fig 30-31: L. K Fig 29 : from, L. K Fig 28 : from, ferent communities are marked dif ations. However

, bodily posture becomes a social signifier in these repre- Figs 30 and 31 exemplify one form of this new visual A further point can be made about these photographs. It As against this, the elite group Cochin V ol. 1. . Here the subject Thurston, Castes and T Anantha Krishna Iyer Anantha Krishna Iyer ain racial characteristics. , V , the camera of ol.I s are arranged as symmetrical ribes , The T ferently fered a liberal sp , s are always represented in The T , V ribes and Castes of Cochin ol. IV All bodies are uniform in . ribes and Castes of This can be seen most 19 T echnology has Sujith Kumar Parayil . As mentioned ace to these ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 50 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography subaltern body of representation (see fig, 33 & 34). their position in relation to domesticity as expressed other genres Nayars clearly articulate the ‘manliness’ and ‘womanliness’ classes with the new technology language is in complete contrast with the encounter of subaltern knowledge of the event with appropriate facial expressions and body the elite men and women approached camera with prior front of it (see fig 32-34 and also see 23, 24 & 26). The fact that without any embarrassment, and with a determination to ‘pose’ in derived from their caste position. ethnographic photographs directly deploys their power and status Upper Class Nayar Girls Fig 33: Contrary to the representational strategies aimed at , the represent ation of the elite men and women in . For inst As a result, they face the camera ance the photographs of Nambutiris Adhyan Fig 32: image) or notions of what must be represented provide different form the other hand, visual idea of preconceived image (imagined she “really is and what must be represented” (Prasad 2006: 73). On image) of oneself therefore involved the distinction between what he/ about the photographic image. The preconceived image (imagined confronted the camera they have certain set of conceived notions imagined image from the photographs. It appears that when elites it is photographically produced. It possible to read traces of this imagined image refers to the conceptualisation of before was developing through the photographic representation. The given. customs and traditions of the photographed subject are deliberately representation to the elite/subaltern mentalities as well photographs reproduced here suggest that peculiar photographic visualization in representing different social groups. Most of the Fig 33-34, from Somerset Playne, Fig 32, from L. K The colonial photography thus followed different conventions of Along with this, another visual trope, the imagined image, Cochin Commerce and Industrial Resources Anantha Krishna Iyer , V ol.II Southern India: Its Histor Fig 34: Nayars , The T ribes and Castes of , 1914-15. Sujith Kumar Parayil y , People,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 52 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ( ethnographic sign for the other visual media, such as popular cinema. vocabulary for the cultural types, which in turn become a recurring Visuality of Ethnography subalterns have little or no say they have greater say in what must be represented, whereas the of visualization to the subaltern and elite. In case elites in this set of colonial photographs would also show that they were d) V 1 oyeuristic Photos: Fig 35:

3

1,2,3,4

An analysis of the represent Nayar Girls. . Camera thus provided new visual 2 5 Rural Nayar

5 4 ation of women . an ‘anthology of breasts’ (Alloula 2003: 105). the words of Malek body substantiate the idea that this genre of photographs were – in circulated in the metropolitan cities, carrying representations of female white men. Large numbers of obsessive postcard photographs but in the genre of pornography that provided visual gratification to anthropological photographs found their space not within anthropology arranged accordingly (Mulvey 1975: 7-1 male gaze” projects its phantasy onto the female image which is displayed for the gaze” and “erotic” or “voyeuristic” “patriarchal the “visual pleasure in looking.” For Laura Mulvey dominate these photographs. These photographs particularly invoke female types (Fig 35&36). Sexual voyeurism and aesthetic features female body thus photographed is evocative of a notion ethnic the products of photographer’s sexual gaze on female. The Fig 35-36: from, 3 Cheruma Girl, 4 Tiya women Fig 36: Alloula – nothing but dedicated to exhibition or 1 T iya woman, 2 T Playne’ s Southern India. 1). Here the ethnographic/ oda Girl, , “woman as icon, Sujith Kumar Parayil

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 54 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April incommensurability while comparing these two photographs with from other ornaments. Nevertheless, it can be observed that there is particularities of their earrings and the style wearing them apart show the peculiar hairstyle followed by them as well using photographs of Tiya women (Fig 37&38), Thurston wanted to classification as well the sensual fantasies of male eroticism. By had an enduring connection with administrative impulses of 1998: 102). But, it can be said that anthropological photographs the male erotic fantasies to ‘moralised imperial authority’ (Metcalf British in India being charge of maintaining order had to confine was common to the male European vision of Middle East, parallels in other colonial sites. (Alloula 1986). veneer for voyeurism, a widespread practice among colonials, with as pornographic images that employed ethnographic detail a “anthropological/ethnographic” photographs, but that they functioned (Fig 35 & 36) enunciates that they are no longer classifiable as consumption. The particular ornamental display of the photographs interestingly in postcard size suitable for circulation and private umbrella ( augmented by the display of various objects like a palmyra-leaf and posed to exhibit physical charms. The ethnic features are voyeuristic practices. understand the consumption of these images within ethnographic Fig 35- beauty- and clothing (see Fig 35- hair ( in an ornament Visuality of Ethnography of the categories interpret would indicate the mixing of ‘scientific’ (ethnographic) legitimation communicating a particular perspective. This cluster of photographs beauty is crucial here as the photographs are arranged mainly for in the photographs including ornaments. The sequencing of feminine prominence as the pictures show Nair girls adorned with other objects displayed here of Nair girls, the aestheticisation body acquires In these photographs none of them are looking straight, but The photographs (Fig 35 & 36) are presented in groups, arranged karkunthal) Metcalf has pointed out that in contrast to the voyeurism which 5 ) and ornaments, as well through the exhibition of long ola kuda al design suit - which is traditionally associated with feminine , Fig 35- 2 ), a metal water pot with spout ( ation. able for display 1, 3, 4 Along with this, one needs to ). All these photographs are . 20 In the pictures kindi , (1807.V have referred to this as ‘nakedness’. among the lower castes many early travellers and ethnographers spaces. While this kind of bodily appearance was quite common particularly the appearance of bare breasted women in public voyeuristic ethnography also due to the condition in Kerala, But ethnographic situation in Kerala provided a matrix for the here a lot comparable materials from other parts of the colonial world. general characteristics of colonial ethnography as one can bring as a scientific project, included voyeuristic overtones owing to the Penn of Ootacamund. Ethnographic practices, even when it remained personally photographed, while some of them borrowed from photographs included in Thurston’s volumes on ethnography were anthropologist/photographer gaze on the female body the other genre of anthropological photographs because Fig 37-38: from In fact, colonial travellers and writers such as Buchanan Fig 37: ol. II: 98) and later W

T iya Thurston: W oman Ethnographic Notes Castes and T illiam Logan had referred to the ribes, V Fig 38: , 1906 ol.VII ) (also see T iya Sujith Kumar Parayil W . Most of the oman Thurston’ A.T s .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 56 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography ‘remarkable beauty’ boast of her Brahmin lover Europeans, and, up to the last generation, if Sudra girl could the Tiyan women incurred no social disgrace by consorting with Commission, 1894 and says that “in the early days of British rule, this point further by quoting the Report of Malabar Marriage and Cochin, illustrate everyday practices of different communities, are as fair Europeans (Thurston 1909, V and Tiyyan women, the children of these unions, he says, often the establishment of temporary relations between European men an underst men and Tiya women in northern Kerala further emphasises such Thurston’s curiosity about the sexual relations between European is in this context that these photographs acquire a further significance. as a sensual beauty and sexual object in these representations. It relationships with Europeans (ibid). The Tiya woman is conceived women are almost as fair Europeans” and some of them had 1: 143). Logan remarked further that “in appearance some of the exotic body sensuality of Tiya women as well ethnographic voyeurism an The Tiyan Women Photographs therefore is subsumed with this associated with the Tiya women and their connection Europeans. 37). It can be said that there was a sensual imagination and fantasy benefits from her alliance with a white man of the ruling race” (ibid: Krishna Iyer and L. (inherit caste. through a normative understanding based on generalised theory of ways of living, and institutional practices came to be approached being and his culture into a specimen or cultural relic. social institutions like marriage, where anthropology turned the human was confined to certain traditions, rituals, religious practices, and the verge of disappearing. The project recording everyday activities relics of the cultural practices that had already vanished or were on and ahistorical Kerala society wherein they had recorded only certain pologists through photography visualized an immutable or frozen Early 20 The point that I want to emphasize is the colonial anthro- ance through the female line) in North Malabar anding. . th century works, p According to A of the Krishna Iyer on castes and tribes of , the T iya women of North Malabar (1887 V T Thurston, the iyan girl could show more subst articularly that of L. K ol. Marumakat VII : 36). He reiterates , has favoured All traditional T aya ravancore Anantha system antial ol. ethnographic conditions of the country” (Iyer 1909, V ethnographers took note of this as “a radical change in the Jeffery 1994; Kawashima 2000). The native anthropologists and option of converting to Christianity and the like (see Mohan 2006; colonial jurisprudence and religious teaching, making use of the manners of the higher sects, making use western education, could elevate themselves by the adoption of customs and in terms of a certain class mobility wherein lower strata people people in different ways. Ethnographically we can read these changes observed that colonialism caused a rupture in the mentality of society was undergoing rapid social transformation. It has been period in which they were composed was a time of flux when Kerala to contextualise these works appreciate the difference as taking place in the early 20 photographs on the other hand visually absorb signifiers of change photography and texts- the consciousness of present. Except anthropometric transformation is absent in the colonial anthropological photographs allowin 2007). Thus it is difficult to identify the tribes from these photographic photographs of tribes) and pose in a dignified manner (see Parayil cover their breasts (which do not happen in the case of other (Thurston and Fawcett) with C. Gop compare the colonial anthropological works mentioned above between various tribes and castes. This becomes clear when we determined castes and tribes, it is difficult to identify the difference to the photographic texts. Except photographs of occupationally with the ethnographic narration. The verbal accounts give meaning have a particular character that they could be interpreted only along the caption or visual marks of their identity or family groups) without indicating any occupational category in The subjects are photographed in groups (to be precise, couples impossible to underst Though the customs and ways of life tribes are different, it is some of them having migrated from different parts South India. Nair’s ethnographic account describes the different tribes of Wynad, It has to be observed that the anthropological photographs g an entry into their social worlds. However , the indigenous anthropological and ethnographic and these cultural variations photographically th century Kerala. alan Nair ’ s work on W . The female subject , there is a need Sujith Kumar Parayil ol.1: 27). ynad (191 This 1). s .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 58 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April and priest across different spaces: religious (churches, rituals and ritual objects, Christians depicts a variety of activities the community spread discursively arranged photographs in this ethnography of Syrian recording and preserving such moments. groups have since then become very common as families took to The photographs of weddings and married couples family photographer to represent tribal couples as forming the nuclear family we are not certain whether this had been the prerogative of of a nuclear family alluding to the modern norm. ethnographic photographs of the tribal couples as husband and wife accepted this as a norm. The extent of its reach can be seen in the the modern family is crucial, as most social groups seem to have represented. It is necessary here to point out that the emergence of modernity including the emergence of modern family are the social life of Syrian Christian community in moment colonial society through photographs. These photographs carry aspects of Christians Visuality of Ethnography photographs of native anthropologists. positive reading of the imminent social change from these like changes taking place in the family structure. We also get a the social changes taking place in Kerala during colonial period pological paradigm, seem to have been much more concerned with the native anthropologists although belong to same anthro- substantiates these textual strategies of anthropological narration, differentiate among the various tribes and castes photography evidences alone. If the colonial anthropology made an effort to economic status thus altering the relations between castes. (see industries all helped different communities to change their social/ assertion as well the commercialization of economy that the socio-religious reform movements, movements of community anthropological photographs in general. It should be borne mind that have conveyed the technologically determined time of colonial divergent from the ‘panoptical and anachronistic time spaces’ Similarly of different sects and funeral photographs), occupational. In contrast to the stereotyping process, framescape of L.K , these photographs overtly evoke a framescape which is s and nuns); private (marriage, family Anant (1926) vividly documented the changes taking place in akrishna A yyar in his Anthropology of the Syrian , group photographs At the same time, , and new . problematic of colonial modernity community benefited particularly from the socio economic Mahadevan 1991: 169; Tharakan 1997: 100-246). The Syrian Christian know camera; nevertheless, both the posture and sitting angle signal acquaintance between them. Both of them look straight into the posture of husband and wife also suggest the moment non- just after the occasion of marriage. But sitting pose-angle and of Romo-Syrian group and the photograph might have been taken anthropologist attempts to envisage the occasional wedding attires immediate moment captured by the ethnographic camera. Here Fig 39, where husband and wife are sitting apart, is one such subsumed within the immediate moments had their implications. is also important to note that these visual ethnographic spaces intimacy are the prominent ingredient and present 42) and modern clothing. The subjects assume a pose of dignity including new objects of social value such as the umbrella (Fig 39- encompasses the new social consciousness of people by worldview of the Syrian Christian people. The framescape Fig 39: ledge of subjectivities within conjugal relationship, and by In tune with the change, photographs represent an elevated

A Romo-Syrian Bride and Bridegroom in their wedding attire ability . The formation and unity of the family as well . s of this visual ethnography Sujith Kumar Parayil . It

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 60 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography Fig 40: (community of five hundred) Fig 41: (Chaldean-Syrian)

A Group of Anjuttikar A Marriage Group

Fig 42: All photographs (39-44) from, L.K (The Community of Three Hundred A W edding Group of T Fig 44: of the Syrian Christians A Romo-Syrian Funeral Groups opasses Anantha Krishna Iyer

Converts (Pulayans) Fig 43: , 1926. Two Roman Catholic Sujith Kumar Parayil , Anthr opology

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 62 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April and bodies of subject. familiar social practices rather than objectifying physical spaces authority in the marriage relationship. subordination in contrast to her husband’s posture of idealised manly c these lower caste Christians are in neatly folded white clothes, the changed physical appearance of previous outcastes Kerala: Christianity from their agrestic slave past. The photograph projects This is the photograph of two Pulayans who were converted to the photograph (Fig 43) of ‘Roman Catholic Converts (Pulayans).’ photographs. This point can be further elucidated with reference to the expressive realm, is ideally that of elite frames colonial such as the adoption of particular poses, looks and enunciations with the social–ness of its time. cultural practices, and where photographic framescape is diffused development which creates a composite between social life and its deployed by photography at this time. The technology found a parallel practice in ways completely different from the familiar frames Kerala, where the camera invented new visual idioms of native social Visuality of Ethnography extension, in domesticity of photography with social occasions that have evolved from indigenous practices photograph (Fig 44) is another form of the visual frame associated and cultural time that is foregrounded here. The funeral group time of the anthropologist but photographically mediated social the presence of camera. It is not technologically determined as against the intimidated expression of subaltern subjects, in vocabularies of Christian funeral photographs followed in 20 ornamented dress. This is one of the typical and particular visual themselves, the camera shows body of dead person in young and old family members. body in the ground and below dead person. up of the other members. In this photograph, children are seated clearly articulated through the arrangements of seating and lining farewell to a family member ropped hair (sometimes combed), posed against the backdrop of a , there is a row of women who are surrounded by another These ethnographic photographic framescape are filled with At the same time, visual vocabulary of framescape . The occasion for the photograph is bidding The look and pose suggest an air of familiarity . The wife shows an accept , where the inner family hierarchy is As with the funeral practices Above this and next to the th ance of century , invented the practices of identifying categories through occupations, Sketches and Paintings Framescape 3: The Ethnographic Symptom: of changes occurring in the society to be more sensitive document changes and accommodative despise the latter if they belong to the same Church denomination former usually in normally do not keep social relations with Pulaya Christians. Even Christians which appeared in the source material, body posture, the staring and sceptical look persist. This photograph converted to Roman Catholicism, the subaltern features such as regularly published in missionary journals. missionaries (see Mohan 2006). This genre of photographs was come under the ‘civilising project’ initiated by Christian changed and ‘interactive social space’ of the lower caste, as they convey the idea of bodily ‘cleanliness’ and transformed self within a workplaces or thatched huts. In fact, this photograph intends to naked lower caste men with untidy hair against the background of wall, and are in sharp contrast to the stereotyped images of half Fig 45: a parasol a parasol palm-leaf fan, the woman with It cannot be argued that it was the colonial photography

Two Kerala Brahmins, the man with , itself shows its significance, since the Syrian Christians . W ater . Here the native anthropological photographs appear colour (1828). . Anthropology of Syrian Although they were Climber Palmyra Tree Fig 46: Sujith Kumar Parayil

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 64 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography Fig 46 & 48: Samuel Mateer britishlibrary/controller/home the occup colonial and post-colonial period that have adhered to the notions of for different communities. There were paintings and sketches of the the other got extended into the prevailing forms of colonial representation objects, body features, etc. The fact is rather that the photography Fig 47: British Library online catalogue: representation (see Fig: 49-52). sketches of the colonial period particularly carry this form The p photography to represent the visual real of communities in Kerala. at Potters Fig 48: The idiom of these images has subsequently been deployed in W aintings done by ork , allowing a new form of technologically determined identity ationally determined caste identity App , Native Life in T an Thampuran in 1938 to illustrate the http://www ravancor . The lithographs and Fig 47: .Imagesonline.bl.uk/ e, 1883. Pulayars and community identities, while the posture (seated or stand held by the subjects, clothing and ornaments signify their occupations spective communities. Courtesy; Characters drawn by Fig 52: Fig 49: characters of a cinema based on his novel moulding the popular imagination (see Fig 49-54). castes and tribes, showing how influential these styles were in tendency to imitate the style of sketches and photographs Each individual is drawn as a typical representative of the re- Bhutharayar

Pomathiri Appan Thampuran Smaraka Museum & Library Appan

Fig 50: As in the ethnographic photographs, object Thamburan in 1938. Fig 53:

Aasiyan Kaadan

Fig 54: Fig 51: Bhutharayar 21 Sujith Kumar Parayil Nayar , Thrissur Kaadathi , ing) and Y show a odhave s

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 66 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April meanings, could be out with its unconscious trace of expressions, and a realm unintended times generate meanings that are historical in nature. The image, in which they are actually taken. This particular reality could some- photograph cannot help bearing traces of the social/historical present ment life practices. In spite of their primary ethnographic intent, beyond the limits of anthropological ideology and begins to docu- tices and unconscious memories of the people. The camera goes tinuing realities, as the camera inadvertently preserves existing prac- a snap of past ‘reality’, gives visual expression to the and con- and frozen. or caste. Cultural symbols in these representations are immobile ing bodily allegory that asserts the embodied nature of community Visuality of Ethnography cial hierarchy props (furniture, pedestal) indicate their relative position in the so- is, as Barthes put teleology of the photographer is neither ‘natural’ nor ‘artificial’ but it Nambutiri house, Fig 55 & 56). The first photograph draws special anthropological texts (see photographs of the Tiyan family and into the social and cultural contexts of subjects in Framescape 4: Re-visioning Spectrum wards a social reality; point taken up further in the next section. logical duty of exhibiting cultural artifacts, and begin to gesture to- The photographs now move away from their prima-facie anthropo- embodied in the cultural practices of everyday life people. the anthropological photographs will unfold entrenched social-ness anthropological practices’ claim to represent. Revisiting some of complex than the static customs and habits that dominant colonial tograph. Located within such texts are practices that far more aesthetic sense, find themselves alienated from the text of pho- It is here that the photographer ures-are readable in the context of contemporary social reality result, it In contrast to this, photographer/anthropologist, who has taken Re-viewing two photographs in Thurston’s text will give insights s signifiers – colour . The ethnographic sign, in this context, is an unchang- s it, ‘historical’ side the control of photographer , expression, posture, object , his ideological imagination and and ‘cultural’ (2000b: 206). s and fig- . As a The . Fig practices of has given elaborate notes on physical features as well customary of occupations, is occupationally defined by toddy-tapping. Thurston text (Fig 55). Tiyan, a South Indian ethnic group involved in variety attention to the photographer’s intention of using it substantiate Fig 55: from, T Thurston,

55: iyan a community (Thurston V Castes and T Fig 55: Tiyans ribes, V ol.VII. ol. Fig 55: VII : 36-136). b 22 Sujith Kumar Parayil

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 68 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April sions) in another context: physical expressions (possibly taking them to be ‘natural’ expres- cant analytical tool for Thurston’s studies, he has observed these Though the semiotics of body or bodily posture was not signifi- touch the floor when he sits in front of an upper class man (Fig 55b). out touching their buttocks on the ground. His buttock does not when it comes to the sitting position of former they squat with- expression when compared with the upper castes. For example prove the fact that lower castes had a different body posture and to the prevailing practice of that time. These photographs amply achieved through the disposition of body 145-221, 451-53). In this example, non-verbal communication is adopt certain body postures in public places (Bhaskaranunni 1998: to the prevailing social practices, lower caste people had emerged within the frame of hierarchical social relations. allude to a conscious/unconscious ment from his body posture, which indicates a movement or action that hibits certain signs of social hierarchy (Fig 55a). We can read this worldview practices have been evolved out of their tradition and are part their conscious and unconscious semiotic practices. These the camera capture and visualize body language of subject, photographic image and the documentation of ethnographic reality In the photographs, in addition to constructive function of of Tiyas, such as rituals and traditions, marriage kinship, etc. In his study coconut flower serve to authenticate the occupational caste definition. (Palathoppi) The objects shown in the photograph such as content of the photograph is very much attuned to this purpose. a frame of authenticity and accuracy speaks of Tiyans is understandable as he wants to give his narrative Visuality of Ethnography The man sitting in the front row (a Tiyan family member) ex- The use of the Tiyan family photograph when anthropologist . kneeling posture, with the buttocks supported on heels. eating their meal, which was sent to me, they are all in a In a photograph of group Izhuvan females Palaghat , Tiyan Thurston extensively deals with the other cultural trait , the coconut tree, and implements for tapping family with all its ethnographic details. The visual . The intention might have been to make ality . , which bears witness This p articular action spathe According -hat s like physiognomy Thurston, this one does not show any interest in the usual features of the Nambutiri in Thurston’s text. Unlike other photographs by caste traditions and practices. In fact, this is the only photograph caste hierarchy in Kerala and they had been following very rigid (Fig 56). the waist is another sign of subordination (Fig 56a). The other set of the photograph. The practice tying shoulder towel around was fixed: castes were supposed to maintain in the presence of Nambutiris Nambutiri (Baskaranunni 1998). The spatial distance that various to the custom, a Nayar should not come nearer than six paces of dist (Nairs) a few yards away from the Nambutiri indicate both practice Fig 56), and the postures of two men who stand with crossed arms standing position close to him (see the head knot of man, is seated in the courtyard along with another Nambutiri who different communities at that time. In the photograph Nambutiri distribution of social spaces and the pollution limits that separated vocabulary of the photographs allow us to understand further can problematise the interiority of photograph itself. The visual customary and traditional practices of Kerala society ance pollution and their servitude to the Nambutiri. The other photograph is that of a house Nambutiri Brahmin Nevertheless, this photo reveals certain other peculiar The rules of distance pollution are observed in the composition According to result grinding and winnowing grain, other occupations, with a They are said to assume the same attitude when engaged in Brahman. example may approach, but must not touch a Namburi VII inst to be observed between the remaining castes; thus for Other intervals, according to a graduated scale, are appointed Pulayan slave must stay at a distance of ninety-six paces. caste dare not approach those of higher caste. Fixed distances are appointed, within which persons of low Nair : 41). ance, , a Pulayan sixty-six step ant thickening of the skin over knees (Thurston V , customary practices or occup A A Shanar must remain twelve step Shanar must remain thirty-six p Thurston they are on the top layer of s and so on. 23 ational signs. Sujith Kumar Parayil aces of s away from a . Here, one According A Nair f, and a , for ol.

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 70 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Visuality of Ethnography Fig 56: photographs (Fig 57 & 58) will elucidate this point further older social hierarchy that existed between Nairs and Nambutiris autobiography photograph has been taken from Kanipayyur Sankaran Nambutiri’s House Brahmin Nambutiri Fig 56a (My Memories Fig 57-58: from, Kanippayyur Sankaran Nambutiri, Nambutiris, 1900). Fig 56: from,

. The author has used the photograph to illustrate Thurston, ), 1963 . Fig 57: Castes and T Otchanikal ribes , V ol. V . (also see Fawcett’ Fig 58: Ente Smaranakal Thozhal . The s, his/her social knowledge (the structure of the existing where the Nairs are subordinated to Nambutiri. more stringent rules applied to other castes. had a social semiotic function (of the Nair markers. So keeping the cloth off shoulder in front of Nambutiri signify their subordination to the Nambutiri by means of such Nairs, who are otherwise a dominant community constituted a set of complex signs for expressing social relations. the rules of distance, and sight pollution food habits body is slightly bent, the shoulder towel ( à-vis the Nambutiri through their facial expressions, way The photograph clearly indicates the Nairs’ subordinate position vis- thozhal shows the other particular postures (known as well as the subject’ images. It conveys those age-old values, customs and rituals as positioning, framing and the looks of subjects photographic graph, it helps us to explore the process of social ordering through fore, when we reconsider the ‘image’ embedded within photo- It is true to say that photographs cannot speak themselves. There- inlaid in the construction and creation of social meanings image. scenes are to be understood as cultural signs. The culture becomes from the events and discourses that are a part of them. Images social signs project and make possible the deduction of meanings shared discourses of objects, signs and events. In this context, trudes into the photograph. What photograph does is to animate its social/cultural/economic intricacies (visible or hidden) thus in- which leads us to understand prevailing social relations. reveals that the photographs are subsumed within a social semiotics, of the indented concern documentation as cultural stereotype, photographs (Tiyan and Nambutiri) from the Thurston text, irrespective bodily disciplines. (Fig 57 & 58). which provide a picture of the social traditions as well occupation waist as a mark of respect, and the mouth cover with their palm An existing knowledge of customary bonds and duties with all The caste order in Kerala was kept place by sartorial and ) that were socially expected of the Nairs to Nambutiris. s action and behavior The style of clothing and adorning the body , which construct and order tholmundu) , Fig 56a). Similar and 25 24 The above said This photograph , were forced to otchanikkal and tied around the Sujith Kumar Parayil ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 72 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April and traditions both covertly overtly show the creeping in of prevailing socio-economic and cultural values to the larger society are expressed. or unconscious, that traditional relationships of subaltern classes that it is through particular gestures and body language, conscious vocabularies for the subaltern as well elite. certain new visual forms of representation, constituting unique precision of castes and tribe. One important aspect is that it invents of many ethnographic realities, distinct from its projected scientific stereotyping gaze. The photographic framescape is the predicament interventions into the cultural domain with a set of conventions and technology itself, the social relations, camera’s (colonial) factors are implicated in the production of their visuality: Conclusion structure of the society and also to its blind alleys. or of absent mindedness but they surely open a window to the power can say that although photographs could be products of deliberation society and expressed without the spoken word. In other words, we transhistorical forms of hierarchical power relations that existed in expressions of the subaltern classes in photographs show material realm of economic production. The body language and individual include social and cultural values practices in the relations. The elements that construct the consciousness of own social interactions: both determined by the hierarchy of power traditional values and practices as well through the subjects’ subjects that are photographed. This is expressed through the social power that frame the objects and ordering of photographs makes possible this analysis of the configurations social moment when photographs of a particular period are considered as ‘frozen dynamics operates in the society ble relation between the image and its worldview relates to power neither apolitical nor value neutral. Visuality of Ethnography system) and decide his /her position in the hierarchy This particular point becomes explicit if we consider the fact The examination of ethnographic photographs reveal that several s’ and the shot s are t . It underlines the fact that even 2 6 aken (un)intentionally Anthropological photographs . A re-examination of such . This inextrica- , they are 3 2 1 within the context of colonial modernity or beyond. facets of refashioned subjects with the newly invented self, be it completely rigid or static form but rather is enunciated through the in visual representation, historical continuity is not articulated a visual represent cinema, for instance (Parayil 2005). The colonial and contemporary various mediums; it is overplayed in contemporary Malayalam are subsequently reproduced as visuals of caste identity through prototype as a cultural image. These prototypes of the image constructed visual ethnographic signs and its visuality solidify the embedded in it. Consequently historically constructed and historical consciousness is being and relations. It can be argued here that photographic visuality is their visuality are reproduced in certain prevailing social practices dominant sp established conventions- without encroaching upon the definite and photographic space- created through the different vocabularies and The subaltern subjects are performing within this subordinate social signs to identify the binaries of subaltern/elite mentalities. visual spaces have been unequally distributed with historical and a definite and dominant mode of distribution social space. “Subordinate inclusion” is an outcome of the historical perception foregrounds a ‘subordinated inclusion’ of the referred social groups. perceptions of visuality castes were being excluded or marginalised from dominant of photography technological regulations that constitute the representational form Notes outside the intellectual control of those who sought to use them as evidence. Elizabeth Edwards has pointed out that the anthropological interests were that deal with the castes and tribes of Kerala. From Thurston’s seven-volume work, I am using only selected photographs Rajadhyaksha and V My sincere thanks to M. Madhava Prasad, Dr P It is the ethnographic body and combination of social aces of the elite. . However ations are thus linked in historical continuity . J. V . In these circumst , it cannot be argued that subaltern or lower arghese for their valuable comment A revision of photographic signs and , the historically constituted and ances photographic visuality . Sanal Mohan, Sujith Kumar Parayil s. . However 27 Ashish The ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 74 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April 9 8 7 10 6 5 4 Visuality of Ethnography cited in scientific veracity where each caste and sub-caste becomes dif ties according to their customs, manners and physical character with the anthropological project. They were categorizing and classifying communi- Nevertheless, here one can observe the paradox that generated in colonial 234-35). and the higher castes like Nambutiris (1909 V This is true with Thurston’s descriptions on the lower castes like Tiyans coursework at CSCS Bangalore. This insight is drawn from Vivek Dhareshwar’s lectures, during my PhD brow ridges, wavy black hair were t Even specimens of hair and finger–prints all those who were measured commonality and parallelism. the same time, while exemplifying racial origin, they tend to show included in the [Negroes; Negritos], and the Leiotrichi with smooth hair; Dravidians are are divided into two primary divisions, the Ulotrichi with crisp or wooly hair races. For example, he quotes Huxley and points out: the races of mankind Thurston here extensively cited Huxley’s theories of the origin human a detailed discussion, see Edward 1990: the East and W were widely employed by the European anthropologists to compare tribes in ‘reality’ of a given place or people.” The concepts ‘type’ and ‘stereotype’ character of physique or custom that stood for generalities and indeed anthropological photography it was used as ‘stereotype’ to identify “specific ogy the use of ‘T analysis of biological and physical anthropological spectrum. In anthropol- Most of the 20 was the essence of method classification. ‘T tance particularly with the establishment of notion ‘type’, which in turn Within the evolutionary structure, fixing of races had exceptional impor- photo–frame, (see Parayil 2007: 29-33). tography edge, signs and meanings that are deployed in any concrete The framescape is a conceptual aid to understanding the gamut of knowl- visual vocabulary (Edwards 1990: 238). control to arrange the visual according his or her perceptions, beliefs and for European consumption. aken for this categorization. However Thurston, 1909 V ; the (in)visible, (un)intentional and (un)conscious aspects of who were found in the Australia and Deccan” th Australoid group of Leiotrichi. “W , and eminently long, prognathous skulls, with well-developed century anthropological photographs were mainly produced ype’ est and to foreground the primitiveness of former has been conceived as the p ol 1. xxv At the same time photographer has immense , emphasis added).

240-241. , fingerprint ith dark skin, hair and eyes, ol. 7: 100-101; V arameters of a race. In ype’ s are not referred to derived from the event of pho- ol.5: 157, ferent. (Huxley . For At 14 13 12 11 ance done by lower caste, helps to create a social space where the age old For instance, during the performance of in Thurston’s For det 35). the community was considered to be part of mainstream Hinduism (1997: times used interchangeably with a discrete image of individuals. In the 1860s categories were some- in terms of ‘caste’, or ‘tribes’, and other captions present groups as ‘sects’ critical engagement. academic research such administrative categories are used without any constitution of independent India for the purpose reservation. Even in caste and tribe evolved as administrative categories taken into the In the periods immediately before and after independence categories of to the statistics and measurements; below will articulate how they measured and differentiated people according discovered as racial characteristics. In this context, some of the notes given in Thurston’s and Fawcett’s notes, because, they have not yet been (ibid). Colonial anthropology religions play a crucial role in the development of cultures across world world cultures have religions comparable to that of Christianity and exclusive castes on the other was thus constructed as a monolithic on the one hand but with mutually ‘uncultured’ than others, leading to the normalization of such notions. Hinduism the various categories in India as ‘castes’ and ‘tribes’, some more ‘other and Christianity was a universal/homogeneous category to understand the to underst with Christianity in a comparative manner (Balagangadara 1994). They tried caste as an aspect of Hinduism and a religion was equated It will be instructive to see how they understood caste. They considered 6) stretch was made to the left as far possible. (Fawcett 1900, Nambutiris, right hand of the subject against rod, tip mid finger at o; St Sp side towards the measuring rod, as erect possible. Height kneeling: The subject kneeling on the instrument box, right or left placed on a box so that the thighs of subject are horizontal. Height sitting: the subject on instrument box, back to measuring rod, rod which is kept perpendicular different postures. ature:

These details are interesting in the context of photos that show these an: .’ (Balagangadara 1994: 307). ails, see photographs ‘Kanikkars making fire’, ‘Snake Worship’, etc The measuring rod held horizont The subject st and all other religions within the p Ethnographic Notes in Southern India As Pinney observed, the classification sometimes made anding on the instrument box, back to measuring , but ‘caste’ , t aking it . , using a plumb line. This also led to the generalization that all s cue from such a perspective, invented was most commonly invoked where ally in front. Theyyam aradigmatic frame of Christianity , a cultural ritual perform- An assist , 1906 Sujith Kumar Parayil ant placed the ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 76 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April 18 21 20 19 15 Visuality of Ethnography 17 16 Thurston’ fears and superstitions among the upper lower caste people towards to purify themselves. From these descriptions it appears that there existed measurements before 4 pm so that they could perform the necessary rituals the other hand, members of certain castes insisted he take his entered the impromptu laboratory had started but due to financial constraint they abandoned the project. director to make it their debut film and appointed Notani from North India as the Ramavarma 1998: 72-78). Later in 1950s, Kerala Ciniton Company decided staged in Ernakulam and Trichur 1927 1934 respectively (see Scherer outlines var (Pinney 1991). environment and their position within the socio-economic life of society Ontological tide here specifies that the subject’s relation to existing on capturing them to be sent of instruments. Some people believed that he was a recruiting sergeant bent Several people were frightened and reluctant to come under the measurement 1990: the perspective of subjects is according to him very important (Scherer anthropological photographs within their historical context and querying into economic resources of the region. plantation etc., actually provide the sequences of production available industrial photographs where clusters of arranged images, like tea and rubber This ornamental display of photographs have parallels in plantation and differences is played out (Foucault 1973). upon which an obsessive quest to quantify physics of power’, in which the bodies social subjects became sites Here it is important to bear in mind what Michel Foucault calls the ‘micro Nadu. Based on this novel Kerala. It is a historical fiction based on fight for the chieftaincy of Chera them for sepoy’ feet and chests, people suspected that he was an army tailor measuring town to before his approach. When he was measuring their heads, subaltern notion of divinity which the drum and beating acquires a new meaning informing meaning in the hermeneutics of social movement and popular religion The music of the Parayas and rhythm drum have acquired new 1994). of interaction for both the upper castes and lower (Menon 1993, hierarchical notions and constrains get blurred. It provides a shared space The novel was written in 1923. plot of the is set medieval 137 , who had assisted for the first Malayalam film, s project (Thurston 1909 V ). s clothing. ious methods to understand different aspects of the . For a det A App woman bade farewell to her husband as he f to work in South an , believing he would never come back. On Thampuran directed a play which was ailed discussion see Clarke 1998: 1 ol.1: xvi-xvii). , log, calculate, and control racial Africa, and they fled from Balan . Rehearsals 12- Alloula, Malek. 2003(1986). References 27 26 25 23 22 24 A Barbosa, Duarte. 1995(1866). yyar and therefore, differently endowed socially” (Pramod 2004). her relationship with classmates and teachers, most of who are classroom even today girl might find herself as trapped in a space of subordination University both geographical and non-geographical senses. T p appears with certain implied meanings in circulation that has its value a individualized ‘I’ which means this was socially structured and therefore, it the same time subject who appeared in photograph has his/her own are essentially associated with the determination of each snap shot. But at The photographers’ ideological consciousness, concepts and worldview However upper part of their bodies. (Mateer only upper caste women and the lower castes were forbidden cover For instance, in colonial South Travancore, the upper cloth was allowed for space is initially controlled by the concept of ‘subordinate inclusion’. He argues that the distribution social 1909, V part of tradition become normative knowledge for ‘others’ (see Thurston not reflect this fact. This exemplifies how certain social practices that were they mention that this situation is undergoing modification, their accounts do and Fawcett repeat the same observation of Mateer to word. Though Europeans represented Indian society as static and unchangeable. Thurston Mateer 1870: 32; interestingly Thanks to Dhanaraj Keezhara for drawing this picture me. the characters for his film. For details see Ramavarma 1998; Cherian 1964. or thozhal and this particular posture according to him, is generally known as autobiography and says that the present Nairs were servants of Nambutiri Kanippayyur nostalgically remembers the feudal relations of past in his , o underst articular p Anant WlasGodzich, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. St Ernakulam: Cochin Government Press. Malabar: In the Beginning of Sixteenth Century ol. V akrishna L.K. anley , and it shows Nair submission to Nambutiri (1963 V App and the inhabited social sp aradigm (Sont : 196; Fawcett 1900: 59). , Madras: an Thampuarn, who supervised the rehearsal, had p . She is locked in an unequal engagement terms of 1926. The Colonial Harem, Asian Educational ag, 1979: 1 A Description of the Coasts East Africa and Anthropology of the Syrian Christians , this quote is yet another example of how savarna

1870: 61) aces of Dalit colonies, Pramod uses the 19). castes. Such spaces are real in Services. Trans. Myrna According to him “[A] Pulaya Sujith Kumar Parayil , Godzich and T rans. Henry E. ol. 1: 169). ochanikkal, savarans, ainted ,

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3(2-3), pp. 259-288. A Bayly Bombay: Pearson, pp. . Akitoshi Shimizu (eds.),

Thrissur: Kerala Sahitya , Anthropological Docu- ,” in W 3 (2-3), pp.131-155. App New Perspective on Photographs in the , 1860-1920 The Language of isuality: (My Memories), Dalit Colonies in (ed.), olfram Hartmann, an Thampuran Richmond: ,” in Eliza- An Illus- T ext and , New T own ” Thurston, Edger Tharakan, Michael P Thamburan, Somerset, Playne F Sont ————. 1989(1906). ————. 2001(1900). “Miscellanea,” in Fred Fawcett, ag, Susan. 1979. of Social Sciences, Mahatma Gandhi University gated and Deconstructed New Delhi: Compiling and Publishing Co. merce and Industrial Resources, Educational Services. some of the People Malabar App . 2002(1909). an.1923. .R. G .K. 1997. “History and Development Experience: Desegre- On Photography Asian Educational Services. Ethnographic Notes in Southern India .S. 1914-15. Bhutharayar Castes and T Analysis of Kerala,” PhD thesis, School Southern India: It , , Thrissur: Mangalodayam Press.

New , New Delhi: London: The Foreign and Colonial Y ribes of Southern India ork: Penguin. Asian Educational Services. Nambutiris: Notes on s History , Kott Sujith Kumar Parayil , New Delhi: ayam. , People, Com- , V ol. I-VII., Asian

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 82 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April in Colonial T Constitution of a Game Sanctuary Sp Logic of Extraction and t princely T the circulation and institutionalisation of game preservation ideas in This paper attempts to demonstrate how colonial conditions enabled Amruth M preserving viable populations of game animals for sustained avail- be shown that these ideas were informed by the utilitarian of governance of forest est tuary for game preservation was an extension of the progressive ervation ideas in the princely Travancore. Formation of game sanc- ditions enabled the circulation and institutionalisation of game pres- a redefinition of man-nature relations as well. preservation zones, tourist destinations in the late colonial time, involves The privileging of sport hunting by creating exclusive and game the subsistence hunting was despised as effeminate and made illegal. class European male emigrant’ identity in the colonial period, wherein from their place. Sport hunting was one of the hallmarks ‘upper- wild country was created as much by evicting the local/ethnic populations sport hunting for the members of privileged class. This unmanned marking a part of the permanent forest estate for promoting game/ power. The sanctified space of game sanctuary was created by ear- tension of the progressive governance forest estate as well state ainable availability atiality of Exclusion: In the forthcoming pages I shall demonstrate how colonial con- ravancore. Informed by the utilit 1 , the concept of game sanctuary represent ravancore ate and extension of st arian ideas of ensuring sus- ate power . It will also s an ex- ests of the Malabar Coast right from late 18 There were inquiries on the availability of teak timber from for- ability of them for sport hunting. of the permanent forest est leged class. This sanctified space was created by declaring a part for promoting the game/sport hunting members of privi- and creation of a novel space-the game sanctuary-as part scheme scribing the inscription of sport/game hunting in legal discourses across the empire) required it to be an unmanned wild country The creation of sanctuary space (as per the received notions from a tourism destination. wards the late colonial period, zone also acquired distinction as ating exclusive hunting and game preservation zones. Further nally subsistence hunting was despised as effeminate and utilitarian; fi- under consideration (Pandian 1995: 241). Within this discourse the of the ‘upper-class European male emigrant’ identity in period ing circulated under colonial conditions. These ideals were hallmark place. This was a material manifestation of the ideals sport hunt- in turn required the local/ethnic populations to be evicted from their strategic import cially teak for the Royal Navy’s seafaring vessels, had assumed led by the British as fine timbers for various purposes, espe- the affairs of forests in state were keenly observed and control- or by controlling their transportation and trade. It is well known that was located on forest produce, either through their monopolisation Constitution of a Permanent Forest Estate riod. ries of Travancore underwent no significant change during the pe- was under the indirect rule of p Our focus is on the period from 1920s to 1940s when Travancore at the process of institutionalisation forest governance in state. ervation ideals in Travancore, it would be rewarding to have a glance man-nature relations. enacted in these spaces had consequences to the redefinition of , branding it as illegal while privileging the sport hunting by cre- In the early 19 Before embarking on a trip to trace the sources of game pres- ance in maritime trade (Chundamannil 1993: 1 th century As we shall see in this p ate of the S , the control on forest 2 I shall proceed to do this by de- aramountcy t ate as a game sanctuary . T erritorial bounda- th aper century (Mann s in , the drama T ravancore Amruth M 1-20). . This , to- .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 84 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion servator 2001: 9-26). similar to that of Madras Forest made proposals for reserving forests and making an enactment on the modalities of effecting these changes. The Committee also Forest Madras Forest first Forest Regulation in 1888 closely following the provisions not yet been surveyed and open to limited private use. forests, on the other hand, were those government forests that ers could use it only with government permission. The protected with the government, boundaries were clearly demarcated and oth- forests’. The right to use reserved forests was exclusively vested forming two kinds of forests the ‘reserved forests’ and ‘protected parts of the British-India. the tropical forestry and commercial plantation agriculture in other 1860s. This change was coterminous with similar development of forestlands on the basis of Forestry was to begin only in post- est conservancy duces and their procurement sale were often taken for the for- pressed. Though these aspects of control on timber and hill pro- forests was mainly to maximize the revenue for which it hard- tion. The wood and timber Such a move was also necessitated by the increased demand for appraisal of existing forest governance and finding out its defects. t traction are also equally important; where, techniques of continen- tracting the timber of available timber resources over space and time before start ex- nental forestry imported to colonial India, required the quantification forest territory able administrative machinery Y and it and locus of control shifted to forestland (the territory), timber crop mendations of the Committee, forest administration and report its defects. Based on the recom- of Travancore Forests was constituted to look into the matters al forestry came handy to the forester ield Principle, were lacking in the st s productivity In this context, in 1884, a Joint Committee on Act brought out in 1878. , was assigned with the duty of prep S ustained 3 However , the prerequisites for operationalising Sust Act (1882), which was a modified version of Indian , which had to be met by intensification of extrac- , the organized drive for ‘improvement’ . . 5 It was found that phasing and planning of ex- Y , interest of the ield 4

P I mprovement of the forests required an rinciple, the guiding principle of conti- , legal provisions and well-demarcated T 6

.F Act. The Forest . Bourdillon, then T T ravancore government on the ate. Gradually . However ravancore promulgated the aring a det Act had provisions for , existence of suit-

Assist Administration , the attention ailed report ant Con- of the ained proposed by Bourdillon 15 years back (SMP sq. miles of forests were reserved in excess than was originally Reserve had already risen to 2,305 sq. miles. This means that 800 show the progress of work. By 1908, total area declared as information was frequently made in the Report the princely Travancore. It was only towards end of 19 number of institutions and series legal enactments took form in and subjected to the discourses of improvement progress, a forestry was yet to be born in the state (Amruth 2008: 46-51). 1908-09: 20). Despite all these, even at the end of 1910, planned reported that, in 1910, Conservator dalwood forest blocks. Plans for harvesting special resources such as san enthusiastic pursuits of preparing working plans for more and demarcation of forest boundaries, enumeration timber trees and France (Rajan 1998, of the cameral sciences in 18 and 19-century Germany nental Forestry knowledge that was originally constituted as one owned Forest Estate was a prerequisite for practicing the Conti- sible by settling of private right tory that was exclusively owned by the state. This made pos- forest regulation was to consolidate all activities a terri- lines of the British Forest dividing territory in its possession into Divisions and Ranges on the Forest Department was reorganised by the turn of 20 laymen in the forests (TFM 1917: 13-17). Regulation prohibited most of activities that had been practiced by rights over the monopoly forest produces. was revised and expanded in 1893 with provisions for asserting state into practice in the princely state. a framework for translating the ideals of Continental Forestry rant’ by labelling their practices as criminal. assert the rightness of their specialised knowledge over ‘igno- crucial invention and contrivance that empowered the foresters to Thus, guided by the revenue ambitions of colonial paramountcy The first two decades of the 20 T The Forest Regulation along with the Rules provided o suit the operationalisation of new legal instrument

were

also

under passim Administration.

preparation ). s on forest 7 The legal framework formed the ’ s of fice prep th century witnessed regular

during s once and for all. The objective of p 8 The regulation of 1888 9 The modified Forest s of ared 31 A

1908: 4 and RA this Administration to

period 1 map th century by th century 10 . s. Such Amruth M It was assing S t ate s, T -

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 86 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion 45-74 and the British India. region, were but little more than the replicas of their counterparts in these institutions, modified to suit the particular conditions in make deep forays into the everyday life of it’s subjects. Some (Amruth 2008 ervation, survey and demarcation of a permanent forest estate the forests through legal enactments which enabled settlement, res- took place. Such a consolidation was accompanied by enclosure of reorganised in the lines of similar establishments British India that consolidation of the affairs forests by a forest department of the legible forest est strategy for making forest legible. However the desire creation traction in the well-demarcated forest space formed subsequent value, annual increment of timber volume and phasing ex- marcation. Preparation of working plans by estimation timber amena sioning forests through the geometrical lens, making step in the normalisation of forest. This was followed by envi- and of tea later) regulation shif the expansion of commercial plantations (of coffee in beginning ment ment was articulated in the context of increased revenue require- of woodland Bengal (Sivaramakrishnan 1999: 80). distinct entities but also were put to extreme separation where the human and nature were not only distinguished as took place in the context of a modernity that was developmentalistic, the measure of ‘success’ forest conservation. In colonial dis- overarching concern. Continuous or sustained production of it formed new diagram of operation on nature. Extraction timber was the informed measures. This implied a new arrangement of forest and which needed improvement by adopting specific and scientifically forests of Travancore were envisioned as an exhaustible resource, to fit into the needs of colonial economy use and exchange values. Forests of Travancore were reconfigured not lead to abandoning of the ordering process in forests. s of the st Reservation of forest for the use colonial state was first In this scheme, forests came to be viewed only in terms of its ble for measurement and calculation through survey de- Amruth 2008: 201-214). ate. W passim T wo other import ith the coming of colonial science forestry ). These devices also enabled the state to ate was never achieved fully ant episodes in this context were ting cultivation. . The idea of improve- , as in the case 11 All the above But, this did

(Raju 2003: , Hillmen and Hunting for Subsistence in T rality thus took the subjects and objects of forestry to a new tempo- continent pliance with Maximum Sustained Yield Principle championed by achieving this end required institutionalisation of practices in com- the present as well in future. The rationale and modalities of defi courses of progress, the improvement forest meant employing men also. Hatch described that: shot.’ was known to be able ‘cut a wriggling cobra in half at the first usually hunted with bow and arrow an iron spearhead. Ulladan with a shotgun and, bow and arrow It was widely agreed that the Uralis were best marksmen both sust managed for the benefit of present as well future. The principle humanism, which recasted the forests as resources that need to be ible Forest Estate. This process was guided by a particular form of quired enunciation of legislations and policies, creation leg- of the hillmen. there, the missionaries and planters have recorded hunting skills the ethnographers were to enter forests and record human life biological reproduction and hunting for amusement. Much before ers who occasionally came up from Madras S skill in catching elephants and were forest guides for parties of hunt- nite measures for maximising the outflow of timber resources ained yield forestry brought in a notion of time to . Moreover Let us begin by examining the distinction between hunting for al forestry about thirty feet att novel arrow: a piece of iron at one end and strong string Their accuracy in spearing fish is wonderful….they have a (Hatch 1939: 106). gled in its mouth, and watching Ullatans rush up kill him the crocodile comes to eat kill, iron hook get entan- place an iron hook attached to a long string in the kill. When crocodile they put a kill conveniently near river bank, and meat is considered a delicacy animals prevents the precious arrow being lost…. Crocodile string helps to bring the catch in, and in shooting birds or 12 A , when armed with guns they made excellent marks- planter observed that ‘Uralis were famous for their . Means of operationalisation this principle re- ached to the other . Another tribal group, Ulladars, . When they want to catch a t . In shooting fish, the ate’ (Lovatt 1972: 5). ravancore Amruth M , and

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 88 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion or a subject of photography reation. Neither did the hunted animal acquire status of a trophy suits of hunting had not acquired the dimension a sport and rec- ence hunting, the question of sustainability did not arise. The pur- try gun, bow and arrow or a trap. Since the tribes practiced subsist- Method of immobilising the prey varied from employment a coun- hamlets deep inside the forests, hunted mainly for subsistence. fat supplemented their tuber based dietary habit. the pools amongst hill streams” (Mateer 1883: 81). The animal and jungle fowls; eat rats snakes, even crocodiles found in 5). Mateer reported that ‘they dig roots and snare ibex in the hills ate ‘snakes and lizards when nothing else is available’ (Lovatt 1972: whole weights upon the animal’s back’ (Mateer 1883: 66). Pandarams rough timber supported on a spring which falls and lets down the ence hunting to the supply-hunting for planters. the hunting tribal populations were made to go beyond subsist- they hunted for subsistence. With the coming of game hunters that they did not look at the animals in forests general when It was said that Mala had special trap gaur and grey monkey but ate the meat of black on forest animals for food. Kanikkar desisted eating the meat of 1883: 73). However ers who were especially fond of the meat Black monkey (Mateer H.G pioneers who opened up the Kannan Deven Hills in High Ranges, during one of their lengthy hunting expedition in these hills that two the Ranikoil jungle provided most of this’ (Lovatt 1972: 21). It was sambhur meat and fish from Periyar River gatherings in the weekends, delicacies included ‘wild boar in the later years, when European families arranged their social a gun and there was no shortage of game’ (Lovatt 1972: 7-8). Even Kottayam and it was mainly rice. ‘However they were all handy with pioneering planters of Peermade were brought in head loads from the Hillmen. Until cart roads were laid out, food supply for ers, originated either from their own hunting pursuits or supplied by .T urner and Thus, it is evident that the tribes, most of who lived in V enison was a regular delicacy on the dining t A.W s for wild boar and tiger , Muthuvan and Kanikkar had least dependence . Arayas were very good hunters and meat eat- T urner . It is also evident from the fact , thought-out their plans for est , which were ‘made with . The Uralis who lived in ables of plant- . Kanikkar ablishing s above , Munnar between 1897 and 1905 describes his sporting pursuits: in 1928. It was reconstituted 1935 Preservation were also stipulated. Following the suit, though much later hibited and the size number of each species that can be hunted During such seasons killing of females and young males were pro- tracts of forests and hunting grounds by instituting ‘closed seasons’. than to ban it. The Organisation imposed control on the specified District. Both the institutions were meant to legalise shikkar rather India, was passed by the Madras government exclusively for Nilgiris T after the Ceylon Elk Hunt and Ootty Hunts, were introduced in that Nilgiri W its founding members were planters. It was also in the same year Organisation was established in Nilgiris by the year 1877. Most of was known for its annual sporting events. The first Game Protection search establishments and planter’s associations. In addition, Nilgiris hills through institutions such as Botanical Gardens, plantation re- were closely knit to other plantation enclaves on the South Indian hunting and angling diffused to the neighbouring hill stations. Nilgiris through which technologies of planting and sports including game planting zones of the Nilgiris. Nilgiris formed hub a network Travancore, it is important to see the developments in adjacent Diffusion of Sport Hunting from the Nilgiris ready a regular event in Nilgiris (Pandian 1995: 239-263). sport hunting was rare in the High Ranges at that time, it al Nilgiris. trolling the shikkar remained more or less same as in case of appointed game wardens and watchers. However decided to form game sanctuaries in the plantation districts and the plantation in these hills (Muthiah 1993: 61). ravancore hills. G Before discussing the early efforts in sport hunting By the fag end of 19 would draw the cover and if lucky turn out a sambur thick for any man to penetrate, and the hounds accordingly three packs of hounds. The primeval jungle was much too In the matter of sport we did rather well for ourselves, had Association was formed in the ildlife Preservation .H. Danvers Davy th century Act, first legislation of it

when Travancore government , referring to his early life in , the sport hunting, modelled T ravancore High Ranges 13 Though organised , the rules of con- , a Game s kind in Amruth M -

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 90 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion arrangement jackals’ in 1829. It continued to be popular with different sporting sport hunting with foxhounds had an early origin in Ooty ‘riding tate for ensuring security and the purpose of hunting. Organised possibility of “going native” in the environs remote hills. They also from these, such institutions also formed the bulwark against socialisation that European families in the hills required badly planting zones. Planter suaded the European planter-families to innovate community life in and risky journey to reach plains markets in the per- T er Hunt’ was closed down for reasons not known. Nearly three years after its introduction, in 1902 the ‘High Range Ceylon. by W innovations. The ‘High Range Hunt’ is an instance and it was started sport hunting was not practiced in High Ranges, there were local hunts (Muthaiah 1993: 454). Though such organised and large-scale was patronised by the army as in case of Poona and Meerut came to be known among the British in India as ‘Ootty Hunt’, which ravancore hills were synonymous with planters. Lengthy ’ s Clubs, Game and . O. Milne in 1899 where he improvised the ‘elk hunting’ It was common to have a few packs of hounds with each es- Throughout the 19 A description of the highrange hunt (Dee-Dee 1946: pages unnumbered). nating thing to see and quite in the style of Sir Samuel Baker which they would eventually bring to bay in a stream – fasci- brought a sambhur st their belts, and followed the hounds on foot. When up their rifles for 12-inch long knives, which they carried in blooded by a sambhur being shot. Then the huntsmen gave many were the knives lost in pools (Muthaiah 1993: 455). coupe de grace Hunt’ called for “skill and agility to enable them deliver the strike it over the heart with their knives. This Ceylon style ‘Elk hounds that were in care of The Hunt s s and conventions until 20 tarted early every Sunday morning to follow the ’ s Angling Societies, provided occasions for Associations and institutions such as Plant- ; many were the fights stags put up and th and 20 ag to bay th A centuries, Europeans in the ylmer Martin. th century , the men would move in to s is provided below: . By 1900s, the event The hounds were , tiresome . Ap of art decorated the walls and visiting rooms of planter be the skin and, in case of elephants it wa it was the head with horn, in case of tiger part in such hunting events. Such display of valour also produced its shooting a vermin (Phythian-Adams 1936: 5). Local people also took the hunting etiquette, no such etiquette was to be observed while struction was thought to be prevented. with added advantage. The advantage was that the crop de- man-eaters, or cattle-lifters, were often celebrated as hunting events of killing the big mammals, which were declared as rogues, vermin, the major sporting occasions in hills of Travancore. Occasions and hunter’s etiquette. It was observed that waterhole were all considered unfair and against the sportsman spirit shooting, shooting from vehicles and animals at the and angling organised by the Game hunter was considered unfair word. considered to be indulging in a game and ‘fair play’ was the key shooting of the quarry etc. Often hunted and hunter were ownership of the kill, sharing hunting grounds, selection and bound by etiquette and rules. Elaborate rules were in place on already developed into a sport requiring elaborate preparations, nies but also in metropolis. By early 20 circulation. ploits from other parts of India as well colonies achieved the channels though which thrilling accounts of hunter’s ex- (Pandian 1995: 240-246). Such gatherings and networks also formed provided the much-sought out occasions of camaraderie for men The trophy could vary with the quarry With the discontinuance of Munnar Hunt, game hunting Literature on sport hunting had big readership not only in colo- Adoption of risk evading technologies and strategies by the sim makes success doubly sweet (Phythian-Adams 1936: your own skill. This feeling is the very essence of sport and it and won the equal fight that your trophy is reward of that you have pitted your reason against the quarry’s instinct Mere killing …is not sport: the real charm lies in feeling ). 14 . Therefore, use of artificial light th Angling , p century According to a treatise on . In case of bison and deer anther and bear it used to s the tusk. Such trophies Associations formed , sport hunting had ’ s bun galow Amruth M . pas- s in 15 ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 92 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion cording to the narrative, V A.W by the forest officers, including Deputy Ranger of Peermade the hero was V own heroes. In one such incident of killing a rogue elephant in 1920s, Peermade Game (K.C. 1949: 1-18) who was a hunting enthusiast and member of the Popular roborated by the statement made Dewan in Sree Mulam so. none other than the ephant was shot dead. Throughout the hunting norm that At the end of hunt, that lasted whole one afternoon, el- number of armed persons proceeded to kill the proscribed elephant. Hunting Royalties the premises to watch capture operations (K.C. 1949: 97-105). made by shooting of the vermin. V consider his request by stating: to meet the cost of locating and killing animal. Dewan refused elephants. He reasoned that the existent rewards were insufficient who requested an increase in the money reward for killing proscribed .W St Even before the V Capture of the elephant also provided a spectacle similar to oods, and marksmen Assembly during 1929. He was responding to a represent ate was aware of emerging trends in sport hunting as cor- Albert J. W 1929: 37-38). considerations of sport you were not prep take up the pursuit of a rogue elephant, if otherwise and on Rs.50 would tempt you or any member of your elephant. They [officials] never had the idea that an offer of considered a kind of privilege to be allowed shoot an these circumstances Government think that it will be you cannot shoot an elephant without special permission. In especially it is not easy to have elephant shooting, because sport that it affords than for any material profits. In Travancore a rogue elephant would be prepared to do it more for the Government trusted that a European planter who could destroy Association (Annual Report 1938-39: 26-27). aliyakoil T ampuran would fire a shot unless ordered to do right of Kannan Devan Planter ery of aliyakoil T ampuran, of the aliyakoil ten people and various of T Shikkaris ampuran was to celebrate the T ampuran, well accomp T from Chenkott ravancore royal family ared to do it (SMP ’ s Association to ficials visited Association a and anied ation Ac- A made there as described by an official historian: was a hunting trip on the hills. Let us look at arrangements rangements for his reception. One of the key events in plans package of the state hospitality shown to British superiors. The ti he was i visited the territories of Travancore for inspecting ‘Periyar works’, invoked. look at some such events of game hunting and the images they surroundings were attracting celebrity shikkaris ever since. Let us ing the plains in British territory on east, reservoir and its dam. Though the dam was constructed for diverting water irrigat- Reservoir was formed in 1895 with the construction of Mulla-Periyar ing district was the royal hunting ground in Travancore. The Periyar rounding the Periyar Reservoir in Peermade-V hills as p visiting the state, were provided with opportunities for hunting on by late 19 shooting of rogue elephant in 1920s as an occasion sport hunt, vely from the Governor Later on, hunting excursion to the hills became a standard In 1892, when the new Governor of Madras (Lord Wenlock) nvited to extend his visit Trivandrum. Having heard posi- art of the st W days were spent by His Lordship inspecting the Periyar received with every demonstration of welcome. The next two Excellency attended by Captain the Hon’ble E. Baring, was lay out shooting camps in consultation with the Resident. His forests, was specially deputed to proceed the locality and come intimately acquainted with Peermade and the hills Magistrate of Cardamom Hills and in that capacity had be- hills near Peermade. O.H. Benseley Superintendent and things for a sporting excursion of week’s duration on the …a programme was drawn up, which provided among other to Government House, Madras (Iyer 1998: 75-76). and the head with tusks of latter were sent as trophies of the weather monsoon had then burst, but not withstanding the clemency ing camp and stayed there the next nine days. The north-east and succeeded on killing a bison big tusker th century orks…. On the 13 October , the represent ate hospit , His Lordship was const , the T ality and diplomacy ravancore S atives of the Crown, who were , the p t ate made elaborate ar- arty moved to the shoot- antly out on the field andiperiyar plant- . The forest . The feet Amruth M s sur-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 94 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April goes thus: made ing the viceregal visits of 1929 and 1934, similar arrangements were Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion port guests. Peermade became one of the prominent summer stations facilitated organised hunts for the benefit of Resident and his Undated: 16). It would be an educated guess that the stay there at Peermade and he stayed there every year for three months (Piggot, dras, package was not much different when another Governor of the Ma- s of

Lord British Resident of Travancore maintained a summer residence S

(RA tories of similar hunting excursions can be seen in the Re- Administration boasting the fruit Edap In connection with the Visit …Shikar was arranged at surrounding scenery lized. The simple and rustic constructions fitted in well with bamboos wherein none other than hillmens labour was uti- etc., was constructed at Edapalayam entirely of eatta and accommodate about 5 Guests with the required outhouses Cazelett M.P Rattendon, His Excellency the Viceroy’s son and Captain was also constructed above Salt Lick Creek. Vicount there immensely (RAFD 1934: 52). skilful and artistic work of the hillmen enjoyed their stay mired immensely the rustic simplicity of buildings and ephant fell to the gun of Vicount Rattendon. The guests ad- Mlapp where a fine bison was shot. The camp then moved to October the party went out shooting on hills near dam inspect the sluice of Periyar dam. …. On 2 on the Travancore frontier at Kumili, whence he proceeded to lency the Governor and party on first October 1902 arrived eleven days duration on the hills about Peermade. His Excel- The programme included a shooting excursion of about and an ibex. On the 10 Excellency and a third by Capt de Camp (Iyer 1998: 1 Amp T

1929-30: 8 and RAFD 1934: 52), the of alayam in the Kott athill, visited ara. Here His Excellency bagged a tusker . went to this camp and had Shikar T ravancore in 1902. . 10). A ayam Division …. th subsidiary camp on a small scale another tusker was bagged by His ain Martin His Excellency’ ful ef fort s of diplomacy A sp ficial narrative acious camp to , a tusker el- , a sambur nd and 3 . Dur- s Aid- rd by each licensee per year mum number of animals in each species game that may be killed were imposed through the regulation. Devikolam Division were outside the purview of these rules. the rank of Rangers and all officers Revenue Department in hillmen rules). However and Reserved Forests (unless exempted under the concessions of directives licensed and prohibited the hunting in all above lands introduced and the fees were substantial (TFM 1917, 62) outside the Reserved Forests. Four different kinds of licensing were lation, were applicable to Reserved Forests and Government Lands ries. sides prohibiting the use of poison in rivers forest territo- late hunting, shooting, fishing and setting of traps snares be- when a comprehensive set of directives was passed in 1912 to regu- gal provision in this regard had to wait for nearly half a century until prohibited the shooting of wild elephants. But, a comprehensive le- the beast was manifested through regulation of 1860s, which A Sanctuary for the Game Creation of ‘Sanctified’ Space: was also a site of diplomacy and water but also a source of wild game recreation; further late colonial Travancore were not only resources such as timber ciations (Pradhan 2007: 33-91). This signifies that the forests in tions, hunting grounds, planter’s clubs and game angling asso- in the British India. There were a government garden, lake, planta- of the assortments features a typical hill station anywhere else of the British in Travancore state. Peermade could also claim most special permission of the Divisional Forest Of ‘[B]eating or the setting of traps snares for game’ (except with to the cultivation. The Regulation also had provisions for prohibiting drive away animals by shooting them whenever they posed a threat ers of property lying adjacent to the government forests or lands porarily closed for hunting by a prior gazette notification. The own- Forests or its parts could have been declared permanently tem- 16 ‘Closed season’ for hunting big games within Reserve Forests These directives, passed under the provisions of forest regu- The first attempt by the state to regulate emptying of gun at , all the of . 19 But, the est . ficers of Forest Dep 18 ate owners were allowed to It also stipulated the maxi- ficer). artment above Any Reserved Amruth M . 17 The , it

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 96 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April minister of United Kingdom, Ramsay MacDonald stated that: observers to the conference. enue from the licensing and regulation of hunting through a game enthusiasts of the empire. Game fund was a system raising rev- US from 19 ‘Game Fund’ based action programmes as it were practiced in the ment Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion Ap for Protection of the Fauna and Flora was held in London 1933. was a hotly debated subject in Brit concern over the depletion of wildlife in colonies empire lished an office of wildlife warden in 1933. By early 1930s itself the preservation as it emerged in the colonies elsewhere. It also estab- sions in many of the preceding regulations. mum human presence. Moreover regulation. This paved way for declaring game sanctuary with mini- provisions for declaring closed season were also included in the which were specified in the Schedule attached to these Rules. was prohibited along with shooting or trapping of insectivorous birds, ever order within the three miles of his property could avail a limited license for shooting destructive wild animals irrespective of the fact that they are in forests or not. killing and entrapping of birds, animals fishes in the ‘wild state’, There was a preventive measure in the regulation which banned was in line with a similar regulation passed Madras state 1879. passed in 1914 with the aim of protection game and fish. This art from represent , deployment of mesh-net, poison, and dynamite or explosives s of United S , no license was required for fishing in the forest streams. How- The success stories of the system National Parks and Travancore enthusiastically followed the developments in game T o replace an earlier regulation p and of future generations (Hubback 1934: 6). their present inhabitants, but in those of the world at large trustees for the Protection of Nature not only in interests Government in the United Kingdom regard themselves as In the territories for which they are responsible His Majesty’s th century soon captured the imaginations of wildlife t ates of atives of the government America, India and Netherlands have sent 21 In the message sent by prime , this regulation consolidated provi- ain. . Unless not closed by special An International Conference assed in 1898, a sequel was s of Africa, the govern- 20 The licences. However land inside the forests for food crop cultivation, and granting of gun because of the extension cardamom cultivation, assignment Africa, for protection of game species. out in various provinces British India and abroad, especially informed by the institutional innovations and experiments carried the creation of a separate office Game Warden. This was also up the protection of wildlife and birds, government went ahead with less, having convinced that the forest staff was insufficient to take additional expenditure to the state (TFM 1947: 40-41). Neverthe- state legislative bodies on account of the fear that it might incur Game Warden was proposed, it met with objections in the of Forests brought to the notice Government that: preceded by lengthy discussions since 1926 when the Conservator resolved to implement in the British India also (Hubback 1936: 15). cussed in the Wildlife Conference held at New Delhi, 1935. It was including India. The possibility of elaborating the system was dis- ter used for conducting the everyday affairs of association. Thereaf- preservation society duly supported by national laws. This fund was late hunting and introduce new varied species of the animals (RAFD 1934: ii). the reserved forest protection of game by creating preserves in suitable places tion of wildlife in the forests state, to take measures…for the Conservator of Forests. His responsibilities included ‘preserva- to hold for nearly a decade) in Travancore and he was report , a similar system was recommended for most of the colonies It was also felt that the situation would only become graver The making of the Game Warden’s office in Travancore was S.C.H. Robinson was the first Game Warden (a post he 40). cent of the wild animals that once abounded there (TFM 1947: Karadikkuzhi are now not much more than names reminis- and the places like Bison V able and useful species hade been completely exterminated Forests owing to indiscriminate shooting, that several valu- wild animals and birds were becoming scarce in the S 22 24 Curiously enough, he was also expected to ‘regu- , when the idea of setting up a sep s and by the formation of Game 23 alley , Kaduvapp arate of Associations’ ara, and Amruth M fice of t ate

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 98 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion population so that the privileged can avail game hunting. the game sanctuary was to control hunting and sustain 35: 49). This is not surprising as one of the objects establishing Edappalayam in connection with the visit of Viceroy (RAFD 1934- tasks entrusted to him was setting up of the hunting camp at and birds from other countries’ (TFM 1947: 40-41). held in the same year (RAFD 1934-35: 49). W the Committee for Preservation of Wildlife in South India. Game member of the Bombay Natural History Society and a the year of its establishment, Game circulation of knowledge on the topic in Travancore. For instance, Warden gave a new impetus to the regulation of game hunting and sanctuary which was ‘facing extinction in the state’, introduced T privileges and government p tion played a crucial role and in return the Out of which only 18 survived the transport Dep ganisation of Game and providing boating camping facilities to the visitors or- Installation of artificial saltlicks for the animals in suitable localities such as Manakkavala (RA Thekkady st T 1947: 40-41). tion as far the matter of game protection was concerned (TFM later instruments including acts and rules, which were to come place lutions of the conference paved way for formulation new legal and princely states were represented in the conference reso- (Proceedings 1935: iii). Most of the provinces in British-India vation of the Fauna and Flora Empire held at Delhi in 1935 of the wildlife by erecting picnic sheds and made for enabling st rivandrum zoo to the Periyar Game Sanctuary (RA ravancore in the arden represented Travancore in the meeting of committee artment in Periyar Sanctuary . In 1936, in the aegis of Game W All the forests in state fell under Game Warden’s jurisdic- . T arted receiving more attention. wo dozen spotted deer were transported from the 27 The Periyar Reservoir and its surroundings in All-India Conference for Preservation and Conser- ay Association were also t , surveillance, observation and photography T 1936-37: 71 and RA atronage. . The Peermade Game Appointment of the Game Association enjoyed many W ation (RA arden, the spotted deer Additional facilities were arden was elected as a 26 machans aken up by the Game He also represented T 1937-38: 62-63). 25 T One of the first T 1935-36:256). 1935-36:65). at key points Associa- , was said that, in 1938 Some of the official reports provided accounts such royal visits. It Sanctuary in two occasions. Soon this became an annual event. In 1935, Maharaja of Travancore and Dewan paid visits to the Periyar introduced here in these words: “[U]p the hills, on shores of the Hills as one of four main destinations. The sanctuary is bilities of the place becoming a proposed National Park and were much impressed with the possi- tuary instance, in 1939, the Maharaja of Bikkanir visited game sanc- princely states also visited the sanctuary (RAFD, 1943-44: 30). For T tourism potentials of the Travancore that regularly appeared in graphic potentials of the locations. Full page commercials on of rifles suitable hunting in the area besides advicing on photo- ing and lodging. These articles also provide clues on the models sanctuary provide information for the tourists on road and rail access to essays on the game sanctuary cover larger area (Annual Report 1938-39: Frontispiece). is visualised as precursor to a National Park which envisaged 48). By this time, in many occasions, one finds that the sanctuary nature and an exotic tourism destination. to project game sanctuary as a sample of the pristine and virgin T of ravancore ravancore ficial illustrated periodical of the . It is said that they were all “pleased with the lake and Not only the Rajas of Travancore but royal families from other T owards the last decade of colonial rule, in 1940s, …Maharaja and the members of His family Report 1938-39: iii). herd of thirty to forty bison grazed past the machan (Annual They even passed one moon lit night in a machan, when bison and sambur taking cine still photos of them. watching the wild life to be seen there such as elephants, game. They spend every day in wandering over the forests, tional Park on two occasions and were able to see plenty of nied by the Dewan visited and camped in proposed Na- , weather

Information Listener , facilities such as, boating in the lake, board-

and

and

Information

Listener . All these invariably were attempt T T ourist ravancore government (namely ) carried several photographic mentions game sanctuary in s’ 30 Paradise” (RAFD 1939: Some of these articles , and accomp 29 Amruth M a- 28 ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 100 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion Peermade. the need to emulate the same in Travancore. The objectives of forming on game management in the ‘civilised world’. It also highlighted mation invited the attention of gathering to changing worldview Department. The notice/leaflet circulated on the occasion of its for- den. mand and enjoyed the patronage of office Game War- land in the Kannan Deven Hills), had a wider area under its com- vation Association as different from that of the High Range Game Preser- The statement further affirmed that the only way to do this was: the Periyar lake, is on the lines of similar organisations in Nilgiris and elsewhere. the p The Peermade Game by them. only the readers with English literacy and class represented ble that these articles and commercials in English were targeted where you can watch wildlife in their natural habitat” Association were: 33 atronage of the Central

The Peermade Game The Association (which commanded only the area within lease cultivator or to the sportsman (Minutes 1935). erations, and to undertake all this without detriment the birds and animals for our present advantage future gen- what has become extinct, and to introduce new species of to protect and preserve what is left, try re-establish matters in connection therewith (Minutes 1935). carrying out rules regulating shooting and fishing other assist and co-operate with Government in drawing up men and (2) to start encourage Societies [Sic] who will and the over flow of which will alone be available for sports- where the Wild Life may live breed absolutely un molested, they will not be detrimental to the interests of cultivators, and (1) to create Sanctuaries or National Parks in the places were Association became an influential appendage of the Game The newly constituted Game Royal Game Sanctuary Association Association was formed in 1935 with T ravancore Planter Association was conceived , India’ ’ s National Park s 34 . Association, 31 35 It is nota- 32 The of such a claim was that: ing far in advance of any similar ciation boasted that ‘[O]ur and promised excellent sport for it’ the t from this area would be available to sportsmen. The document con- National Park area. It was supposed that the overflow of game with an area of nearly 160 square miles were to form the proposed not be considered ‘really safe.’ The catchments of Periyar Lake towards founding of a National Park and until this, the game can- It was also hoped that game sanctuary is only a transient phase ‘where wild life can be left in perfect peace to breed and multiply’. National Park would be more desirable as it form a place Sanctuaries’ (Annual Report 1938-39: vii). It was also felt that a that ‘for successful Game Preservation it is essential to have area of sport hunting, including Theodore Roosevelt, it was asserted 1938-39: vii). Following the well-known authorities and writers in cilities for legitimate sport to those who want it’ (Annual Report ervation of fauna the country erated that the “chief object of our restricting the privilege of hunting only to its members. It was reit- with the state government and other institutions. would strive for better administration of game by closely working Association were enframed with a declaration that the aining the minutes of Association is t The Five objectives drawn along these lines and activities of the nual Report 1939: v-vi). of offenders, seizure property liable to confiscation etc. (An- Association the powers of a Forest Officer as regards arrest nor have any of them conferred on the members such an grant, also powers of issuing, refusing or cancelling licenses, absolute control of a Game ernment concerned placed a large area like ours under the in India. Neither British India nor any state have the gov- the matter of wildlife preservation] than any other government …our government have gone further and done more …[in Association facilit aking a leading role to achieve the said goals Association promised the members that, Association has been placed on a foot- ated game hunting in it , but at the same time to af Associations in India.’ Association is not only the pres- s members. In 1939, the Association, given it an annual s territories by Association

The basis ford fa- Amruth M Asso-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 102 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April rest of of the members sociation to make use of the money collected as license fee. Some which hailed from privileged class. T residents of Travancore, their immediate relatives and non-resident planting companies. Though, the membership was opened to ciation were of European origin and all them attached to bers- in the form of increased game and angling opportunities. by th and authority to surveil in the area for excluding potential competi providing access only for members. The creation of the sanctuary the Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion decided that Game with legal and licensing powers. In 1936, a high power committee per the game rules within it (UP Ramaswamy force in 1937 with special interest ciation was given an annual grant of Rs. 2000. them were senior planters. ciation were also engaged as Honorary Game Wardens. be p (for jungle sheep) and Rs.100 elephants tigers) were also to reserved forests was Rs.50, In addition to this, a daily fee of Rs.5 The of powers to take actions against those who violate the game laws. the of deterrent to poaching” (quoted in Muthiah 1993: 453). in these hills who is the best protection to game, as he charge of the justification for this, one of the managers Finlay’s who was in bers from the European planting communities on hills. as part of the planting companies and operated by enrolling mem- ravancoreans in 1938, the ASI), “[U]nder the strict control of Association, which worked on the principle of exclusion and aid for animal shot (Annual Report 1939). Members of the e Honorary Game Wardens began to pay benefits for its mem- ficial historian of United Planter Ap These game conservation measures culminated empowering The annual fee for shooting in the reserved as well non- fenders and confiscate of fice of the Game W art from the ex-of Association in High Ranges, st Aiyyer A . ssociation would be the licensing authority as Association were vested with powers to ar- ardens and Game ficio members, all member of the s jurisdiction. Association consisted largely by a group As Honorary Game W fender The s of the new Dewan C. P ’ ’ s s property Association was conferred Association of South India This also enabled the Association, Associations functioned ated “[I]t is the All these came in to . Finally ardens they had According to , the shikaris 36 Most of shikkari Asso- Asso- Asso- As a tors As- in . Association were under the consideration of courts, which included is possible to discern that a number of offences detected by the surveiling on poachers. From the proceedings of timony: gal fishing. The Game Warden H. Gibbon provides us following tes- protection effected by regular patrolling which brought down the ille- mahseer fish was increasing in the Periyar Lake due to better party led by the Game Wardens (Annual Report 1938-39: 6-19). the poachers were scared away by mere presence of patrolling were to be stamped out. There are records of incidences in which were considered as a competitor and ‘pest’ on the game they Association’ (Annual Report 1938-39: 13). For instance, wild dogs records. This indirectly is probably due to the activities of Game ures that convictions for poaching offences had increased on their cial results. I think one would find from the Forest Department fig- that ‘the moral ef the availability of game. One Game Wardens observed curred to the plantations. It is obvious that goal was increase increase in the wild boar populations and increased damages oc- (Annual Report 1938-39: 6-19). hunting had reduced and population of the game were on increase the Honorary Game Wardens. It is evident that unauthorised continuous availability of game. to ret 1937 brought down three tiger sust wild dog and one bear” (Muthiah 1993: 453). sambhur ained yield forestry ain the privilege of extraction to a select few The One of the reports 1939 shows that population Periodically , three Nilgiri any sort (Annual Report 1939: 18). it was with only one exception I failed to return a catch of itself….Although visiting the lake on several occasions I think soon after on plug bait and was taken from Periyar Lake area vember last year [1939]. Further …I landed 92 lbs. of mahseer fish over one week-end in No- Association functioned better than Forest Dep fect , report s of the Game T , in case of sport hunt also the strategy was ahr s on protection activities were sought from , two wild boar , four leop And there were also report Association is …having benefi- , a 19 lbs. fish was banked , seven jungle sheep, five 37 ard, three gaur , so as to ensure a As in the case of Association, it artment in , seven s of the Amruth M

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 104 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April of the to apply for arms other than this, they should first become members protection of the crops. It was further clarified that if anyone wished and country guns would be allowed in the cardamom hills for ciation also declared that only 12-bore rifles, muzzle loading guns, cials in holding licenses for the firearms under arms rules. steps to scrutinise the exemptions claimed by government offi- years at the annual rate of Rs. 300 (RAFD 1940: 51). dras government for the fishing rights in Periyar Lake ten was because the: property continued, the Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion Report 1938-39: of subsequently approved by government on the condition that gazetted ban on flashlight photography as suggested by the matter under the consideration of of photography with flashlight and shooting from vehicles were a visions from the Madras Game Rules. For instance, prohibition updating the game rules by incorporating newly introduced pro- that prey on cattle. bers were mainly for shooting the animals such as panther and tiger 13). It was mentioned that the hunting licenses sought by mem- the same area over a period of five years (Annual Report 1938-39: years, whereas the Forest Department reported only 23 cases from the etc. In 1939, the was steadily becoming more popular among the planters. services of the boat. Owing to these measures, ship at the rate of Re.1 per month so that more people can avail families. It also made additional provisions for temporary member- purchased by the of the game rules in both Malayalam and ficers are exempted from this. fences such as shooting of Black Panther Association was able to report 34 cases in approximately two Association. In pursuit of prop Though damages caused by the elephants to estate and In 1940, the The Association also had legislative powers. It was keenly Association reported 33 of passim Association for the use of members and their Association entered into an agreement with Ma- Association was hesit ). 38

The Game aganda, the Association in late 1930s. T amil languages (Annual fences. It is not , fishing with dynamites ant to t Association also took Association printed Association was ake step Association A boat was 39 able that s. Asso- This The try’, similar to that of the National Parks in United S Forest Department. In an attempt to create ‘unmanned wild coun- sanctuary were evicted during the year persons in unauthorised occupation of lands and adjoining the to forest reserves [were] completely prevented’ and ‘most of the in 1940s. In 1941, the Game Warden stated that ‘human intrusion population in the game sanctuary area was relocated to its fringes made by the crease in the population of sambar was affected. So at demands sides, large-scale migration of the elephant However 1944. Population of bison was also reportedly increasing steadily cultivation as part of the measures to enhance food production in the game sanctuary was reported when locality cleared for the area under its control. enjoyed considerable power in matters of granting gun licences outcome of the control poaching by Game Dewan. the legal framework in existence vested such powers only with proscribing the elephants to Honorary Game Wardens; because Association demanded the government to vest increased powers of ganyika and Kenya (Annual Report 1938-39: 38). Meanwhile, the t tor sought the help of Game were brought to the attention of Conservator in 1939, Conserva- ails of practices relating to management rogue elephant By early 1940s the Game Department was separated from Population of the game in sanctuary was increasing as an When the damages inflicted on crops by wild elephants Though this was declined, it is evident that the , due to the depredations of ‘vermin’ elephant Forest Dep stroyed they think it would have desired effect, and that if the ters. If one or two of the real destructive animals were de- other countries) is the proper person to deal with such mat- struction, and committee felt that the Game Warden (as in a good deal of sentimental feeling prevailing about their de- future (Annual Report 1938-39: 38). is probable that elephants proscribed would be destroyed in matter pointing out and identifying the proscribed elephant it Association, the government permitted their killing. s are looked on as “Royal artment will co-operate with the 40 Association to procure rules and de- ’ (RA Animals”, and that there is T s from V 1942-43: 66). such as wild dogs in- Association. Association in the t andanmedu to ates, the tribal Association s in Amruth M 41 T

Be- an- .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 106 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April under the retired Game Ranger management and animals. The Department sought for professional inputs in wildlife servation of the game and prevention depredations by wild Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion stringent. Game Department in 1944. Rules for hunting were also made more in case of the breeching stipulations. reporting illegal hunts and hunters were warned of heavy penalties men by the watchers. Watchers were offered special rewards for was for making arrangements to attend the activities of these sports- censee to notify his intention of shooting 48 hours in advance. This members of the S The p was affiliated to the Wildlife Preservation Society of Northern India. quired by government. Until 1959, the Peermade Game had powers to proscribe rogue elephants and shoot them when re- were made honorary elephant wardens and 1956. In addition to the game preservation, and the national park system in United parallels in the system game sanctuary as conceived Travancore got distinguished as forest competitors by vesting the authority of action with a few by normalisation of the codified practices and exclusion potential tions of power ests, the objects and spatialities get implicated in networks of rela- Sacred and Profane: Governing the Nature was evicted and settled in a colony on the fringes of sanctuary the tribal population residing inside proposed national park area ture medium for game to grow tem envisaged the Park as an unmanned wild country to form cul- regulatory measures. Considering the fact that National Park Sys- nies of the empire facilitated adoption latest features and the information network of game enthusiasts other colo- atronage the The Game Department was under pressure to balance con- T It is assumed in the paper that, governmentalisation of for- wo of the members High Range The revised rules of the Game . Formation of such a field power is made functional T t Association enjoyed from Game W ate W .P . George who had undergone special training ildlife s and non-forest , multiply and spill over Advisory Board that was formed in A.W . W ood was transferred to the Association required a li- S tates. Association members s; still further Association were also 42 In Travancore, shikkari- , one can find arden’ Association . Land area , forest s of s who fice s . nitions of the game were vital. So, to be able do angling, it was (while women were active in angling). In angling also, rules and defi- proved game. Hunting was more or less completely men’s affair gaur game; it is only cert ethics and government which came to represent the tion between the hunting by natives and new form of hunting, from across the colonies of empire. There was a stark distinc- hunts emulated the values circulated through hunting narratives come a strictly rule bound activity could only become a good tracker who otherwise immobilised the animals for meat; at most they pean way was impossible for the members of tribal communities servation for the posterity be made use of, but in a controlled manner for ensuring their con- hilated. The second is that, what may be rendered useful needs to serted that “what is not useful” or counterproductive has to be anni- under the colonial conditions. First, utilitarian humanism as- signifies two crucial aspects of man-nature relations as moulded mum. The deployment of elephant power in the production process tion by killing, though such events were reduced to a bare mini- ploits of pachyderms often forced the state to act upon popula- sary for the multiplication of them in forest guest privilege of a small group elite consisting Europeans, state were classified as reserved forest potential resource. a closely scrutinised af have direct use value were exterminated, shooting of elephants tion of colonial power and creation a new order in the forests. This visibility was closely corroborated, if not made possible, exer- tinctions made new visibilities of the same entity distinguished between was settled vs. shifting cultivation.) Such dis- ticable, game, vermin, rogue etc. Further tions among animals of the forest were made such as wild, domes- , sambar s and, rarely The game hunting and angling as organised sport was the It may be noted that while the wild animals, which did not , mount , some members of the royal family And the wild herds of elephant ain charismatic fauna such as tiger ain goat and proscribed elephant made an ap- al approval. Moreover fair . . W actual ild elephant . , a game, with it s and game sanctuary hunt. This was because hunt had be- , mode of cultivations were T s were looked upon as a o be able to hunt in Euro- , not all animals made a s. However s own etiquette, , namely forest. . Most of these s were neces- , leop . (Distinc- , the ex- Amruth M ard,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 108 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion ety to the interests of a privileged class (game) hunters in soci- ties on the montane-subtropical hill stations in Travancore catered hunters and anglers. It is evident that the game preservation activi- networks of missionaries, forestry and plantation professionals, game and acceptability of certain sets ideals, made possible through ment revenue, enabled circulation of certain forms knowledges cial plantations of tea and coffee. Such policies intended to aug- both by ‘improvement’ of forests and encouragement commer- princely state. The state aspired to maximise revenue from land the context of a prevailing desire for augmenting revenue by bringing the place to a civilised and productive time. scape in the colony from vermin, making it a more liveable place, (Pandian 1995: 239-263). Hunting was also part of securing the land- quest, growing up to manliness by overpowering the feminine nature impoundments. The hunting in the empire carried aura of con- nece members of royal family nies of tions of hunting and wilderness as they were fashioned in the colo- Associations and the Planter’s Clubs perpetuated European no- the use of privileged. But, out the animal as untouchable and sacred by reserving it only for life. The consecration process was characterised by rendering of vermin were consecrated in the micro-geography as game and wild- legal enactments. Certain forest animals that were considered as tions and boundaries of inviolable spaces were normalised through rendered certain practices unquestionable and normal. These rela- and produced new power relations. These relations of also est as the game sanctuary—became a site of new sets practices vation’. These emergent notions and concept of new spatiality–for- enabled the recasting of ideas ‘wilderness’ and ‘game preser- the British Empire, especially from of rhetorics in the form hunting narratives from other colonies of planters, game hunters and sportsmen, along with the trafficking , which consisted of represent ssary to introduce imported trouts in the local streams and Through institutions such as Game and It is notable that the construction of these spaces occurred in American and African continent . side the bounds of sanctuary atives of the crown, planters and s and in India. African subcontinent, have Angling Societies and The networks , they history of government direct governmental implications in the colonies. gentsia at gating desiccation discourse along with the institutions and intelli- tional networks in the colonies that were key players propa- interesting to note here is that, it was the individuals and institu- iccation discourse from the second half of 18 works and formation of desperate state policies as parts the des- He had demonstrated the formation of intellectual-institutional net- 1993, 1994, 1995 & 1998 and Grove Damodaran 2006 a b). to scholarly attention by the prolific writings of Richard Grove (Grove and rainfall reduction with a definite cause effect relation- was brought course-understood as linking of deforestation to climatic change cially under the colonial conditions. Clearly activities often manifested as concrete and policies, espe- fore, from various levels of ideations the desiccationist discourse who promoted desiccation by denudation of hills for cultivation. There- sponsible’ behaviour of ‘ignoramus’ individuals and the communities has set down institutional control as a solution for curbing the ‘irre- the confines of st an institutionalised form of knowledge forests and its people, within ing the legibility of land and society (Philip 2003: 1-10). Creation material and rhetoric trafficking across national borders by improv- played decisive and enabling roles. S organisation, botanical gardens and meteorological department, as botanical, anthropological and topographical surveys, census works of knowledge production institutions the colonial-state, such that they could utilise them. In our case, it can be said that, net- bility of subjects and the landscape for exercising power on them so tion of knowledge is necessitated by the need for improved intelligi- concerns, such as depletion, desiccation etc. This institutionalisa- knowledges, practices and calculations for articulation of certain scientific networks and institutions, functionality for the tions. were game; nevertheless, only for members of the Game The environmentalist gospels of desiccationist discourse had Anxieties about the environmental consequences of human The colonial process enabled formation of certain forms the Metropolis. alisation and exercise of power ate machinery , is a significant event in the t ate institutions facilit , the desiccation dis- th 43 century The discourse . Associa- . What is ated the Amruth M

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10 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion Notes ments i.e. conservation for conservation’s sake. tions be imposed by acknowledging the intrinsic value of these ele- is contrary to the present day idea of conservation that such restric- game preservation was ensuring the uninterrupted utilisation. This nothing but the extraction postponed. The logic behind colonial the extraction for enabling future consumption, which in a way is sources. Here, sustained yield is assumed, which means limiting basis of certain calculations the rate recoupment re- over space and time. These extractive limits are determined on the (here game animals) are prescribed by fixing their extractive limits as resources. Restrictions over the extraction on these resources tion ideals proceeded by distinguishing certain elements of nature conditions is founded on utilitarian notions/ideals. Here, conserva- wake of desiccation discourses and knowledge networks. tivities also functioned in similar lines the space created converged on the theme of desiccation. The game preservation ac- sion, plans and preparations to forestall famines etc. have gradually porarily lishment of Forest Department just being one among them. Con developed as full-fledged state programmes of governance. Estab- 1 2 tent of this p suggestions that resulted in substantial changes presentation and con- Author is thankful to S. Raju for going through an earlier draft and making discourse of labour and wealth’ as suggested by Raju (2003 would also indicate that elaborate inscription of ‘man and nature in the every day nature is considered different from ‘the pristine nature’. This as exotic and not part of everyday life, clearly suggesting how immediate of entertainment/leisure for the privileged class who imagined ‘this nature’ tion postponed. In addition, the conservation space was to function as a site policy has an explicit bias in favour of preserving for use later - or consump- the formation of sanctuary and in practices game hunting, vourably thinking which would have at various stages of negotiation functioned fa- alization of game preservation. I accept there could be other streams This is not to say that there were no other reasons inherent in the institution- solely with the author It is also evident that the game preservation under colonial , maintenance of canal irrigation systems, control soil ero- . My contention is that, as it reflected in the early discussions of aper . However . , the responsibility for any shortcomings rest passim tem- ). 7 6 5 4 3 ples in these methods. Some of them required only measurement a few trees without felling them. Sampling was o the aid of integral calculus for estimation wood volume standing economic reason’ (Rajan 1998: 328). Indirect methods were developed with was ‘describing the living forest quantitatively before subjecting it to estry thus emerged in 18 century and modified by turn of the 19 involved strict control of the state finances. The core German for- The cameralist reason of state as emerged in the late 18 century Germany forestry was to aid insertion of forests in the science state finance. fected Germany villagers. of the foresters in Madras Presidency were sympathetic to needs Continental forestry was developed during the 18 details see Guha (1990: 65-84). reserved forests were made more people-friendly and simple. For lines as the Indian Forest forest discussions af Thus, a sep implement the Indian Forest The Indian Forest notions of control, power and government. sense of time, the temporality santly Yield Principle offered a long-term frame of utilising the resources inces- ground survey and extrapolation using allometric functions. The Sustained meration of the st necessitated, preparation of Working Plans on the basis a careful enu- over forests. The planning of the forestry operations for sustained yield forests can yield, without deterioration by distributing the fellings equally The Sustained Yield Principle meant limiting the annual fellings to what more ‘sophisticated’ i.e. soon after the institution of Forest Department. It was replaced by a high priority governmental agency for meeting the timber demands of crown was a internal security of the colony ments of railway was seen as an issue related to the maintenance ment quent development of railway networks for enabling faster troop move- The transfer of rule to the Crown following revolt in 1857 and subse- Dietrich Brandis as Inspector General of Forests (Chundamannil 1993: 20). The British Indian forest establishment had a formal beginning in 1864 with 1993: 12). of teak timber for the construction their sea going vessels (Chundamannil By the end of 18 s necessit s were such as to prevent the formation of exclusive S . Sust Though, Madras Forest . ained yield introduced the concept of time in forestry arate Madras Forest The first version of Indian Forest ter four years of delay the ated huge demand for railway sleepers. . It was constituted as one of the cameral sciences, where, anding timber Act was p

th Act in 1878. century Act, the procedures relating to constitution of assed in 1878. Madras Government declined to Act of 1878 as the right , British in ef , the est , estimation of growth rates based on actual , was not free from any of the attendant Act also was framed in the same general Act was envisaged and following long ablishment of forest dep Act was p fect replaced the ne of the key operational princi- Act was brought out in 1865 s of the villagers over th assed in 1882. Majority century in the war af- Arabs as buyers As the require- t ate Reserves. artment as a . Amruth M And this

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12 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion 14 13 15 8 11 10 9 12 The author was a member of the Nilgiri W Also see Nair (1988: 19-20). published in 1937. Besides, the camera significantly changed concept of trophy as these terminologies of shooting, such as ‘load’, ‘aim’ and ‘shoot’ remained. In later years, even when the camera started substituting guns, most of Nilgiri Game Honorary Game Wardens in Nilgiris (Annual report of the Committee tribes by L.A.Krishna Iyer publication of ‘The The official ethnography of Travancore was inaugurated with work on the For a det stands for settlement of private rights. This process was called ‘forest settlement’; where, the word ‘settlement’ See banned along with other traditional forest uses by the ‘scientific forestry’. forest utilisation involving simple coppice systems were discredited and traditional rights of the people and reservation forests. Local systems forest estate for its practice. This formed the basis of annulment control of the forests by state and creation an exclusive owned to be more precise, the science of this genre forestry required autocratic and visualising the forest of yield volume tables. These tables also provided a grid for conceptualising these methods were perfected to create species specific ready reckoners Based on elaborate methods of controlled field measurements, some variables as girth, diameter and height of the tree and, shape bole. The cameralist tradition had an inherent allegiance to the st obtaining maximum yield continuously on longer period from fixed land area. obtaining it, thirdly the sustained yield principle which corresponded with sheet i.e. budgeting the wood value against cost to be incurred in were; one, minimum diversity and maximum homogeneity (Rajan 1998: 331). The key organising principles of this continental forestry then completing a chain of conversions from wood to units currency’ budget by treating the standing forest as capital, its yield interest and of wood mass and the third ‘linking forest balance sheet to monetary forest management were; first, the geometric survey was retained in the 1893 regulation more or less fully (TFM 1917: 1-2). The regulation of 1888 concerned only about the reservation forests; this esses by the state. incorporation of the shifting cultivators to specific desirable production proc- Amruth (2008: 161-199) for case of dissuading shif ailed illustration of the T ravancore Government. Association for the year 1937-38, . He was commissioned in 1934 to collect information on hill T ravancore Castes and s. As per this framework the three crucial step T ravancore case see The first V ild Life T Annual Report 1938: 1). ribes’ olume of the survey was Association and one of the Amruth (2008: 35-89). by a forest Ranger , second calculations ting cultivation and , second, balance ate control. And s in , 17 16 18 21 20 19 27 26 25 22 23 24 and government except Devikulam, was Rs.50. and Rs.25 in case of un-reserved forests The fees stipulated for the each licence hunting in whole Division, tion was to replace an earlier regulation of 1906. Forest Regulation Dated 1 Rules Passed under Section 21 (g) and 22 (f) of the Travancore hunting and photographing, but the outcomes were different. but photographs have been replicable. “Shooting” was common to both photograph replaced it. In case of trophy Rs. 200 and the license was valid for one year within reserved forests and other government lands at payment of a fee more dogs shall pay Rs.100. Provision for hunting or shooting sport and here it was between 30 1089. It was between 31 was held in Paris for protection of nature (Hubback 1934: 5) Such meetings had clear precedents; in 1931 an international conference tion of Game and fish (TFM 1917: 79). elephant wood-cock. (2) Hares, Malabar squirrels, asses, oxen, bison, buffaloes, pea-fowl, pheasants, pigeons, quail, sand-grouse, snipe, spur-fowl and specifically: (1) Bustards, ducks, geese, floricans, jungle-fowl, partridges, The schedule of animals (game) that are protected under the regulation the year even with a license. it was unlawful to kill, capture, pursue or attempt any of these at time of elephant, female or immature male bison, ibex, sambar spotted deer deer This included two heads each of the mature males bison, ibex, spotted dated 23 appointment was made as per the Proceedings R.Dis.2099/33/ Development his post was equivalent to ex-officio Deputy Conservator of Forests. The R.Dis.No.2099/33/Devpt., Chief Secret 85). Natural History It is not Also see RAFD (1934: 49). See R.Dis.No.2099/33/Devpt., Chief Secret context of Africa but some of the hunting etiquettes were also originally evolved in It was not only the idea of game sanctuaries that spread to India from Robinson was a retired Land Revenue and Income , sambhur and such other animals with a single license in year A able that the regulation to make better provision for the protection and preserva- s, sheep, goat, antelopes, gazelles, and deer rd November 1933. African game hunting (Phythian-Adams 1936). , Society was also commissioned in the 1933 (Ali 1985: 78-

lands. Parties with hounds and packs of dogs 5 or st of May and 1 T ravancore – Cochin Bird survey by Salim 1th th November 1912 (TFM 1917: 62). November and 1 st of October and for the feathered game ary , it was unique and nonreplicable, , dated 23-1 ary , dated 23-1 st .

April. . (Regulation XII of M.E. T ax Commissioner and 1-1933. 1-1933. . Ali, Bombay This regula- Amruth M . In case

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14 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion 34 35 33 32 31 29 28 30 Sunday the 27 See Page 1 of the Minutes Meeting held at Peermade club on (Singh 1988: 51). Association, among the 30 paying members eight of them were women Association were European men and in the case of High Range decades, until 1947, all members of the Committee Game Preservation ciation was coordinating the activities of See typewritten Manuscript Page 2, of the Minutes Meeting held at Arnakkal Estate. In 1932 an established in British India and princely states Central Northern India. transported through the networks of Game (Preservation) tion was guided by the notions and ideas of Game Management translated/ hills, but also kept an account of the number animals culled. Association, not only maintained a vigil on the populations of animals in shot. cession area and stipulated the maximum number of animals that could be Association declared a closed season for hunting and shooting in the con- month. Soon after its formation, emulating counterpart in the Nilgiris, Association at the concession area on a handsome salary of Rs. 20 per T Comp Association received the patronage and support of M/s. James Finlay & the High Range W District Magistrate of Devikolam, under the aegis of planting companies and game hunting enthusiasts. The High Range Game Preservation Ceylon and Madras Presidency proposed Society would be conceived in the lines of similar societies The notice circulated during on the occasion of its formation stated that T 1945 (pages 34-36), November 1946 48-54). Game Park’. See the marked the area in catchments of Periyar Lake as ‘Proposed National A ciation at the time of its formation. History Society and he also donated Rs. 5000 to the Peermade Game Game Warden’s Office. Maharajah was a life member of the Bombay Natural The royal patronage used to be an important catalyst in the institution of For inst T (pages 37-38), 1941 June 23-30), November 1942 7-23) and ravancore Information ravancore Information and Listener wo game watchers, both of them Mutuva tribe, were appointed by the touring map published by the Peermade Game According to this, hunting was allowed only af any limited. It also organised an Association for M.E. 1 ance, see following articles in Angling th March, 1935, from the files of Peermade Game Annual Report and Minutes of Meetings the Peermade Association was st ildlife Preservation , February 1941 (p 1 14 (Annual Report 1938-39). . Association was formed at Munnar T .H.Cameron was the ex-of : May 1944 (p arted in the hills and game asso- Angling Association (Singh 1988: 57). T ravancore Information age 80). Association in High Ranges. Association. For nearly two Association in 1939 had ages 20-21), February ter 1 st of October ficio member of Associations The Association, : 1941 May , in 1928, Associa- Angling Asso- . The The , Amruth M. 2008. “Changing Regimes of Forest Management: Institutional Changes Annual Rep Ali, S. 1985. RAFD TFM SMP RA the year of reporting, not actual years their printing/publication. Note: In all the cit References 36 39 38 37 42 43 41 40 T A were invested with the necessary powers under Forest Eight members of the association were made Honorary Game Wardens and Game The membership of the Report 1938-39: 26). watch wildlife in their natural surroundings than to shoot them’ (Annual tuted for the rifle, and nowadays generally sportsmen prefer to go By late 1930s, it was reported that “…the camera is gradually being substi- year 1938-39 (Annual Report 1938, 18). The 38: 63). Peermade club on Sunday the 27 medium in the sense that game animals can thrive and multiply Here the Game Sanctuary is analogous to an inoculated microbial culture (RA regime (Dean 1994, of government and creation docile subjects through modern disciplinary Foucauldian notion of governmentality; it provides insights on technologies Theoretically See relevant portions of the Report year 1938-39 (1938: 51). The Minutes and istration of Travancore for respective years). 1939-40 and 75 in 1940-41(see relevant section of the Report on T) for various years in 1940s. Annual Report and Minutes of the Peermade Game lished PhD thesis submitted to Mahatma Gandhi University and Modes of Participation in the Western Ghats Kerala.” Unpub- Kerala. Peermade Game Association, ort. 1938-39. Printed The Fall of a Sp -Report on the -Travancore Forest Manual - Proceedings of the Sri Mulam Popular - Report on the ations with abbreviated titles listed below , the notion of government Annual Report of the Peermade Game Arnakkal Est passim Association for M.E.1 arrow Association increased from 48 in 1937-38 to Administration of the Forest Dep Administration of and Burchell Annual Report and Minutes of Meetings the . Delhi: Oxford University Press. ate. th March 1935, from the files of Peermade s on the alisation has antecedent et al 1 T 14. ravancore from 1862 to 1947 Administrative of 1991, Assembly passim , the year referred is Association for the Association for the artment Act (RA ). . , Kott T ravancore Amruth M s in the T Admin-

ayam,

1937- 55 in

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16 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Logic Extraction and Spatiality of Exclusion Burchell, G Chundamannil, M. 1993. Dee-Dee (noted from the p Dean, M. 1994. Grove, R. 1993. “Conserving Eden: The (European) East India Companies and Grove, R., & Vinita Damodaran. 2006. “Imperialism, Intellectual Networks, and Grove, R. 1998. “The East India Comp Grove, R. 1994. Hatch, E. G Hubback, Lovatt, H. 1972. K.C. 1949. Iyer P Guha, R. 1990. “The Prehistory of Community Forestry in India” . U. 1998. Michael Foucault Studies in Governmentality: with two lectures by and an interview cal Sociology Forest Research Institute, Peechi. Range, Planter Planters’ Chronicle (ed.). Their Environment 41(41, 42) pp. 4345-4354; 4497-4505. Environment India,1660 to 1854.” Climate Played by Colonial Scientists in Establishing the Mechanisms of Global pp. 318-351. versity Press, pp. 301-323. mental History of South and East Asia Damodaran & Satpal Sangwan (eds.), T Illustrations and T of Kerala. Thiruvananthapuram: Department of Cultural Publications, Government Tirunal History University Press. Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860 ., Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller (eds.). 1991. . 1934. W Vanasmaranakal . 1933. Plantaing Times : Selections From Planting Opinion and The Critical and Effective Histories: Foucault’s Methods Histori- A Short History of the Peermade / Vandiperiyar District , 6(2) Green Imperialism: The Colonial Exp Progress of T [Reprint, original year of publication not mentioned], T eleconnections 1770-1930,” in Richard. H. Groove, V T ild Life Conservation in the Empire. ravancore , al Change”: Part I & II. . London: Routledge. 213-238. History of Forest Management in Kerala ’ s Chronicle, June 1946. Reproduced in the Datt apers of Mr . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. wo Map al Policies on S (Forest Memories), Kollam: Pallithottam. : Macmillan, pages not numbered. Comp : ravancore Under His Highness Sree Moolam A Guide Book for the V s , Humphrey Milford: Oxford University Press. arative S any . G , the Raj and El Nino: .H.Danvers Davy), Old Days in the High t. Helena, Mauritius and in W tudies in Society and History Economic and Political W Nature and the Orient: Environ- . New Delhi: Oxford Uni- Game and Gun Lt ansion, T isitor with Thirty T The Foucault Effect: . Thrissur: Kerala The Critical Role . Delhi: Oxford Environmental ropical Island a, , Mimeo. Ap , 35(2), estern eekly d. arna init wo a , V Sivaramakrishnan, K. 1999. Singh, S. 1988. “The High Range Rajan, R. 1998. “Imperial Environmentalism or Environmental Imperialism? Euro- Raju, S. 2003. “Developmental Modernity: Man and Nature in the Discourse of Proceedings. 1935. Proceedings of the Pradhan, Q. 2007. “Empire in the Hills: Piggot, J.E.G Phythian-Adams, L. E. 1936. “S Philip, K. 2003. Pandian, M.S.S. 1995. “Gendered Negotiations: Hunting and Colonialism in the Minutes. 1935. Minutes of the Meeting held at Peermade Club on Sunday Mateer Muthiah, S. 1993. Mann, M. arghese, , Samuel. 1883. Change in Colonial Eastern India T Devan Planters’ Orient ment in British India 1800-1900,” R. Grove (ed.), pean Forestry Museum and Library W of Wild Life (held on the 28 S A.V Wild Life. South India pp. 239-263. Late 19th Century Nilgiris. ated East-West Press Private Ltd. Planters’ Malabar Coast, 1792-1805,” in G 27 of Deitmar Rothermund Lutt (eds.), Estate 2001. “German Expertise in India? Early Forest Management on the enures in Kerala, 1850-1960 T tudies in History ealth and Labour . C. 1970. th . .George Group of Comp March, 1935, from the files of Peermade Game

, London: Oxford University Press. Piggot’ Civilising Natures: Race Resources and Modernity in Colonial

A Association of Southern India, 1893-1993 Planting Century: The First Hundred Explorations in the History of South Asia: Essays Honour , New Delhi: Orient Longman. Native Life in T s S , Colonial Foresters and the Agrarian Change and Economic Consequence: Land

Association, tory: Reminiscences of a Retired Planter , 23 (1), pp. 33-91. Modern Forests: State Making and Environmental ,” , 2 (1), pp. 45-74. port Contemporary India; Journal of Nehru Memorial Angling , New Delhi: Manohar smanship and Etiquette in Shootings,” Contributions to Indian Sociology th The Making of Hill S anies. ravancore 29 All-India Conference for the Preservation K.D.P , Bombay: Association” in th and 30 . Berkemer , New Delhi: Oxford University Press. .A. Centenary Souvenir , London: W th Allied Publishers. January 1935), New Delhi. Agendas of Forest Manage- , H. K. Hundred , pp. 9-26. t ations in Colonial India,” Association, Y .H.Allen & Co. T ears of the United , New Delhi: ilman Frasch & J. Y Nature and the ears of Kannan , , Kott pp. 50-52. ,” 29(1&2), Amruth M Arnakkal ayam: Indian Af fili-

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18 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April invented to describe those groups reacted against the colonial Muslims’, ‘untrustworthy other things as ‘criminals’, ‘robbers’, ‘rebels’, ‘docile Hindus’, ‘fanatic the stereotypical sense of British, who depicted Indians among of the rule law firmly into public. colonial state and apart from repression, allowed it to push the principles initial days. Paradoxically derstand the reactions of Malabar public to Company rule in its Musa Muppan and other chieftains are highlighted in the article, to un- colonial state. The rebellions of the ‘Jungle Mappilas’, especially Unni tions to win them over as ‘useful’ participants and collaborators of the native groups into criminality was preceded by conciliatory interven- types to serve the imperial interests. The relegation of recalcitrant kind in south India, where the British attempted to construct criminal distinct from the rest. This characterisation in Malabar was first of its very beginning to classify certain sections of the Malabar population as is argued that there were several attempts by the colonial state from and banditry by the colonial state between years 1792 1802. It Malabar were categorised as Jungle Mappilas epitomising criminality This article looks into the ways in which a section of Mappilas Santhosh in Early British Malabar Native Criminality Colonial Law and the Construction of Making of the The colonial modalities of ‘writing and documenting’ exposes Abraham , these rebellions strengthened the hand of Jungle Mappilas Arabs’, etc. Such nomenclatures were : invasion into ‘useful’ participants and collaborators to the colonial state. procedures were used to remould the recalcitrant colonial public discursively India, wherein the British attempted to construct criminal types This characterisation in Malabar was the first of its kind South Mappilas Malabar was brought under the British colonialism. Sultán of Mysore and the East India Company that region Unni Musa Mupp sections of the Malabar population as distinct from rest. Malabar where the colonial state manoeuvred to classify certain the early days of British rule in India, with special reference to looks into the ways in which, ‘native criminality’ was perceived during by the ideas of caste, race and groups (Brown 2001). This article state constructed the criminality of such people, informed in chorus 1990a). In any case, by the late nineteenth century order that the British sought to impose on rural society (Nigam 1990, to sections of population that were unwilling accept the new moral invented to justify the punitive ‘disciplining and policing’ interventions found that the category of ‘criminals’ was a colonial stereotype agricultural and wage labour’ (Arnold 1985: 85). Sanjay Nigam too the marginals who did not conform to colonial pattern of settled treaty Arnold has argued that ‘the colonial Criminal to dacoity as a profession’ (Guha 1983: 84). More pointedly David desolate villages and starvation bonded labour in order to take for hundreds of years peasant youths have been slipping out Ranajit Guha noted, ‘there were regions of chronic poverty criminality is of groups were labelled as ‘criminals’ by the colonial state. Native to the ways and reasons by which native tribes, peasants focused on the mid or late nineteenth century with special reference culture, mentality and society (Said 2001: 193). texts had made sweeping generalizations about the Orient, its As Edward Said pointed out, through this exercise, various colonial and was an important tool in de-legitimising such local uprisings. , a section of the Mappilas in Malabar led by local Chief It was in 1792, with the Most studies on native criminality in colonial India have , equivalent to ‘criminals’ and ‘bandits’ by the colonial state. . In the process, several disciplinary measures and ten regarded as the only means lef an , in south Malabar Srirangapatanam , were characterised as Act treaty s were used against t for livelihood. 2 1 Soon after the between Tipú Santhosh , the colonial , where Abraham Jungle t ain As 3

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 120 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April justice of the into Western-based legal texts without significantly altering the laws Making of the Jungle Mappilas Kalyan Raman has pointed out that, ‘this was a process, whereby was not dif Morley 1858: 178). The system being planned for Malabar in 1792 Brahmin criminality political cap definitions assumed a more concrete form, not only in social and colonial officials established key sites of ‘law and order’. Caste according to caste, respectability and social norms. with the caste hierarchy wherein offences were defined and penalised colonial Indian notions of policing and justice were in agreement were the untouchables and criminal castes tribes. The pre- within the criminal justice system. Outside four-fold hierarchy High-castes, by virtue of their greater privilege, occupied key positions of suggested the concept of hierarchical caste and related notion punished according to the laws of seized on and by proper persons appointed at Calicut, judged initially announced that, ‘every offender shall hereafter be immediately bring out an effective rule of law in the region, British officials 1990). The Orientalist identification of the Code been referred to as the discourse of ‘Orientalism’ (Said 2001, Inden grid of order over the subjects produced what has subsequently of the Company to establish knowledge India and lay down a range of questions on native society (Cohn 1997). The early efforts knowledge through various ethnological investigations into a wide between the colonizers and governed entailed formulation of notions of law and order definable reliable relationship Company’s authority in India. The British quest to establish the of British administrators since the establishment East India Caste, Race and Group Colonial Construction of Indian Criminality: dharma By internalising the knowledge of high-castes, early Quran

Questions of public order and discipline had been a concern in India assumed that indigenous norms could be incorporated

œ . as the legal keys to unlocking pre-colonial judicial India. âstras ferent from the Bengal experiences. Thus, W , with respect to the Mohammedans and laws of acity with respect to the Hindus (Firminger 2001: 18, , but also in the construction of caste-related arren Hastings’ plan for the administration of Quran and As an attempt to V eda Manusmriti ’. 5

As Kartik 4 criminal propensities. especially groups in north India through the discourse of race, caste and tribe, scholars have worked on the making of criminal communities and customs were measured and duly recorded. their family and kinship associations, language social referred to as criminal fraternities. The behaviour of such groups, involved in tracking and recording the details of these groups, now groups rather than individuals. British officials in India were actively During the early colonial rule in India, crime was associated with colonialists to classify particular groups of communities as criminals. and types. It was the problems associated with governance that led made by the British colonial officials to classify ‘criminals’ into groups ‘rebel’ groups and communities in India. theory and caste notions also became handy to be deployed against also played a crucial role in framing the Indian criminality right to say that, legal language and cultural ‘scientific’ images removal and forcible transportation of the natives. Therefore, it is use of ‘scientific’ notions ‘criminality’ culminated in the arrest, and measurement systems of race theory’ (Brown 2001: 349). The these exercises which were, themselves, grounded in the principles understanding of native criminality in India emerged directly from ‘ideas about criminal types and the development of a scientific known as criminal anthropology especially the typologies from what was increasingly becoming society coincided with a much larger exercise to classify and stratify Indian standard of Hindu law’ (Derret 1962: 21). which as Derret said ‘took the orthodox Brahminic learning was thought to be establishing continuity with the ancient regime, 1994: 740). The central aspect to the control of people India appellations and form of tribunals or the applicable law’ (Raman expectations to certain prevalent Indian legal forms, such as the expressions of indigenous policy and accordingly adapted their th e British made compromises by supporting the symbolic Since the late eighteenth century The construction of colonial notions Indian criminality was . This acquired it Thuggees and 6 V s legitimacy from the evolutionary theories, ery recently Sansis, . Marc Brown has pointed out that, who were known for their perceived , in an interesting comp , several ef An array of colonial fort Santhosh s were also . The race arative Abraham

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 122 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Making of the Jungle Mappilas against the political authority against their Hindu landlords as an outburst of retaliation and revolt Mappilas had been initiated with the identification and categorization of in Victorian England. legally and socially reified in ways similar to the ‘dangerous’ classes (Ibid: 134). The ‘criminal’ tribes and castes of imperial India were Sansi 1 law) and scientific methods, as in Victorian England (Nijhar 2009: use of similar authoritative techniques legal (criminal and civil stated that, ‘in colonial India, identities were constituted through the analysis on colonial India and Victorian England, Preeti Nijhar has their dissatisfaction and resistances to the alien rule. of colonial administration in Malabar will examine the construction of native criminality in discourses Jungle Mappila Mappilas since the beginning of British rule in Malabar and negative remarks policies. The Mappilas Malabar and reported that, joint commissioners of Malabar conducted a survey the region their support to Tipú while the Hindus had opposed him. that during the Mysorean interlude in Malabar towards the Hindu establishment, mainly due to British perception the Malabar settlement, attitude of British was favourable the attitude of British towards Malabar in the categorization of exercised against the tribes in north Indian regions, was visible tendency to classify the population into groups and sections, as from among the natives of Malabar their origin is of 15). Her analysis further suggested that, crimes of survival by the were redefined by imported imperial definitions of criminality The movement to classify native rebels into ‘groups’ in Malabar The colonial approach towards the Muslims of Kerala were known by the generic appellation . 7 as ‘professional The as ‘Criminals’ and ‘Bandits’: ten traced back to Mappilas Movements in Malabar are geographically located in Malabar and Mappila . The following sections of this article Mappilas Arab traders and convert Mappilas robbers’ who adopted banditry . 8 .

Mappilas Throughout the colonial rule, Mappilas . In 1792, for instance, the was a mixture of positive in return also showed . had different stages Mappilas At the beginning of 9 The colonial had given s to Islam Jungle 1801: 13). S the very same propensities (S continued with the same categorisation communities of south Malabar robbers’. The report also identified the ‘members of lower caste always more difficult to uncover where the the Consult of a report identified the term ‘fanatic’ was nowhere mentioned. public robbers’ and the category of the first decade of nineteenth century Commission reports in Malabar continued with this classification till and political judicial documents that followed the Joint Governor General W ‘criminals’ - was the continuation of initiatives Bengal the inhabit the later administrators drew upon resources to illustrate the Joint Commissioners’ report was primary resource from which or resorted to banditry’ Mappilas Mappila Mappila Another fact which should be noted here is that John Wye’s This colonial record clearly identifies ant ations of 1802. banded together under the chiefdom of exportation. and to be sold commanders of European vessels for and disperse. They were concerned with kidnapping children as usual after which it was their customs to divide immediately They frequently assemble at night and to commit depredations and acknowledging him as their chief, join when required. many other inferiors, who infest the jungles and pay him tribute (heads of the gangs) and two hundred armed men, besides residences in the jungles. He kept with him four head who is an open avowed robber general residence are called profession in Malabar country who from their haunts and are also very several numerous bands of public robbers by [A]long with the great and respectable body of s of Malabar as a ‘robber’ and ‘bandit’ is found in the Board of Revenue community as ‘robbers’ and ‘bandits’ – together pencer as ‘very turbulent, prone to robbery and the revenue Nairs ’ arren Hastings in 1772. s report on the administration of Malabar also 10 as p 13 . However Interestingly of Malabar along with the art of the group. pencer , who either volunt , the categorization of a section et.al . John W , in these initial inst Jungle Mappilas Jungle Mappilas . He has several places of Jungle Mappilas 1801). 11 12 Mappilas

Unni Musa

This represent All the report ye’ arily espoused Islam Unni Moosa Muppan Another description s report identified Jungle Mappilas Santhosh prevail’ (Wye Mappilas as ‘chief of as ‘public . They are ances, the and with s, diaries Moopas ation in Abraham there

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 124 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Making of the Jungle Mappilas as ‘criminals’. The report said, ‘the between the of the British was seen as they were taking advantage breach matter of grave concern for the state. In another example, attitude country as enemies of the government. Possession arms was a who instructed to regard all persons travelling with arms through the 77). conquest and to establish a system of administration’ (Bhabha 1994: degenerate type on the basis of social origin in order to justify Homi Bhabha, ‘is to construe the colonized as a population of 16). The primary objective of such categorizations, as described by invasion, being more independent have done the same’ (Wye 1801: with arms in their hands and the military…..always proceeded whether on business or for pleasure spirit of jealousy between the of the enmities and rival ships adverse tribes administrative paper also confirmed this as, ‘a judicial management favourable to the Company government’ (Wye 1801: 17). Richards’ 3). S by the peasant community as heroes and avengers (Hobsawm 1959: as outlaws and delinquents by the state, were supported revered capitalist societies and bandits, robbers of a special kind, perceived examined banditry as a form of ‘primitive rebellion’ occurring in pre- even leaders of liberation’ (Hobsbawm 1969: 13). Hobsbawm also heroes, as champions, avengers, fighters for justice, perhaps within the peasant society and are considered by their people as outlaws whom the lord and state regard as criminals, but who remain Hobsbawm. Hobsbawm explains the social bandits as ‘peasant our attention to the concept of ‘social banditry’ coined by E.J. establishment of our own power’ (Richards 1804: 8). Mappilas social banditry in South scholars have further confirmed that there is little firm evidence for to form self – contained caste and communities’ (Ibid: 15-16). Indian by the tendency of caste robbers, like all other sections society societies of Hindu Southern exception might have to be made for the peculiar caste divided

This view is similar to the taken in 1773 by Warren Hastings pecific to India he has pointed out that, ‘a possible or p The colonial classification of may materially conduce to the firm and permanent Nairs and the Asia (Y Mappilas Mappilas Asia, where social banditry is inhibited ang 1985: 1-47). Mappilas Nairs Jungle Mappilas and . Wye’s report projected ‘the of Malabar are the hereditary , since the Nairs Therefore, the colonial as the circumstance as ‘bandits’ takes Muhammadan Nairs artial and , for exportation, etc. penalties, fines and scourging against child stealing or sale of children criminal regulations clearly framed notes on punishments by Hindu prince maintained his independence of Mysore’. relinquishing everything and of taking refuge in Travancore where a Tipú’s rule, many of the of Tipú Sultán. The Joint Commission noted that, ‘during the time taking refuge in Travancore to save themselves from the ‘oppression’ Malabar also be discussed in the background of Mysorean interlude restore the Hindu Rajas and chief British administrators, particularly due to the decision Malabar that brought the ‘dangerous band’ of Malabar Commissioners proclaimed punishments and penalties for the region ‘criminality’ as ‘robbers’, ‘bandits’ and ‘criminals’ that the Joint western legal codes. It was on this ‘constructed’ idea of got further strengthened as the British began to implement consciousness to enact separate the ‘criminals’ in Malabar informed British administrative Colonial Law and Mappila ‘Criminals’ with the concept of ‘social bandit’. categorisation of It was the British decision to take over administration of This ethnological observation of the Joint Commissioners on The colonial construction of criminality among the , which saw the upper sections of Malabar Hindu society on of which the law less part to promulgate against such inveterate mischief, in the carrying were however all the commissioners had been in their power experiment proved too powerful for these inhabitants which from thus preying on their fellow creatures, have the who long have been in the practice of driving emolument unprincipled habits of the Jungle and other [w] as much interested. . The commission suggested that, e fear that the avidity of gain in individuals and Jungle Mappilas under the command of law 15 Janmies Mappilas 14 were reduced to the necessity of t ains in Malabar as ‘bandits’ exhibits incongruity of Malabar into collision with the Faujdari Mappilas laws to bring this . Hence, the 1793 . 16 found themselves

This issue can Santhosh 17 Scholars Mappilas Mappilas Mappila Abraham ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 126 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Making of the Jungle Mappilas habituated themselves to the ideas of independent tenure’. family by the have different views regarding the habituation of independent tenures tenants who during the period of resistance but disaffection and open rebellion from the estates with the support of British, this entailed not only Janmies (Panikkar 1992: 55). power and influence, through their association with Tipú Sultán Attan Gurikkal that only the 1976: 543-44). K.N. Panikkar interests at the expense of high-caste Janmi hierarchy (Wood provided the Mappilas with unique opportunities to advance their in Malabar Malabar) complained of ‘oppression by the the moment Tipú’s forces were in retreat, members of Janmies especially the the Commissioners of Malabar issued a warning to all persons were obliged to take up arms in their own defence’; and therefore to be ‘unjust and contrary the intention of honourable Commissioners substantiated this: notice, giving consideration to the Admitting the discrimination, Joint Commission issued a public Mappila The British apparently tried to halt this persecution and save the were required to apply themselves their former occupations’. , thought of att The Joint Commissioners of Malabar observed that ‘when the It was reported that in 1792, the Mappila tenants from the extortionate demands of and anything different from such a returned to Malabar from exile reclaim their ancient the opposite means of conciliation and mild treatment. object which might much more easily have been attained by to by the latter of and unsuccessful measures of violence that were resorted the the ill-will that subsisted between . Conrad W Mappila Nairs , took advantage of the situation and enhanced wealth, Nairs

Kanamdars and other Hindu castes together with the ill-judged ‘not to oppress the acking and subduing the chiefs like ood is of the view that Mysore hegemony had during the period of ‘ , on the other hand, has pointed out Zamorin Unni Musa Janmi Mappila Mappilas ’s family to reduce them; an Mappilas depression and exile had n approach was thought tenants over the Hindu Nairs , Chemban Poker Mappilas Mappilas Janmi of and the , in so much they Kondotti and those of depression’ . Zamorin The Joint Janmies Mappilas Mappila 18 (south From 19 and 20 ’s . section of Mappilas branded as to the 1 landholdings in their absence during the period of Tipú. enlightened over a primitive people. However colonialism projected itself as representing the ‘impartial rule’ of crimes committed by the to the new order Company’s government. Therefore in order to reconcile the people Musa in the war against Company with Tipú Sultán of Mysore. continued his resistance. Musa Muppan colonial act of proclaiming p Comp r arbitrary tax collection from the great and respectable body of the econcile and attach as far possible body of the is also reported to have become effective proprietor in any’. This offer of general pardon was directed especially to the The admiration found in the Joint Commission report as ‘the st of February 1793. It proclaimed, subjects’. themselves in all respects as become good and peaceful circumspect conduct towards each other and to deport warning to all men in time come observe a just and date aforementioned, wherefore let this proclamation be a public peace and private security of any persons from the necessary actions on such persons who offence against the those unfortunate persons…..and the Government will take the present instance evinced its merciful disposition towards cognizable in any court of justice and as Government have before the first of present month February shall be no acts of homicide, maiming, robbery or theft committed the last twenty years in this country a strict scrutiny into the manifold enormities committed during be neither politic nor just for the present Government to make terms of concord ...... have therefore determined that it would region to make all the inhabitants unite and live together on countries, considering the pernicious state of things in ...the Commissioners appointed for settling the ceded 21 However who apparently maintained connection with Tipú and , the British proclaimed a general amnesty for all

22 , the oppression continued in form of Unni Musa Muppan Mappilas ardon to the native ‘criminals’ Jungle Mappilas Mappila Mappilas and Nairs peasants. . It is merely declared that ’, proclaimed the need to reportedly participated against each other up , the objective was to and their chief Mappilas Santhosh of Malabar 24 Janmies’ By this 23 Abraham to the

Unni Unni ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 128 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April The Mappila Chieftains and Colonial Law in Malabar decades of nineteenth century was enforced and administered into existence during the later British authority were initial colonial construction of Joint Commission reports, did not change or go further from this assumed rather than established. The early reports which followed communities. as voluntary converted ‘criminals’. Secondly Mappilas and observations need to be emphasized in p criminality is problematic and significant for multiple reasons. Certain major direction of the British policy (Miller 1976: 105). Mappilas has pointed out that, these conciliatory gestures towards the what might be the justifiable claims of government’. Roland Miller Mappilas the British at this juncture was to gain allegiance of southern ‘great and respectable body of the Joint Commission had observed that, only a small population of the in the matters of revenue collection and against the new legal codes resulted superintendent of each division (S preservation of peace were to be subordinated the British Moopas colonial st into ‘useful’ participants an colonial notion of ‘humanitarian concerns’ towards the colonized. Making of the Jungle Mappilas districts with a proportion of armed continued with the appointment of the region. gain the allegiance of southern Chemban Pokker Among the The early colonial discourse on In an attempt of remoulding the recalcitrant colonial public change in attitude of the Company towards who were entrusted with the collection of revenue and were not comprised of , whether genuine or politically motivated, fell afoul of the ‘even by scarifying to them, if necessary ate in Malabar As in the Mysorean plan of administration, British Thirdly Mappila , the evidence of crime in report , the criminal bandit . Mappilas Majeri Attan Gurikkal The resist , the earlier Mysorean plan was adopted in chieftains, who took up arms against the d collaborators in the operations of Mappila . and the members of lower caste Mappilas ances of the pencer 1801: 28). Mappilas Mappilas Moopas Mappilas criminality till the term ‘fanatic’ articular Mappilas alone; it was recognized s, especially the ’ were reported to be the (headman) to various to assist them. These , and to show off the Mappila Unni Musa Muppan . Firstly and indigenous The objective of , some p , the Malabar chief Mappilas t Jungle ains in s was art of . and restoring his possessions. secure the future good behaviour of Cheranad the revenue escaped from fort sometime in 1799 and returned to in the chieftains. the British. On other side by the British, whereupon he fled to jungles and became a law the frictions led killing a Nair by the new British courts’ (Kunju 1989: 86). Small with the British after his brother-in-law was executed on charge of collection by Hindu chieftains and local the reports also threw evidences to mismanagement in revenue reports explained that the should be entrusted to men of their own sect’. result of the colonial ideology that ‘the collections revenue of these men’ (Buchanan 1807: 482). comparison and nothing could exceed the despotic rapaciousness that ‘their ( as a revenue official in Gurikkal est natives. It is important to explore the activities of ‘criminality’ and the proclamation regarding disarmament of that led to the confirmation and categorization of in 1797, the and the legal measures adopted by Company to put an end it. Gurikkal appointed by the of the Comp attempts of the government offices were rooted in these resistances. V arious forms of struggles like ablishment in Ernad consisting of hundred men. word and his possessions were captured house burnt Zamorin Palghat ‘Later in 1799’, noted by Ibrahim Kunju, ‘ The first resistances of the , another . Attan Gurikkal 26 28 . He was a revenue official in Ernad (south Malabar), At this juncture, an attempt was made by the British to relinquished the collection of revenue for Ernad any government, soon af Rajas But, this was not restricted to Gurikkal fort because of bribery and corruption as the head Mappila Mappila Zamorin and Chiefs) greed misrule were without to ally himself with chiefs and leaders to question the authority Cheranad was appointed as the head of police chieftain, of Calicut. Under the British rule, when Daroghaship Chemban 29 Mappila But it appears that he did not keep Mappilas by the British. This was also Chemban Pokker Chemban Pokker ter it –

Pokker Unni Musa Muppan Rajas s est Nair was exploited by these were led by Mappila ablishment in Malabar rivalries, att 27 . Buchanan confirms who was imprisoned Attan Gurikkal Later the Company Mappila chieftains alone; Along with was employed Santhosh by pardoning Manjeri Attan 25 It was the chieftains ack on the Mappila to fight Abraham broke Att T aluk an ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 130 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Making of the Jungle Mappilas Later and order problem for the British in formidable combination against the British authority in south Malabar Malabar natives against the Comp in India which officially and formally depicted the attitudes of interlude in Malabar their land holdings in the country in the Mysorean period had become effective proprietor of of those ‘farmers, who when the high-caste Hindus had fled from the sent to a British officer who had restrained him from collecting taxes established British rule. His defiance is well conveyed in the message ‘formal letters’. form of regularity was deployed in addressing the British through India, the British inaugurated new technology of writing where a expressing their anxieties, grievances and problems. here as the natives began to write and ‘petition’ colonial state incident or practice. The public space of the native Indian is revealed circumstances, situations and state of affairs a particular issue, these letters was either petition or an argument, pointing out new form of ‘argumentative writing’ in colonial India as the nature letter was written by Company to use the against his group, the from both Hindus and Muslims) along with the Company troops over of Malabar district by the British that permitted ‘one battalion of the British. Certain proposals were brought out during taking of native militia was not a new feature in the administrative strategy , his association with Unni Musa Muppan Unni Musa . Mappila The Comp Muppan what I do. Have you not heard of my bravery?’ ( Cutcherry guards… Have you not heard of the murder and robbery at (tax?) Do not think that I have much fear of you and your For what reason you, your 33 holdings.

). Unni Musa ’s letter is significant as this the first of its kind 32 ? Even in your dreams do not think to put a stop any observed that Jungle Mappilas Kolkars , Unni Musa Unni Musa Mappila was an official under the Mysore rule in any Att Unni Musa ’s letter also takes our attention to the and an Gurikkal . In the administration processes in Chernad because of the decision Nairs Silbendy district turned hostile to the newly . 35 Unni Musa Mupp wrote, have put a stop to my However and s’. and its neighbourhood. groups (armed natives 31 Unni Musa

Af , att ter the Mysorean 34 aching a group This particular an Unni Musa made it a was one Makama 30 . disarmament measures in Malabar Disarmaments in Malabar chiefs who entered into Malabar forests from Coimbatore (Ibid: 496). threat to the Comp the revolting by the Company troops was said to be able form an alliance with rebels and their continued contacts with region, had been given exemption from the payment of revenue subject’. country without conducting himself as an obedient and quite sense of his duty force should be immediately made use of to bring him a proper use of more force. The Joint Commissioners observed that, ‘one were destroyed, 1887: 492). Though the followers were caught and hiding places noted followers were captured and his lands sequestered’ (Logan however made a desperate sally and escaped. But some of his Musa Muppan Burchall upon the instructions of Major Dow marched against Unni Musa Jungle Mappilas intense after his neglect of the proposal general pardon to good and sufficient security for his future peaceable demeanour’. and restored to his estate of Commander-in-Chief of the Bombay to Malabar he was pardoned his open rebellions till 1797, when on the visit of Governor and force seized his fortified house at reward of three thousand rupees was offered for his capture. British of thousand rupees per annum, but he refused it and as a result Malabar rebels against Tipú. Hence, the fear of growing influence Tipú Sultán and to get support the Company to negotiate with rebels. This was also because of North’. along with six other fortified houses. Mappila 36 All these incidents subsequently led to the proclamation of Earlier The Company’s attempt to put an end militia in the South and another battalion of 40 Logan has provided an account of the conflicts between and the British. ‘The Company soldiers led by Captain , the Rajas and surrounded the fortified house. The ‘robber’ chief . 39 , and to convince him that he cannot remain in this Unni Musa Putiyangadi T Therefore, the British immediately proposed any of the . Unni Musa Zamorin continued to be remained as a serious Elampulasseri angal even at the face of strong att 41 family and some of the Pandalur Unni Musa .

Unni Musa The agit , an influential Srirangapatanam on condition of ‘finding hill and demolished it was offered a pension ating attitudes of the however continued Unni Musa Mappila Santhosh Nairs became Poligar forced Abraham in the in the Unni ack 42

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 132 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Making of the Jungle Mappilas rebels joining habits of the rebel on condition that by his influence, he might restrain the lawless to break out in the Nairs acted with electric effect on the rival castes in Malabar inspiring ‘news on the decisive crushing of Muslim power in Mysore had Tipu generated different reactions among constituencies- allegedly for harbouring a criminal. appears to be that his own brother was executed by the British yet again in the country joined the extended to the neighbouring area of forms of several agitations by the British, however meant a violation of the law and challenge to it transportation beyond sea’ (Ibid). For the British, travelling with arms capital offences and rendered liable to the punishment of death or arms and the manufacture of ammunitions were declared 550). In early 1800, carrying of arms. inhabitants in great numbers and consequently the British prohibited 1804: 65). also threatened the very existence of our government’ (Richrads the public tranquillity and violated private rights happiness, but the indiscriminate use of arms in Malabar have not only disturbed the reactions to fall of by the regular judicial process on some of their connections’. was formed instigated by a spirit of revenge for the punishment inflicted disturbance in the country custom of carrying arms in Malabar was formerly a main cause Rajas for disobeying the rule. prohibited the carrying of arms with transportation as punishment persons (Ibid). Later in 1804, the Governor of Madras, Lord Bentinck certain number of muskets to arm an honorary guard for their own combination of with hope as much it depressed the were allowed, each according to his rank in the country William Logan has stated that, ‘by this time, a formidable Pazhassi A variety of arms were reportedly recovered from the T ipú against the British. , exempted the Unni Musa T Mappilas o render this prohibition ef rebellion and created ‘insecurity disorder’ Walluvanad Unni Musa 45 . His reason for joining the Srirangapatanam . . The mischief , 43 Attan Gurikkal This was probably due to the fear of Rajas circulated an address among the area, and the disturbances soon Mappilas 44 The British observed that ‘the of Malabar from this rule. Ernad Unni Musa ’ s which have arisen from . Serious troubles began at this hour came in the . The news of the fall Mappilas and fective, ‘the carrying of , however Chemban Poker s authority Pazhassi Raja ’ (Wood 1976: , in 1800 46 .

Also The The , a took place. attempts of murder and attack on the British revenue elite Nair families. forced the Company to use ‘ in the region. The increasing resistance from side of the Malabar district was inadequate to restore complete tranquillity troops that can be employed and will found most serviceable prosecutions turned the and a number of complaints were filed against the forced the Comp offering a reward of five thousand rupees for his capture. armed. prohibit the proclamation was issued in 1800, declaring were pardoned. But when they refused to come into terms, a dealt with moderately and as a result both the Company officials suggested that leaders of revolt be to the formal appeal to all the citizens of Malabar: be received and we shall all apprehended hanged’. will prefer complaints against us, and the evidence of population by stating that, ‘none of us are safe; someone or other In many of his speeches, he attempted to rouse the destroyed’. since the oppression was increasing would not be protected but Company had begun to persecute several of the sects Islam which of the Mappilas Mappilas Mappila All these incidents and the growing activities of In the meantime, 51 of his control and neighbouring areas to influence the minds In order to tackle the unanimity together and forget their ancient animosities live in friendship castes to lay aside their ancient prejudices against each other its subjects….we do hereby call upon the inhabitants of both Company’s government was prejudiced against that caste of of the whereas…..an attempt has been made to influence the minds 53 47 Mappilas Soon the British felt that existng military force in

inhabit Therefore, in the same year , justifying his actions in the interest of Mappila Mappilas any to introduce the ‘Malabar Disarmament 54 The British felt that ‘ ant and the inhabitants with the belief that Honourable Attan Gurikkal s with the warning that ‘since last year were seized by the British troops’. Mappila . Nair 48 Nairs Corps’ ( Mappilas Mappila movements violent and several from habitually going about also made several addresses Kolkars Kolkars for murders and robberies resistances, ‘numerous , the Comp Gurikkal Gurikkal were the cheapest ) recruited from the as a rebel and Santhosh any issued a and Unni Musa 50 Cutcheries Nairs Mappilas Mappilas 52 Mappila 49 Pokker British Abraham Act’ Later shall , the to .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 134 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Making of the Jungle Mappilas Notes themselves. administration and legitimacy to rule the natives than stration and justice on India, reiterated their claim of superior the local population, British imposed their system of admini- It is also important to note that in suppressing the discontents among the making of subsequent colonial representations Mappilas. embodiment the use of ‘ as ‘intelligence agents’ and ‘operating columns’ in rural areas parties of fugitive banditti’ (Richards 1804: 32). These corps worked active in preventing combinations against Company or pursuing small representations of Mappilas started with that taken to the domain of representations too. The history colonial conciliatory measures failed to generate desired results the war was and ‘robbers’ later as ‘brutish hopeless fanatic’. Once the the British produced a caricature of was during and after those various movements of the was confined to the Mappilas classes. more than a decade, but were mainly restricted among the agrarian activated revolts disturbed the peace and tranquillity of region for in 1792 generated popular discontent. The spontaneous and Mappila In 1802, a long period of warfare ended with the extirpation 2 1 T were in his possession at the commencement of war’. See Tipú was forced to yield ‘one half of the dominions including Malabar which see (Logan 1887: 399-473). By the treaties of years 1766–1792. For more det had made repeated attempts to gain control over Malabar between the The rulers of Mysore, Hyder Sultán and the British, see (Tilby 1912: 144-175). For more details of T reaty with T reaty of Peace with The occupation of Malabar by the English East India Company leaders. , were subjects to exploitative conditions, collective action Although the peasantry as a whole, both Hindus and Nair Corp s of criminality and banditry ipú Sultán 55 s Mappilas ’ actually created a communal divide in Malabar Srirangapatanam T ipú Sultán, 18 , 22 nd February Ali (1725–1782) and , owing to the mediation of religion. It ails of the Mysorean conquest and treaty th March 1792, in (Logan 1879: 138-46) Treaty and the wars between Tipú , 1792 in ( Mappilas , which became definitive in Srirangapatanam Aitchison T ipú Sultán (1750–1799) Jungle , first as ‘criminals’ V Mappilas

ol. 5: 145) and Mappilas with British, Preliminary Jungle that as . , 5 4 3 6 13 10 7 12 11 8 9 Justice (Madras: Fort S 93 Recommendations 1950: 3). by the complete digest of the prevailing religion, philosophy Diary into the S Report of a Joint Commission from Bengal and Bombay Appointed to Inspect to Bombay The Code of Bombay Castle Records of For more details of the images native criminality found in phenomenon President and Members of the Board Revenue, 28 Board of Revenue Consultations 1996: 27-32 & Chapter 6). India, see (Y pp. 1 BCR, SPDD, years. British defined and justified all their actions against them in the following Mâppila transliteration has taken several different forms, the most common being The name and village. For more det 35) to punish dacoity and robbery from the individual offender his family In 1772, Governor General Warren Hastings in Bengal enacted laws (article Ibid, p. 120. with and against this traditional background description of violence and the pre-existing animosity between Hindus Muslims. It is to the British rule also came from colonial creation of tradition region to regain what they had lost during the Mysorean rule. The justification over the Malabar region, British helped privileged classes in For more details of the origin 1976: 30 – 36). appears to have been basically a title of respect. For more details, see (Miller Malabar and favourable to the Muslim community The reforms introduced by the Mysorean rulers affected ruling elites in (Engineer 1995: 17 –34). (Hereafter thuggee 16-1 (Henceforth Brahmin, , 17. Mâppilla Also as quoted in (Roy 1908: 16). t ate and Condition of the Province Malabar in , pp.1 and in the ethnological classification of criminal tribes north Mappila ang 1985), (Singha 1998), (Freit Manusmriti 1793, No.32, RJCM the 16-1 and SPDD is a transliteration of the Malayalam word T Vaishyas, owards the Introduction of System 17. ), Foreign Miscellaneous Series, Major Dowe’s Early Moplah t.George Press, 1862), Section: 190. ) were not only the ordinances relating to law (Henceforth

ails see (Kaye 1853: 380-416). 1793, No.32, Letter from Malabar Commissioners to Bombay and the . The origin of the term is not settled, but it , Letter from the Collector of Malabar to Mappilas BCR Kshatriya. Letter from Malabar Commissioners ) , see (Kunju 1989: 14 –28) and Secret and Political Department ag 1991: 227–61) For details, see (Sengupta . When the Comp , and customs practiced th June, 1802, (Madras: Also see (Singha Mappilas Administration of Santhosh Mappila Y ears 1792- any took that the Abraham , but a . The ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 136 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Making of the Jungle Mappilas 16 20 19 18 17 15 21 22 14 28 26 25 24 23 27 same time affirm the utilize the authority that had been initiated by the Mysoreans. The British decided to With respect to the land revenue, British adopted principle of state From the Diary of Bombay Commissioners Ibid, Section: 187. Ibid, Section: 179. RJCM (Munro 1817). conflict with those who had taken possession of the land. For details see who had fled during the Mysorean wars, a determination that meant inevitable policy was the decision to restore ownership of their properties those to themselves the traditional leaders of Malabar society basis. In this way they could both assure the collection of revenue and bind No.97, warning the Malabar Joint Commission Manuscript From the Diary of Malabar Joint Commissioners 152). 1801, pp.178 – 185. It is said that Fort S from Malabar Commissioners to Bombay From the Malabar Joint Commissioners’ 90). against the inequalities in assessing Hindus and Muslims, (Logan 1879: 189- BCR, Judicial Department Diary Madras Revenue Proceedings Amnesty Governor RJCM BCR, JDD Ibid. BCR, SPDD BCR, SPDD discomfited and fled. Zamorin put to meet the situation, he prevailed upon younger t.George, 1806), Section XII. , Section: 1 , Section: 51. Criminal Faujdari Regulations ’ , 8 s family Rajas Arshad Begh Khan th & , 1793, No.34, p. 56. February Nairs , No.70, SPDD as the land revenue agents in their old territories and at , to join him and ‘with their united forces, 14. not to oppress the , 1794 – 98 (V Spencer janmies Attan Gurukal , 1793 in (Logan 1879:176 –77). , sharing revenues with them on an ‘equitable’ , in 1785-86. ’ s Minutes , J.W Attan Gurukal arious diaries). (Henceforth .Wye to Board of Revenue ’s father had revolted against Tipú’s , Sections: LXIX to XCI. Mappilas , 6 Diary s , p. 23. th As October (Henceforth , 26 had amassed landed property Arshad Begh Khan of , , 5 A JDD th Proclamation of General Kondotti June 1792, Proclamation th June, 1793, Publication , 1798, p. 6381. )

No.52 Ravi Varma MJCM , in (Logan 1879: . Involved in this , , 4 Gurikkal 1793, ), th February was hard

V oucher , of the Letter was , 37 44 45 43 29 30 31 32 34 33 35 36 42 41 40 39 38 not only under Mysore rule by exploiting his position as Comp From the Diary of J.W acquired a good deal of land. District 21 BCR, SPDD 337). behavior of Chemban Poker RJCM, BCR October (Swarnalatha 2002: regarding the new policies and structural changes that were being effected’, officials of the colonial state learned about popular feelings and discontents Swarnalatha has pointed out that ‘petitions were the means by which In an interesting analysis about the ‘petitions’ in colonial India, Potukuchi (Abraham 2008). For more details of the ‘new technologies writing and documentation’, see BCR copy of writing from the Second Calicut Raja to Syed RJCM 6529. BCR, SPDD, Commissioners Puthiyangadi Letter from Captain Watson Malabar Collectorate Records From the Diary of Second Malabar Commission in (Logan 1879: 218). Agreement with Unni Musa and restoration of his estate Elampulasserri From the Diary of Malabar Supervisor Ibid, Section: 290. RJCM Day 1863: 368, cited from Miller 1976:.107. From the Second Commissioner (Logan 1879: 218). L ord W st July , , any in Ernad. SPDD, , Section: 510. See also Sections: 217 & 298. , Section: 189. SPDD, s of V Section: 265. illiam Bentinck , 1798, pp. 785 – 86. , 1800, Sections: 3 to 18, pp. 741 – 764. ett , No.88,

, in (Logan 1879: 94).

Letter from the Southern Superintendent of Malabar to Jonathan Duncan’ Translation of athunad and Shernad, 1 , No.77, 29 March, 1799, pp. 1838 – 1839.

128). Letter Bombay Commissioners to Governor General As , 22 .Wye Darogha nd

, 29 , Collector April 1804. , a p Ola (Hereafter th s Minute June, 1802, in (Logan 1879: 218). ardoned Mappila bandit from ’ in s Diary Shernad , Local Judge and Magistrate of the st

Unni Musa to Mellingchamp August 1800, , 1 , 1 1 , 16 MCR th st December , February th , 23 Chemban Poker ), , 23 Minute of the Governor rd and 30 Security for the good rd December 1797, in , 1799, Darogha , 1798, pp. 6523 – Ahmed, T , in (Logan 1879: Santhosh th June 1794, T under the had also ranslated angal of Abraham , 16 th

, ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 138 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Making of the Jungle Mappilas Bom Unpublished Primary Sources References Malabar Collectorate Records, Malabar Joint Commission Manuscripts 46 47 48 49 51 52 50 53 54 55 bay Castle Records Poker favour to neither p Mappila suppress the gangs of robbers in for the purpose of acting against each other and stating an intention to Khan BCR 1887: 527). Poker wish is to unite the Proclamation BCR Commander of the T BCR 341). Gurikkal of Rs.5000 for his apprehension BCR 31 Proclamation declaring Manjeri Attan Gurikkal a rebel Comp BCR 19-20. MCR Ibid, Nair corps as a measure to stop Mappila disturbances 15 – 3146. , , , , , , Letter from Malabar Collector to Sub-Collector JDD , brother-in- law of and Supplement 1798 (Maharashtra S Political Department Diaries, 1797 – 1802 & Jonathan Duncan’s Minute, Archives, Trivandrum). to the Inhabitants of made a daring attempt on the life of Southern Superintendent (Logan SPDD any SPDD JDD Political Department Dairy SPDD chieftains’ reactions became alarming after the execution of in , 20 , No.15, 1800, & , Translated copy of , No.94, 1800, , No.93, 1800, Translated copy of speech by , 18 SPDD th Letter from Malabar Commissioners’ to Col.J.Satrious, and 23 th March, 1800, declaring that the Honourable Company’s arty - (Dairies between 1794 – 99.

roop Judicial Department Diaries 1794 – 1799 & Secret and Nairs rd ary , forbidding either p December s in south Malabar 1796 – 1798 (T Letters from Malabar Commissioners to Bombay Attan Gurikkal Articles to the and t Ernad Mappila Disarmament ate Archives, Bombay). Ola (Henceforth Mappilas , 17 , 25 , 1800, pp.636 – 721. Ernad - addressed by

Civil and Criminal Regulations of 1793 th th June, 1800, p. 3227. November , in (Logan 1879: 332). amil Nadu S by the British troops. Adalat Regulations (Kerala S in one amicable body showing arty to collect together in bodies , pp. 3105 – 06. PDD Also see W Act in South Malabar ), 1801, Unni , 1800 in (Logan 1879: , p. 2365. t , ate and offering a reward

Musa , p. 949. Archives, Madras). Minute on raising ye, and Manjeri Attan Report Chemban Chemban Adhan , pp. , pp. t ate Derret, J. D. 1961. Cohn, Bernard. 1997. Brown, Marc. 2001. “Race, Science and the Construction of Native Criminality in Bhabha, Homi K. 1997. W Abraham, Santhosh. 2008. “The Making of Colonial Law: Continuities and Secondary Sources T Munro, Thomas. 1817/1912. Richards, Robert. 1804/1906. S Shore, John. 1865. Morley Report of a Joint Commission from Bengal and Bombay Appointed to Inspect ______., (ed). 1879/1998. Logan, William. 1887/1951. Firminger Buchanan, Francis. 1807/1870. Published Primary Source ilby pencer ye, John. 1801/1907. , A. W , W , J., J. Smee, and , W University Press. India, Colonial India”, Mif Dep Discontinuities in Early British Malabar 1801, Calicut: Calicut Collectorate Press. of Malabar Williams and Norgate. 20 1862. Government Press. 1792-93 System in the Province of Malabar Thiruvananthapuram: Kerala Gazetteers. into the S Collectorate Press. Papers of Import Commons, Being the Fifth Report from Select Committee of House Mysore, Canara and Malabar illiam H. 1858. yatt. 1912. th alter Kelly (ed). 1812/2001. flin Comp February artment of History New Delhi: Oxford University Press. , Foreign Miscellaneous Series, Madras: Fort S t A ate and Condition of the Province Malabar in , 28 Histories of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, 3 V Report on Judicial System of Malabar British India, 1600- 1828, any Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge , 1804, Madras: Madras Government Press. Report on the Southern Division of Malabar Location of Culture th ols, New Delhi: BR Publishing Corporation. July 1801, Calicut: Calicut Collectorate Press. The . Theoretical Criminology A. W Malabar Manual A Collection of T ance Relating to British Report on the Revision of Revenue and Judicial Administration of Justice in British India, Papers on the Administration of Malabar District alker A Journey from Madras through the Countries of , University of Hyderabad. . 1801/1910. , 2 V Affairs of the East India Comp , London: Routledge. , Madras: Madras Government Press. ols, Madras: Higginbotham. reaties, Engagement , ,” Unpublished Ph.D Dissert Boston and New

4 A , 5(3), pp. 345 – 368. th Report on the July 1817 Affairs in Malabar , Madras: Madras , Calicut: Calicut Santhosh London: Oxford t.George Press, : Y Administration ork: Houghton The British in , 4 s and Other th February any Abraham London: , Y ation, ears , ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 140 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ______. 1983. Engineer Making of the Jungle Mappilas ______. 1959. Guha, Ranajit. 1983. “The Prose of Counter–insurgency”, in Ranajit Guha (ed), Freitag, Sandra. 1991. “Crime in the Social Order of Colonial North India”, Hobsbawm, Eric J. 1969. W Swarnalatha, Potukuchi. 2001 “Revolt Singha, Radhika. 1998. Sengupt Said, Edward. 1978/2001. Inden, Ronald. 1990. Roy Raman, Kartik Kalyan. 1994. “Utilitarianism and the Criminal Law in Colonial India: Kunju, Panikkar Y Nijhar ______. 1990a. “Disciplining and Policing the “Criminals by Birth”: The Making of a Nigam, Sanjay Miller ang, ood, Conrad. 1976. “The First Moplah Rebellion against British Rule in Malabar , S. 1908. “Customs and Customary Law in British India,” , Rolland. E. 1976. , Preeti. 2009. Anand (ed). 1985. A.P a, S. 1950. , K.N. 1992. , Asghar in the Nineteenth and T Subaltern Studies II Asian Studies, Ajanta Books. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. – 129. Colonial India Publications. Calcutta: Sacred Books. University Press. Asian Studies A Modern Asian Studies India and Victorian England 27 (3), pp. 131–64. Colonial S Economic and Social History Review Development of a Disciplinary System, 1871–1900,” Madras: Orient Longman. of Trivandrum: Sandhya Publications. . Ibrahim. 1989. S Arizona Press. tudy of the Practical Limit , New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movements .1990. “Disciplining and Policing the ‘Criminals by Birth: Elementary aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India Ali. 1995. Andhra,” The Evolution of Law and Imperialism: Criminality Constitution in Colonial tereotype,” Against Lord and S Imagining India , 28(4), pp. 739 – 791. A Despotism of Law: Crime and Justice in Early Colonial Crime and Criminality in British India Mappila Muslims of Kerala: 25(2), pp. 227– 61. Bandits, Mappila Muslims of Kerala: Their History and Culture Orientalism Kerala Muslims: International Review of Social History , New Delhi: Oxford University Press. The Indian Economic and Social History Review , 10(4), pp.543 – 556. wentieth Centuries London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson. , Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Ancient Indian Law s, , London: Pickering & Chatto. , New Delhi: Penguin. T t s of Utilit ate estimony , Delhi: Oxford University Press. A Historical Perspective , 27 (2), pp.257–87. arian Jurisprudence,” , Petition: , Manchester: Manchester A S , tudy in Islamic T Delhi: Deep and T Artisanal Protest agore Law Lectures , T uscon: University , 46(S9), pp.107 , New Delhi: The Indian Modern Modern rends s in ,” , , , , , also in the Malayalam public sphere. ings of Gandhi, for an emancipatory discourse is available not only in English – the writ- ces in Pottekkat’s texts on Africa written the 1950s when a framework ers are familiar with. This paper attempts to analyse the discursive matri- African landscape in comparison with that of Kerala he and his read- comparative axis often used by travel writers, constantly referring to the bras, lions and giraffes in East Africa. Pottekkat also makes use of the seeing natural wonders such as waterfalls and the prairie thick with ze- sight along with that of an aesthete’s discourse marvel and pleasure at of a Eurocentric ethnographer’s apparently disengaged and objective Pottekkat’s vision is one that always already determined in the mould what his subject-position vis-à-vis the viewed is. My argument is that what the traveller sees/chooses to see in countries he travels and and Kappirikalute Nattil (In the Land of Negroes). It raises questions travelogues of S. K. Pottekkat, especially Simhabhoomi (Land Lions) This paper examines the political engagement with Africa in African Sabitha T Pottekkat’ Difference and Indifference in Darkness Invisible: - force brooding over an inscrutable intention. least resemble a peace. It was the stillness of an implacable brilliance of sunshine…And this stillness life did not in the earliest beginnings of the world…There was no joy in Going up that river (Congo) was like travelling back to the up the Nile river T o reach the Murchison waterfalls one has to travel 40 miles . P Joseph Conrad Ambedkar s T ravelogues on , and Nehru on . All along the Nile, on either side of it, are , Heart of Darkness Africa as a political entity – but (1898-99) Africa

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 142 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April thetic sense by the Germans.” natives, and churches, were designed built with a high aes- ful beach boulevards, the European hospitals, houses of utes to the urban beauty of Dar-es-Salaam, streets, beauti- the Germans slowly started to civilize it…Everything that contrib- stricken fishing village. Realising that this is an ideal spot for a port, the Germans entered scene, Dar-es-Salaam was a poverty- dances. Simhabhoomi African continent: Indian government, has written four narratives of his travels in the and travel writer in Malayalam, Member of Parliament the Dar-es-Salaam, he writes that they were like pig pens the colonial conquest. On page 2 of history of the place he is passing through. He usually begins with apparatuses” (22). beliefs and desires by a set of coded languages generic “what the eye purportedly ‘sees’ is dictated to it by an entire set of Kathukal Pottekkat’ at these texts to try yield some answers questions on the interiors of Uganda are built against backdrop over- his first i The eye/I sees things it desires to see. points out, “the innocent eye has never existed” (qtd. in Ghose 7). anything except the very act of seeing it. However tourist eye/I roams up and down have to then assume that he goes what discursive matrices determine the way he sees. Darkness Invisible Running counter to this is his account of S.K. Pottekkat, the Jnanpith award winner S.K. Pottekkat begins each of his travel narratives with a brief Pottekkat never reveals his objective in going to mpression of Masindi, a town in Uganda.: “[T]he towns About the houses in (Letters from Cairo - 1956). In this essay - S.K. Pottekkat, the beginning of time. animals in these woods where man has not set foot since uninhabited fearsome forests and hills… one can see wild s perspective of (Land of Lions - 1954-58), Kappirikalute Nattil Nile Diary Africa, what it is that he sees there, and Akbar Shamp Africa purportedly not in search of Simhabhoomi (1956) (In the Land of Negroes - 1951), Africa in order to see. Nile Diary As Irit Rogof a, a village 4 miles from African houses and , celebrated fiction he writes, “[W]hen (1956) and , as Peter Mason , I will be looking . f observes, And here is Africa. W Cairo The e woman who has come of age is an instrument for the satisfaction women are oppressed and that “the negro society believes a (“ Westernised black women, “when we see these madams p “reddened lips and cheeks, vanity bags” for whom “we feel sym- 27). He is also dismissive of “Indian madams” who walk around with their high heels, we would feel like laughing” ( are the of tions where the experiencing subject is judge and blacks sensory receptions are filtered through a paradigm of power-rela- 129) It is then not just what he sees that determined, but all hair was like rotten vegetables. They never take baths” ( kind… their body odour was like rotten meat and the smell of bad odour coming from the hair of Negro women was a different neys was the bad smell emanating from bodies of Negroes. The blacks. “What annoyed me most of relations of power between the seen and itself. and then reproduces for a wider audience has been mediated by emphasises the idea that ‘other’ world tourist ‘I’ sees disposes the world in our favour” (Foucault 67). This remark plice of our knowledge; there is no pre-discursive providence which which we would only have to decipher must not imagine that the world turns towards us a legible face seen distinctly as different from the self. does not translate into an identification with the colonised. They are recognised as “the museums of white hegemony”; however logical paradigms of colonialism. Residences the colonisers are see, but judges that which it sees by the aesthetic and epistemo- buildings is clearly a learned Western one. His eye does not just colours and malodour of native dirt” ( hegemony district commissioner and Government offices. Museums of white by gardens built on top of verdant hills are the residence flowing beauty of nature. The beautiful white buildings surrounded athy” ( madamma Pottekkat has more to write about the smells and colours of Discussing the way we see ‘reality’, Foucault says, “[W]e The aesthetic sensibility by which Pottekkat judges Simhabhoomi . It is only in the street fenders in a civil(ized) society ”) in their skirts and head-scarves walking hoity-toity 147). At the same time, he report s that we get to experience the ten during my Simhabhoomi . The world is not the accom- . Pottekkat also riles Kappirikalute Nattil African bus-jour- 254). Simhabhoomi s that black Sabitha African , this T . P

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 144 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April parts (he says this about body it is only for ornamental purposes and not to cover their private ners unreached by shame and if at all they tie clothes around their judgement male lust and for reproduction” ( Darkness Invisible is their semi-nakedness. He says that most p these texts. of a superior “Indian ogues. The ambivalence stems from his assumed subject position ering their breast interesting given that women of lower castes in Kerala started cov- expand and contract their buttocks rotate. Female bodies are scribes Simhabhoomi won’t describe it. It is that obscene” (58). But when we come to “one night I went to see the dance of Negroes here [Nyasaland]. notices the way their breast notice his male gaze at work when he describes female dances. He scene. In his first and the non-blacks. the semiotic codes of hierarchical relationship between blacks in finds both the topless tribal women and fully clothed urban their floral dresses and high heels like black madams. S.K. Pottekkat About Rhodesian urban women he says that they strut around in the missionaries who introduced the notion of shame in them). Christianity asking for rights to cover their breasts, supported by versy in Travancore began with lower caste chanar converts into site them ( where women rub their breasts on the chests of men standing oppo- manifestations of the erotic art (“ scriptions by saying that these dances are ugly and disgusting dances which end in orgies ( love to a hole on the ground and ejaculate into earth, wedding women express milk from their breasts on the ground and men make Africa shameless, one for being unclothed and the other breaking African women do wear clothes they again come in for criticism. The first thing Pottekkat observes about various black tribes Pottekkat finds African dances in luscious det ukkukkusaana al vision that informs a lot of Pottekkat’ , he leaves his Victorian prudishness aside and de- s only in late 19 African travelogue, bwana African dances equally shameless and ob- ), fertility dances of Saala women in which masais ” (master) as he often refers to himself in s shake and quiver kafenka kaama kala” th Simhabhoomi century , mbulus Kappirikalute Nattil ) and many others. We also ail, though he begins his de- . (The breast-cloth contro- and ). He describes dances art , their pelvic regions 104). It is this dual s of mangatis s Africa are cor- African travel- , he writes, ). This is And if identify with the colonial master only too quick to dissociate himself from the people of colour and across white officials and fellow travellers during his journey he is adopted by Indians in Right at the beginning of with a black during his 7-year journey through the markable that there is not a single account of him making friends journey are either whites, Indians or sexualised. There again he calls himself a “ how he made a black feel proud by sharing cigarette with him. felt more pride than wonder bwana dance in which he and his friends join. “When they saw that bwana backslapping manner The two of them later laugh about the incident in a friendly pher-subject’s propagation of an exotic and often erotic ‘other-land.’ poses for the colonial camera thus unwittingly aiding photogra- lers to make truth-claims, creates a fictitious take the picture” ( to thrash Michel. Michel said he ran for his life without waiting st to remove her upper cloth and pose for him topless. While she was he gave her a pilaster women to photograph. “When Michel found a beautiful they get off the boat at Khartoum, Michel goes looking for naked Nile, Pottekkat makes friends with a Swiss traveller a scene that his camera managed to “copy read about his regret that he ran out of film and exultation ( morality is different from the meaning we assign to term” justify the voyeurism, he grants that “the negro’s understanding of legitimises his voyeuristic gaze as that of an ‘objective’ observer’s. relativism here is a rare – and perhaps, self-justificatory one that fragmented into eroticised p Simhabhoomi anding thus, a group of The people with whom Pottekkat becomes friends during his The camera is an integral p s were willing to dance with them, these negroes must have ” (an Indian master). On page 8, he writes about a native 108). Pottekkat’s employment of cultural and moral Nile Diary Africa towards the blacks. Even when he comes , greedy for a photograph of her . The gaze at local women is gendered and Arabs arrived on the scene and prep Simhabhoomi 123). The camera, often used by travel- .” Later in the text he again t art s in an act of optical violence. bwana . art of his travels. V , in rare cases, ”. He maintains the hierarchy he calls himself a “ .” While travelling up the Africa. African continent. , Michel. When Arab girl alone, Arabs. It is re- . He asked her ery of Africa of alks about Sabitha ten we mhindi mhindi As if to ared ten T . P

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 146 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April of humour and who was a favourite of black women because his good sense T p is entirely with other Indians in as thieves, and uncivilized smelly barbarians. Their socialisation account of Indians in ( on. Finally he would leave after smiling at them meaningfully” always had something to ask them and the conversations dragged on our way – it did not matter whether he knew them or not. He thinks of himself as a “ them and exploit the cheap labour of blacks. Pottekkat who ambiguously about a Krishna Menon he meet adopted by most Indians in mentioned above is very clearly Eurocentric which also the gaze Diary 105). The narratorial gaze adopted in all the instances I have such as poverty or unemployment do not even affect them” ( est, ruthless and devious. He even goes as far to say “problems people that his Indian friends warn him about: they are dishon- ploitation. He confirms stereotypical western notions about black houses, he talks about their presence without questioning ex- a historian. Whenever he describes black workers in factories or Kathukal uncritically defended. the idea of Indians gone native. The notion racial purity is quite after he realised that she was black ( drink the tea offered by wife of an Indian Muslim shopkeeper of an Indian markably uncomfort preferably Malayalis, wherever he travels in same perspective. ever sees their oppression in completely abandons any such historical perspective. He hardly what he sees (the brief history lays out is in an introduction) sion of blacks; however when we come to the actual narrative Darkness Invisible Simhabhoomi anganyika that he was a mysterious person with no family in art s in It is also to be noticed that he mostly stays with Indians, In Africa they have built invisible walls of racial t Kappirikalute Nattil , even though he lays out some incidents in the manner of . “Menon stopped to t duka 41). Krishna Menon is presented as an oddity in his (shop) in Butiaba that he somehow managed to able with Indians gone native in Africa. Pottekkat is clearly uncomfort mhindi , he begins with a history of the oppres- Africa.

bwana alk to every woman we came across Simhabhoomi Africa. Just like their white counter- They choose to see the blacks Nile Diary ” unquestioningly adopts the , Africa. He is also re- 52). He writes rather Nile Diary s in Africa. He says aboo around Arusha in , or able with Africa Cairo Nile whose ‘impure’ identities are suspect. on “dangerous” natives, Indians gone native, and miscegenates, happens with ( “[W]e have a homeland. Let us see whether we get it back” Kofi whether he wants to come India one more time, says, ters) of the natives after whites” ( insult an Indian uncritically that he is part of the Mau rebellion. Pottekkat comments tribe, speaks saucily to Pottekkat, he imagines that it is possible ambivalent. When an East was too close to the revolutionaries of or he was staying in a house charmed by black magicians about to travel at night along a road that led “cannibalistic natives” as well and his intuition is proved right each time; either he was ences this apparently inexplicable sense of fear many times later and of natives against white hegemony was being organised in Kenya a Kikuyu. I had heard from some Indian friends that secret society to surprise me. Is he a revolutionary too? I had learnt that Kofi was reason [for the fear] was unknown” ( dering cremation ground. Fear captured me - I walked back…The nose that it is)...In the distance, Mount Kenya appeared like a smoul- three wedding night. (Perhaps a region. I also recalled “I remembered V goes for a walk that ends in bush from which he turns back quickly of techniques from the rhetoric horror-fiction. While in Oldeani, he emancipatory narrative ends up being gothic, given its deployment sleep” ( laid out our mats on the courtyard of that house. But I could not and is haunted by them ( children of Salaam, he writes, “the residents of Bagamoyo are all Muslim negro his stereotyping of races. When he goes to Bagamoyo off Dar-es- Simhabhoomi T anganyika” ( mangati Pottekkat’ Simhabhoomi , “I knew that this was a question deliberately meant to Arabs. African blacks in his W brides. 121). Pottekkat continues, “Kofi’s reply did not fail bwana s frequent sense of danger in ohra telling me that there are lot Altogether a terrifying atmosphere. ibid ). 6). He imagines the cries of slaves in chains . In East A mangati There is a rather easy othering process that nice head with smooth hair and a shapely ibid African black, Kofi who is from the Kikuyu ). What could have been an empathetic mhindi Africa, Indians are the s who offer a human head on their Simhabhoomi

bwana Simhabhoomi esternised Indian perspective Africa, towards whom he is ’s head will fetch two or Africa is connected to 120). When he asks s of zebras in this 1 14). He experi- bwana Af ter lunch we Sabitha s (mas- T . P ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 148 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April treated by a few north Indians in Butiaba for being “a black Indians in in the regionalism within Indian diaspora. In Madrasi cretly maintain their regional prejudices and contempt for that even in the hinterlands of Indians in (28) Pottekkat comments, “We are outraged by the way whites treat ( the natives some more seem closed, they rise up in arms” Africa. But what are their problems? When the ways of exploiting tives. We hear many things about the problems faced by Indians in is evident that all this wealth due to their exploitation of the na- Rhodesia, you will meet many Indian traders who are millionaires. It tion of the blacks by Indians is when he says, “[I]n southern Their reply was ‘Why should we?’ whom I met, ‘Are you doing anything for the good of thy labourers in expresses prejudice towards work or to sacrifice anything for that” ( tower the black walls of racism” ( Indians know about the goings-on in these places. Because there clubs here that are only for the whites. Neither blacks nor about racial segregation practised by the whites, “There are several only time he identifies with the he sees them the way immigrant Indians in Nattil to work as coolies like their fathers and grandfathers” ( his luggage, he says that was reluct Darkness Invisible “I averred that like other that the Sikhs and Hindus are constantly at war with each other and dismissive way of referring to a black woman. He also notices children” ( negro woman and must be staying in a hut with many spiky-haired Kappirikalute Nattil Africa: to make money , “These coolies who were born and bred in South 24). When he t Many descriptions of people in Pottekkat’s texts are about If at all he sees the blacks without anthropological gaze, s” ( Africa. One of the few times he writes about exploit Africa. However ibid ibid Africa. Initially Pottekkat observes, not without symp ). The word used here is “kappiricchi”, a derogatory ). However 41). He further writes, “I asked each Indian trader alks to the porter of T . amils in , in They will not be ashamed to do any evil , we should be ashamed when learn T Kapprikalute Nattil amils whose ancestors were bonded Africa 6000 miles away African blacks is when he writes Simhabhoomi Y Africa, he too must have found a es, they have only one intention ibid ant to t T amil origin who is to carry ). Pottekkat also reports Africa see them. Nile Diary alk about his family 154). , Pottekkat himself Africa continue Kappirikalute , Indians se- , he is mis- Africans?’. Madrasi The a- a- ” . Eurocentric gaze in these texts. Through the he travel writers. cultural register is a narrative technique commonly employed by with Kerala. The translation of unfamiliar experiences into a familiar than the smell of Kerala” and “The Pride Calicut.” He sees more Kerala miliar cultural register can be understood only when naturalised and translated into a fa- for flamingo and “varayan kazhutha” (striped ass) zebra, they “ottakappuli” (camel-leopard) for giraffe, “hamsappakshi” (swan-bird) Kerala. He creates Malayalam names for unfamiliar animals: pared to the Indian elephant, which of course you find in plenty colonial masterly position towards black space that maintains their prejudices and has the character of a selves in a critical hybrid postcolonial sp one of hierarchical superiority towards whose own predominant subject position, we must remember intent of subversion in their colonial mimicry as reported by Pottekkat Malayali gaze, the ( in the working committee of an Indian association North Kerala. He does not even sp it is just like Kattoopara on the Pattamby-Perinthalmanna road in Wayanadu.” ( Kenyan border nanas. When he is in Moshi, a served bananas, which he thinks are not a patch on Kerala ba- (elaborate Malayali festive lunch) in Dar-es-Salaam where he is or palm trees, he remembers Kerala. He even has an Onam sadya he is reminded of Nilgiri and Koonoor tion” ( He writes, “in short, we reached Kerala in the aeroplane of intoxica- men. They drink and sing Malayalam songs sitting on the beach. Kerala. He goes to the beach in company of twenty young Malayali first thoughts when he sees a beach near Dar-es-Salaam are that of animals and landscape than of people in these texts. Pottekkat’s Simhabhoomi Africa in the landscape. Simhabhoomi The parochial Malayali gaze coexists comfortably with a What is also remarkable that there are more descriptions of ibid 39). , he says, “it is almost like Mananthavadi in 30). When he is in Kattera near Kampala says African elephant comes of The Indian diaspora in 7). Whenever he comes across a wooded hill . He even has chapter subtitles such as “Again Africa can exist only in comp T anganyikan town close to the are the . When he sees coconut trees African blacks. ace, rather Africans. Africa do not locate them- African elephant. In his f the poorer when com- And there is no , they occupy a Sabitha Arusha arison T , is . P

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 150 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ostracised like the blacks in blacks of Kerala. They are exploited, oppressed and culturally they should never do anything that hinders the oppression of Warier’s poem simply titled “Africa”. Panoor’s work is a record of Keralathile that refer to abs in tently see the oppression of blacks by whites, Indians and Kerala in the mid-50s. However this does not enable him to consis- Pottekkat was a card-carrying member of the Communist party in versal freedom, and equality between all races peoples.” movement for independence. We need a world that is built on uni- always remember is that they are the guest ment towards independence. poem is about slavery and the suf blacks in Kerala and record their plight (Panoor 151). Krishna Warier’s India in search of material for a travel narrative, they should visit the dig at Pottekkat when he says that before our writers travel outside were other political points of view available in Malayalam and Eng today hurts, wherever people stagger to stand up on their feet, there live I, wherever whiplashes fall on the backs of people, it is my body that writes, “wherever man’s hands are in chains, there my ache, dence, Jawaharlal Nehru said, “[W]hat Indians st the 1940s. In 1951, in first dence. sees. W through Western discourses that he sees. He frequently refers to only sees w Darkness Invisible that Pottekkat travels to cally enabling perspective on the blacks. This is remarkable given existing cultural grids. There is also a near-total absence of politi- In both cases his gaze is determined. He simply fit naturalizing associations, associations of what he already knows. estern travelogues on It is interesting to place these texts beside two other These two contemporary texts bring to our notice that there Africa is my land and I cry with grief for her” (W And through the Malayali gaze he sees an Africa. Africa figures quite frequently in anti-colonial discourses of Africa hat he expect Africa written in the 1950s Kerala. One is K. Panoor (Africa within Kerala) and the other is N.V adivasi Africa quite soon af Africa. It is an s to see. It is a white myth of Africa, says Panoor s in Kerala. He calls the They should aid the Asian summit af ferings of blacks in Africa that is “known” he Africa’ ter the Indian indepen- s of s progressive move- ter India’ aying in . He even t Africans and that Africans in any Africa through arier 223) Africa spread s adivasi Africa must s indepen- Africa into Africa. He . Krishna akes a s the lish Ar- ’s Ghose, Indira. 1998. one of naturalised hierarchy ject-position is that of the white master towards black slave – Foucault, Michel. 1981. “The Order of Discourse”, in R. References 1. Notes there is the subject for another study What he sees in Europe and how negotiates his Indian identity journey as a mere Indian traveller” ( of the whites in concert with arts and sciences, I continued my ple is almost totally absent from these narratives. hegemonic self. entirely created out of white colonial notions a superior and occupied by Pottekkat as a “hybrid” space of critique. Its identity is worst fears about blacks. We cannot celebrate the narratorial space to the cold – leaving animal-like negroes [ desert pean travel narratives begin thus, “Leaving the dark forests and dry sion of narratives, nor is there a consistent consciousness of the oppres- ern gaze. There is no indigenous knowledge being explored in his because the only “truthful” sp his narratives except through an anthropologised or Eurocentric gaze through. My contention is that there a total absence of blacks in in the cursory mentions history of nations he is passing blind to white hegemony and oppression of blacks in Africa, barring occasional observations and comments. He is nearly leftist politics does not enable him to see much of what is wrong in like a on Africa in the Indian public sphere of 1950s. Pottekkat travels All translations from Malayalam, both those of texts by Pottekkat and Krishna W arier He leaves the mhindi bwana s of African blacks by whites, Indians, or Female Gaze pp. 48-79 T ext: , are mine. Africa for the valleys of snowy mount A Post-S Africa as a continent of oppressed and angry peo- Women T , New Delhi: Oxford University Press. tructuralist Reader African continent to travel Europe. His Euro- and writes like one more often than not. His ravellers in Colonial India: The Power of the . His travels in ace to look at . London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, . S.K.Pottekkat Europilude Africa from is the W Arabs. Pottekkat’ Africa just confirm his kappirikal Y ains – from the heat oung (ed.) Africa except ] for the land Untying the Sabitha s sub- est- 7). T . P .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 152 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ———————. 2002. ———————. 1956. Pottekkat, S. K. 1974. ———————. 2001 (1955). . Panoor Darkness Invisible ———————. 1987. Rogof W arier Krishna, N. V f, Irit. 1998. “S , K. 1963. tions. tive. ing Co., Culture Reader Co-operative. Keralathile tudying V . 1986. Cairo Kathukal: Simhabhoomi Nile Diary Kappirikalute Nattil , London, New N.V isual Culture”, in Nicholas Mirzoef Africa S. K. Pottekkat Europilude . iyute Kavit , Calicut: Poorna Publications. , Kott , Calicut: Mathrubhumi Printing and Publish- Y atravivaranam Y ayam: Sahitya Pravarthaka Co-opera- ork: Routledge, pp. 14-26. , Kottayam: D C Books. akal . Kott ayam: Sahitya Pravarthaka , Calicut: Poorna Publica- . Kottayam: D C Books. f

(ed.), The V isual possibilities and impasses of pennezhuthu. reading. By doing so it attempts to re-approach the ambitions, resistant and rebellious readers, as well for new conventions of re- to understand pennezhuthu as a mobilization space for gendered, Udal Enne Chuzhumbol [When This Body Encircles Me]” as an occasion thus, “writing the feminine”? played a palpably feminine sensibility (whatever that be)? Was it, late as “woman-writing”? Or ers into the literary-scape of Malayalam? In other words, did it trans- pennezhuthu mark the cautious and guarded forays of women writ- one might well ask, what exactly did it seek to name? Did possible axes of enquiry attention on the figure of woman writer The very formulation of the term pennezhuthu has tended to centre Sharmila Sreekumar as Women Re-reading Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, bombast of sound and fury signifying nothing? Was pennezhuthu the name for a bold new initiative or was it writing that could be characterized as “feminist” (feminist-writing)? received considerable bad press. Since the time it emerged in 1980s, ‘pennezhuthu’ has survival women more than a chapter in cultural history: it is an act of of entering an old text from a new critical direction—is for Re-vision—the act of looking back, seeing with fresh eyes, —Adrienne Rich . This p , did it signal a mode of writing that dis- aper t Alternately

akes Sara Joseph’ And some critical attention. , did it seek to designate , thereby obscuring other s short story “Ee Y et,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 154 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April social conditions of their emergence. priori, as though they could be settled outside the conflicts and voice in literature? there something called pennezhuthu? Is a discernible women’s often than not, a series of grandstanding on questions such as: Is women to write (Arunima); that the debates it provoked were, more pennezhuthu engendered a space for men to debate, rather than from the literary “male”stream. pennezhuthu would further ghettoize and marginalise women writers the literary theocracy point, even while they admitted that got curt receptions from this label—even as they claimed to write from a woman’s stand- comfiting fact that most women writers chose to dissociate from have almost faded out. Secondly few lasting literary transformations. within it. of feminism also because the current discontent and debates is a need to examine this historical moment and rhetorical mode as a prominent venue for the articulation of feminism in Kerala. There brought the “scandal” of gender into narrative. It also, I hold, served it problematised language and narrative as sites of enunciation; cause pennezhuthu signalled that there were new stories to be told; meanings, or arbiter whether it was a success failure. But be- debates and hostilities have abated. Not because we need to fix its that it is important to revisit pennezhuthu—especially now the because T and energies it summoned up were all too sporadic, brief. ways it lived up to this description. Firstly because the interests public sphere of Kerala as an already failed enterprise, and in many was something of a non-event. Indeed, it ushered into the liter and historical relevance of pennezhuthu. all the more necessary to re-examine motivations, limitations egory “woman” has come in for internal disagreements, it becomes sisterhood proposed by earlier feminist articulations, when the cat- Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading oday , it would appear that the p Despite the arid debates that it has sp It could be argued that as a literary phenomenon pennezhuthu This is admittedly a large and ambitious imperative. The T of the arid debates that have hitherto stifled it, I propose oday , when many have refused the consensus and As though, these questions could be settled a . The overriding fear seems to have been that assions engendered by pennezhuthu , it is believed to have ef 2 It has also been argued that Additionally , there is the dis- awned, or rather fected very ary 1 , Body In the process, I propose to lay out densities that gather around sons why this particular story invited feminist attention in the ’90s. story the modalities and implications of Sara Joseph’s re-reading Methil’s undertaking in the following sections. Besides examining some of into a theorization of reading, how re-reading becomes meta-reading. of the battle around issues reading; it displays how reading slides pennezhuthu can be tentatively advanced is to chart a possible indirection through which fresh enquires into meticulous and close analysis of either these stories. Instead, it the former story sought to “revision”. The aim is not undertake a occasional darts into a short story by Methil Radhakrishnan, which t part, fusses around one short story written by Sara Joseph, which it present paper sets itself rather more modest tasks. It, for the most re-writing of Methil Radhakrishnan’s story point into this field of contestation as it sets itself up a re-reading/ Chuzhumbol been largely ignored. Sara Joseph’s short story a site of energetic mobilisations and disputations that has hitherto pennezhuthu has done in other areas. focus on writing has tended to obscure the cultural work that restricted to, questions of women and writing. Further cerns of women and literature are not exhausted by does not quite obtain. I would however wish to suggest that con- tugs us away from customary approaches to pennezhuthu routed through the topos of women/reading. Such a route inquiry tonomous event gest that we should divorce writing and reading as two discrete au- mobilization of readers and reading. By this I do not intend to sug- here that it would be productive to re-focus our enquiry towards the the figure of woman writer and upon issues writing. I propose formulation of the term, I argue, has tended to centre attention on akes as both symptom and example of pennezhuthu. It also makes , I shall, in the next two sections, also explore possible rea- , But this is to already pre-empt the analysis that I shall be The particular indirection I propose to take in this paper is An Encircling Situation]. Indeed, it dramatises the fierceness The “problem” of reading and the reader has, in fact, been [When This Body Encircles Me] presents an entry s. As we shall presently see, such a sep . Udal Oru Chuzhnila , and cannot be , that the mono- Sharmila Sreekumar Ee Udal Enne . The very aration [The

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 156 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April of strokes. will not, therefore, spell out their plot-outlines except in the broadest they had provoked considerable interest and debate in the ’90s. I gendered reading that it made possible. the issue of pennezhuthu and enunciations gender histo dif Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading cobbler sketches a host of characters. to overstep the dikt also Kokila, the travelling salesgirl who is prompted by circumstance tions, secures for himself a propertied, middle-class life. There is Nachcheelan’ sect with theirs. lives of both these characters as well others whose inter- darkly reversing the fairy tale of Cinderella. The story tracks she rushes out of the house, loses one her sandals thus the workshop below-st the figure of Radhamani who has been raped by a mechanic from home, reading. for her story (Joseph 73, 49). the courtroom, we are informed that “there multiple turning points” the suppositions and finally her defeat. through her rape trial. We encounter the voyeurism, innuendos, Radhamani’s growing-up years and, in a series of quick tableaux, other clear from the above narration how one is a re-reading of a tangle with Methil’s. Except for this, it might not be immediately possible denouement. story that Radhamani was reading just before she raped ferent figurations of the woman-reader rically salient. In the concluding section I shall critically re-visit . Let me therefore supply a crucial det The stories under study would be suf Methil Radhakrishnan’s story Sara Joseph’s short story It is all too evident that the title of Sara Joseph’s story sets up , who, through cert s house, goes in unaccomp The story t at of her comp airs. ain craf At the time she was raped at 3 akes us back, episodically We are then offered a glimpse of one Ee Udal Enne Chuzhumbol Among them is Nachcheelan, the I ty and not entirely honest transac- any As Radhamani emerges from Udal Oru Chuzhnila . She rings the doorbell to . ail before I move on. anied, and is raped. These I shall argue a ficiently familiar , through follows quick- , since The As re Joseph’ the present, with a story that is contemporary historically sanctified narrative. It is, instead, an altercation within re-workings, this engagement is not a battle with the past, debate staged in the space of fiction. Unlike many other well-known blooded, of voices, marginalised characters etc. What we have here is a full- tellings, a careful picking of gaps, ignored possibilities, absented enquiry? Primarily because what we have here is not, as in most re- ticular event of rewriting might matter” (Morris 5). something more specific) is needed to argue how and why a par- tion any longer come so commonplace that they do not by themselves invite atten- nently (Connors 123). Sara Joseph has herself re-told other stories—promi- become compulsorily belated, inextricably bound up with retelling” has even been suggested that “[i]n contemporary fiction telling which re-signify textual precedents are by no means uncommon. It in the memory of Malayalam literary sphere. clamour of this rather well known literary episode continues to ring to recognise that the inaugural question announces a quarrel. The it is true that most readers today would not have to wait for this note ferred to here is Methil Radhakrishnan’ on the last page, which unambiguously informs that “the story re- but an idle, medit insistently into Sara Joseph’s narrative and quotations from it begin to echo Joseph’ phasis added] (Joseph 68, 42). we have experiences after which the above delineated story by Methil. Why then does this story become an occasion for a particular Of course, narrative engagements which re-tell older stories, , stories from the It is this curiously academic question that inaugurates Sara “Does one read s story s narrative goes beyond the end of Methil’ . Adding det ten polemical quarrel with Methil’ . A . It has been argued that “[S]omething more (and first-time reader soon realizes that this is anything ative inquiry ail to the above realization is author a story Mahabharat * and have a similar experience, or do . “The story” cast the story s a . In fact, re-tellings have be- Udal Oru Chuzhnila comes into being?” [em- s story . Interestingly s it s story s long shadows Sharmila Sreekumar . It is an angry . However . It turns a ’ , Sara s note ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 158 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April undoing of another story about the praxis of reading and storytelling as it is aggressive many ways, as we shall see, Sara Joseph’s re-reading is much cedents; a sense of being at once their inheritor and critic. In sense of identification and alienation from literary traditions pre- be discussed” (Lauret 1). I suspect that it would indicate a vexed literature “a gendered, political space in which women’s issues [can] attempt by this story—indicative of pennezhuthu at large—to make signal. examine what her defiant re-reading engenders, it serves to reading is interpretively successful, it would be more useful to approach to reading. Instead, therefore, of asking if Sara Joseph’s promptings of Methil’ that the very objective in this instance is to revolt against “original” story supplies characters and plot structures that are extraneous to the undertake an exercise as Sara Joseph does here, wherein she nal”; to defy the latter’s ideals and assumptions. Therefore, reading, as it set sistant reading of a text would always already be an unsuccessful “uncover” these meanings. In this scheme of understanding, a re- the point of its production and that a reader’s job is to faithfully ing. It seems to presume that meanings are located in a text at Such questions tend to disclose rather settled approaches read- of Methil’ her reading successfully “original”, or is it idiosyncratic, even ideological? Does she execute cise: “Is Sara-Joseph’s reading of Methil’s story consistent with the the tual precedent. critical corner in that it imagines the afterlife, as were, of its tex- Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading the resolutions of “original” story this piece Sara Joseph writes outside the cast of characters and one of its women readers. Unlike most other re-tellings, therefore, in life of one it Let us go back to the initiating question in Sara Joseph’s I strongly suspect that such a scrutiny would indicate wilful Even so there are questions which tend to pester her exer- s story? , is to already embark upon a misreading. But given As noted above, i s out, rather explicitly Above all, are her interpretive moves justified? s readers—more p s story . , or does she steamroll the complexities , there is very little to be gained by this t pursues Methil’ . articularly , to be disloyal the “origi- , through the life of s story through woman reader? In some ways, yes. them. “knotty traps” of Methil’s story do not seem to enmesh either men had actually read the story in question. However that be, to do with it either” (Joseph 68, 42). We have no evidence that these band Gopinathan Nair “does not believe that the story has anything reading a story that he raped Radhamani” (Joseph 68, 42). Her hus- the man who raped her has been trapped in a story that already written. Murukesan, been reading (Joseph 68, 43). all of these, we are told, the “knotty traps” story she had Radhamani in the courtroom. But what pains more than counter the traumas and blatant insensitivities which confront can be assured that it leads we cannot be immediately certain where this question leads periential implications of literary textualities and subjectivities? While literature and life? Does it enquire into the epistemological ex- the question press further? Does it seek to probe boundaries of following/causing art, or art imit pursue first causes and effects; is it the old question of life imitating/ we have experiences after which the story comes into being?” story: “Does one read a story and have similar experience, or do prot she had been reading. It is undoubtedly Methil’s, where too the (Joseph 68, 43). We are left to entertain no doubts about the story fore Murukesan raped her Radhamani had finished reading a story” enquiries into life and society independent, autonomous and sealed-off realm; from foreclosing of art. It almost certainly moves away from conceiving art as an Radhamani, the prot have a certain ecological relationship with each other—at least for agonist, a young woman, is raped. Subsequently This seemingly simplistic proposition needs scrutiny and not, So what is at stake here? The peculiar susceptibility of the S What is it that this question wants explained? Does seek to It will be recalled that Radhamani has been raped. trikingly , it is only Radhamani who seems to think that she agonist of Sara Joseph’ , is convinced that “it was not because of away . Instead, it suggest ating/ following/causing life? Or from the idea of an autotelic work s story s that life and text . Sharmila Sreekumar , we also en-

“Just be- to , does , we

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 160 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April the prot Radhamani’s rape seems to refer backward the of Kokila— protagonist and the plot of story she has been reading. make sense of her experiences by negotiating relation to the p women inhabit/are made to inhabit language and narratives. More Sara Joseph’s story as one that asks questions about the way I submit, an out of hand dismissal. propose, therefore, to read Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading Methil’ stories—that I would like to dwell for a while. recursion—not of rape, but the figure woman reader men’s in Sara Joseph’ after (Methil 175). same amazement that Senthil had had”, she notes immediately the person who went into Nacheelan’s [her rapist’s] house with to partake in his viewpoints and emotions. “I now look at myself, narratively pre-figures her experiences. On the contrary She displays no unease or dis-identification with the author who continues to love the storyteller who subjects her life narration. the very experiences I had had” (Methil 175). Significantly confirm: “In the beginning of [Senthil’s] story Shailaja goes through at the serendipitous intertwining of life and narrative. She goes on to sode of Senthil’s story-telling. She readily shares his amazement tive? Undeniably writer the plot of her experience has already been narrated by a male she has read. In Methil’ story too, the woman-protagonist finds that Radhamani’s rape seems to have been already imagined in the story his you are the Shailaja in my story” (Methil 175). Senthil then narrates lo T Radhamani finds herself captured and injured by its “knotty traps”. which seems to address, thematise and prefigure her experience, o read this merely as dispositional and individual dif articularly ver story , who is also a promising young writer—he exclaims: “Kokila, . There is, as we have seen, the nightmarish repetition of rape. How is Kokila, the woman reader/audience, configured in This, I argue, is what radically differentiates the woman-reader s text? Thus, when Kokila recount . Kokila becomes his audience/reader agonist of Methil’ , I read it as the story about And what does the act of reading mean in his narra- s story , Kokila is an eager . While Kokila is captivated by the narrative s story . Recursions do not stop here. s her experience to Senthil—her , willing audience in the epi- a woman reader forced to . 4 It is on the second , she begins ference be- , Kokila 5 sist constituted as a reader in contradistinction to Kokila. ing insists upon Radhamani’s difference, let me turn to how she is tween two readers would be reductive. Since Sara Joseph’s re-read- some of the argumentative and interpretive forces “outside” text, stances of particular acts mis/reading and allows us to trace especially in the ’90s. It draws attention on historical circum- ticular manner in which the woman reader becomes susceptible, experience. all, it seems to establish her as an unreliable witness of own even pre-empt her experience; that it assigns meanings to it. story she had been reading. It is that the seems to plunder distress is not that her experience does find validation in the though it were recruiting her reading-self against herself. Radhamani’s experience of rape. Radhamani feels manipulated by the story the story Radhamani has read. It casts its shadows on her own by parenthetical insertions and negatives, insinuates its way from rather complicated not-one-sided experience that was pleasurable” (Methil 170). This whether she was being raped, or participating in a ments of this event, she [Kokila] was doubtful if could decide read further into Sara Joseph’ let the male author guide her modes of seeing and being. Radhamani on the other hand displays a strong disinclination to to put her in contact with “real” experiences and feelings. ply the violence represented She seems to experiences the narrative of the violence provoked Kokila’ pute meanings to meanings and interpretations; of its power to make sense im- lence. She is unsettled by the story’s overarching power to arbiter ant reader Radhamani, unlike Kokila, appears to be an instinctively re- This, I would argue, is significant. It throws into relief the par- For instance, the male narrator in Methil’s story “complicates” s experience of rape. He notes, “However . For Kokila, Senthil’ her

arrangement of words and indecisions, hedged experiences. by in the narrative that agitates Radhamani. the narrative, or a naïve understanding s story s story is clarificatory , we realise that it is not sim- in itself as a form of vio- , in the final mo- Sharmila Sreekumar . It seems Above As we , as ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 162 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April of the country rallied against Mathura judgement, and the ’90s. a detour through the calendars of feminist movement in ’80s gent re-telling. But to appreciate this more fully we will need take emerges as a force-field for feminist anxieties; why it invites an ur- to speculate why this particular story by Methil Radhakrishnan which nonetheless impact upon it. In the process, it also allows us Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading 108-9). and strongly articulated issues in the women’s movement” (Menon sexual violence against women have been one of the most visible many of these feminist configurations.) formed. (Sara Joseph, it is well known, was a prominent member of on rape gained circulation in the ’80s as small feminist groups were ther amendments in the rape laws of India. In Kerala, public debates Commission for Women prepared a draft document suggesting fur- reliable, objective? How desires get imputed to women? How are men’s accounts rendered into her testimony? How do intentions, motives and unconscious and misinterpreted in rape trials? How does doubt insinuate its way wrestle with were: How does a woman’s testimony get devalued representable. Some of the most vexatious questions they had to came clear that rape did not exist politically unless it could be made 1990s. why Methil’s story provokes passionate quarrel in the Kerala of is at stake in this episode of feminist re-telling. We can begin to see ber 1990, feminist initiatives in the state witnessed a further surge. Conference of Women’s Movements was held in Calicut Decem- was published in the collection 1993 (incident legal reform continued through much of the ’80s and ’90s. In laws were partially amended. But the public debates and efforts at laws which were shown to be insensitive and archaic. In 1983 the Since the late ’70s when women’s groups from various parts Given this political climate, we can begin to understand what As the women’ A vigorous camp ally , the year in which this short story by Sara Joseph s movement mobilized against rape, it be- , in other words, does rape become a fiction aign was launched against existing rape * Oduvilathe Suryakanthi Af ter the Fourth National ) the National 6 “rape and story injurious. That is a task which undertaken by the narrator of her articulating a studied critique of the story even after it proves to be nameable anxieties and grievous hurts. We do not find her articulate and analyse her disenchantment. She is seized by un- however her “parochial”, gendered experience into reading. For all this in its terms. On the other hand, we find her stubbornly inserting story this scene of reading. Even when she ensconces herself with Methil’s of this woman reader and-now involunt used to represent a woman who has dissolved her world willingly usually typifies a particularly immersive experience. It has been of imputed desires and emotions. into the ambivalence of violence and erotics, mystification of desire, guilt and complicity tions in Methil’s story; by how it prevaricates amidst the deceptions will be recalled that Radhamani is unsettled most by the equivoca- cally insidious because it renders rape indeterminate as an event. It ticular urgencies. In this context Methil’s story emerges as politi- t blematic scene. We would have found her cloistered at home, soli- reading (before the rape) we would have encountered an all too em- your hands Radhamani?” (Joseph 70, 46). Radhamani. Isn’t that so? ...When the incident occurred, where were occurred was Murukesan above or below? ...Y Somasundaram the lawyer harries Radhamani, “When incident fully upon many of these courtroom re-significations rape. agency language and subjectivity that women produce? ary , languishing, pouring over a story , she refuses to dissolve her world into it or recast herself . If we could have surprised upon Radhamani while she lay Clearly , choice. Sara Joseph’ arily , the local or dross everyday intrude upon absorption , we find that Radhamani does not have the language to , in the world of her reading. No questions here- , feminist struggles to represent rape engender p . Radhamani, however All of these were, demonstrably . 7

* All of these raised issues volition, . She resist s story . , it can be seen, dwells p This picture-perfect snap s the narrative’ , seems to quietly p ou didn’t resist Sharmila Sreekumar , questions of s invit arody ation shot ain- ar- ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 164 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ment, what are experience that was not one-sided, however philosophical state- not be certain if she was being raped, or sharing in a pleasurable were to say that in the last moments of rape, Radhamani could in its new narrative situation, she notes caustically: “If poaches the vexatious line from Methil’s story so as to embed it tor and by rigorously challenging him. For instance, when she textual politics of the “master-story” is by summoning up its narra- cial ways in which Sara Joseph’s feminist narrator uncovers the manner—the narrator of the “master-story”. In fact, one cru- figure who is invoked into its narrative space in a certain oblique owy of the master-narrator a set of readers who need to “understand” the mediating presence initiates in the above passage. She summons into existence a “we”, story against, or at a critical distance from, the narrative voice in Methil’s was entirely dif readers’ move, for it trains attention on a figure who tends to escape the ter-narrator let me press on with the feminist narrator’s interrogation of mas able pointer to the narrator of Methil’ therefore, get assembled around the figure of it story is underpinned by it literary-critical manoeuvres. Methil’ rogating the codes and narrative conventions which structure this not by simple repudiating the “master” narrative, but inter- fused discontent mult She not only relates the experiences of Radhamani, but also, si- in Sara Joseph’ Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading , unnamed “someone” is, for all it aneously . I’ll have occasion to return briefly these readers. For now There is yet another significant move that the feminist narrator We had noted earlier that the cast of Sara Joseph’s story The narrator s story scrutiny . W , of . In the following section I shall focus on a few of her e find her challenging the structures and modalities ferent from that of Methil’ we s story fers a critical re-reading of Methil’ . She rightly apprehends that authority in Methil’ s, the narrator consolidates a feminist sensibility , I argue, is the second woman reader inscribed to understand?” (emphases added). The shad- . These newly summoned readers are deployed . Unlike Radhamani, who labours from dif- s narrator II . Suspicions about the story s obliqueness, an unmist s story s. There is, however . This is a significant s narrator s story . She does . someone , one ak- s - , , . trality and seeming objectivity as androcentricity in disguise tions? We are not prompted to recast the narrator’s apparent neu- What structures of privilege, what ideologies, social media- are not prompted to ask the question: sex-gender does not get hypostasised as a social position. “We” story as a “man’s narrative”. Before her re-reading, the narrator’s that it is Sara Joseph’s re-telling of the story which re-signifies this interpretive excavations. (This p realise that the narrator of Methil’s story is a man without strenuous narrator succeeds in uncovering his socio-sexual position. True, we It is, in fact, through her persistent interrogations that the feminist posed not just as an individual voice but ideological position. space for writing. Furthermore, the master-narrator needs to be ex- signify it. She has to aggressively re-read in order recuperate a has to be prised out of his tight, controlling hold before she can re- ratus—no room from which to speak, nothing say Moreover cal contestations on rape and the gendered grammar of violence. his confident omniscience as an ‘author’itarian ruse to defuse politi- ing-male-narrator” is warranted. Clearly using the pronoun “he” to indicate this narrator voice of the narrator promises of the realist ideology in order to challenge authorial this re-telling. The feminist narrator presses home the limits and to account. Nor can we ignore how fictionality becomes a theme in narrator has been placed squarely on the dock; he called unashamedly polemical. But, we cannot fail to see that the master- it?” she asks (Joseph 70, 45). Of course, Sara Joseph is being was going through “how can a third person even offer an opinion on who raped Radhamani, cannot authoritatively tell us what Radhamani of his knowing, omniscience. “When even Murukesan, the man and impose meanings on their self, experience, body to dispute the conventions which, in her analysis, control women narrative voice mediates, speaks for and displaces the woman’s shored up, she is able to clear pathways for examining how his stridently questioning the immunity that master-narrator has We can see why such an unrelenting challenge of the “know- It is this mode of re-reading which allows the feminist narrator , his posturing allows her no foothold in the narrative app . aper , for some time now , the feminist narrator regards What speaks in his voice? .) However Sharmila Sreekumar . , sexuality The narrative , has been , I argue . . By a-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 166 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April subst which to enact a public debate on rape. voice. The feminist n Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading originary position in Radhamani’ lated event as in Methil’ daily negotiation. Rape, in this re-telling is no longer about an iso- as an aberration, a one-off and exceptional event rather than plot. It also lays open the politics of a narrative, which sees violence sexual violence, Sara Joseph’s story radically re-theorises the rape- of sometimes elusive, at other times overtly aggressive instances to sink inwards in depression (Joseph 69, 44). sought her consent or pleasure. In fact, they caused nipples ters that her body becomes sexualised. None of these encounters seph 69, 44). It is in these unwelcome, often frightening, encoun- dents where her body was fondled, pressed, hugged, crushed (Jo- the feminist narrator informs us, she would read a series of inci- Radhamani were to read “the unbound book of [her] experience”, her sexuality was soon marred by a series of intrusions upon it. If light in her slowly budding breasts (Joseph 68, 43). Pleasure she would perhaps remember how as a young girl took de- Radhamani to tell her own story”, the feminist narrator speculates, gurates the narrative here as well. However franchised from her body violent appropriation of her sexuality remained, more chillingly 69, 45). Radhamani did not love her body; she hate it; it time of rape, we are informed, “this is how matters stood” (Joseph an “encircling situation” from which she cannot break free. comes to experience her body as the agent of its own betrayal, violent and internal division seems to pit her body against itself. She mind had refused to “flow into [her] body” (Joseph 71, 47). This body? Even before the rape, Radhamani had been split in two. Her How does a woman sexualised by violence come to experience her predicament of pervasive violence. Her narrative forces us to ask: antially recast the rape-plot. In fact, the feminist narrator uses space of story to By plotting the “event” of rape within a more extended history How does such a subject, who has been gendered into the arrator thereby creates a space within fiction in s narrative. Rather , configure it , “unresolved” (Joseph 69, 45). s socio-sexual history As in Methil’ , who feels bifurcated and dis s consent, pleasure or pro , it marks an episode in a , it is dislodged from s story , rape inau- . “W At the test? ere en- s has spent time reading. It is the entire p and vulnerable to discursive appropriation; it is all the stories she magician. It is not only one story that renders her experiences facile tentacles. It is many stories—starting at least from the tale of tive field of socially available narratives. She comes to experience her body and self through the cogni- stories that are injurious. What is called for instead a radical Given that they are everywhere, it is not possible to simply abjure fore, as only rebelling against Methil’s story would be simplistic. seph 72, 49). that went unseen all the time she had spent reading stories” (Jo- which her complex sexual experiences had been captured in meshes tic scrutiny courtroom or that her body had been subject to intensely voyeuris- the most was not that she subjected to an oral rape in conjecture. We had previously noted that what aggrieved Radhamani never before these become matters of philosophical debate and cret and elusive desires, to it is called upon to bear witness what are purportedly its most se- 69, 43) rough hands groping her while she slept. “Causing pain” (Joseph (recounted) experience of sexual violence. possible for Radhamani to entert rape was his own work, it original (Joseph 68, 42). It is not be able to hold the belief that no stories influenced him. That anybody’ body had never been allowed volition; its desires Radhamani—even in her marital arrangement (Joseph 70, 45). Her who she would share her body with had never really rested more than “a convenient fiction” (Joseph 69, 45). The right to decide upon it Radhamani tended to regard the privacy of her body as no As the feminist narrator points out, after all many intrusions ries, infringe upon her in all too p tern is too insistent to be missed— stories, and characters in sto- those of the magician in story she had been reading. The pat- imagines that the hands, which had suddenly disappeared, were It is not simply one story that captures her life in its narrative It might be useful at this juncture to recall Radhamani’s first . T s concern. ousled and plucked awake from sleep, young Radhamani . What was far more injurious the “facile manner in This, then, is the susceptibility of woman reader And yet during the critical moment s deepest pleasures and betrayals. alp ain similar fant able ways. aradigm. As a young girl, she felt A asies of autonomy Murukesan might T o see her Sharmila Sreekumar s of rape, it , there- As . .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 168 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Sara Joseph’ duce her ence who displays an excess of fidelity to the stories which pro- Methil’s protagonist, proves to be a willing, even enthusiastic, audi- I have tried to understand the battles over reading. Of them Kokila, direction” emerges as acts “of survival” (Rich 167). seeing with fresh eyes, of entering an old text from a new critical reading, critical misreading, “the act of looking back, critical analysis of the reading process itself. Thus, it is that re- ments, to read them against the grain, and above all, undertake a learn to refuse their invitations and ruses, voice our disagree- passive reading” (Joseph 72, 49). What we need by implication is to their tightening noose, she notes, it “is the peril brought about by us. This, then, is the power they wield over If stories draw us into licitations of stories, we respond to them on the terms they set for we have been socialised into reading, are committed to the so- state as much, the feminist narrator appears to think that insofar transformation of modes reading. Though she does not explicitly Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading have disallowed male voices to ventriloquise them. fused to subsume their selves in the stories they have read, who particularities into the experience of reading fiction; who have re- sentative of the women who have inserted their locations and place-holder for the woman readers in history thematise her life. She is at once an individual reader as well a person, painfully negotiating the stories which appropriate and being in their figurations. Radhamani is characterised as a “real” reader from male texts, to disrupt the illusory coherence and well- avid readers). Sara Joseph’s story seems to want pluck the woman male authors and (their) women protagonists (many of whom were tion, his desires. actualisation in them, it is because she a figment of his imagina- she easefully inhabits men’s stories and finds possibilities of self- owed out in this re-reading as the creation of male narrator analysis of how the social institution Malayalam fiction engenders It is primarily through the figures of three women readers that There is arguably an extended history in Malayalam fiction of . Interestingly s story . One can discern why , she is not invoked into the narrative ambit of * . She appears to be shad- . She st A more sust ands as repre- ained . If into a feminist re-signification of gender tiates the discontented, resistant, but inarticulate woman reader the stories she finds around her is equipped almost exclusively with her nebulous disaffections story dramatises the learning occasion for this re-reader in Kerala the early ’90s. In a manner of speaking Sara Joseph’s (re-)reading conventions that are not necessarily available to women this exercise. reading. Gender is the central analytic and organising principle in reception. That is, to creatively misread, and provoke further mis- her to mis-appropriate, dislocate and subvert inherited modes of the woman-reader is encouraged to read at and through it. It allows and discourses. In other words, instead of reading with the story framework in order to dissect and analyse its informing structures sents. It prompts the woman-reader to step outside its narrative alertness not just to what a story says but also it repre- gagement in stories. Instead, she produces herself through her resistant en- unlike a reader like Kokila, the re-reader does not simply find herself the occasion to constitute this re-reader read fiction is the subject of another but arguably language. enter old stories, so that she can recuperate a space for herself in emergent modes of reception, new and critical ways by which to poised to become a “re-reader”. She stands at the head of new and Radhamani is new have even been figured inside the stories that told. If women readers, like Chandu Menon’s Indulekha (and Methil’s Kokila), and narrative in Kerala have mobilised women insistently readers in Malayalam before Radhamani. Of course literacy What do I mean? Of course, as noted above, there have been women- torically emergent, a figure who gets summoned up in the ’90s. embodies is significant for yet another reason. She new and his- the woman reader What does re-reading entail in this context? It requires an W Meanwhile, it must be noted that the reader Radhamani e find that fiction (not just the p s with the stories around her , the extended sp , and what individual women readers , it is because she not merely a reader; ace of pennezhuthu as well) becomes . It is the feminist narrator who ini- , more meticulous study . articular sp , body T . It is import o do so, she has to device , (hetero)sexuality ace of this story ant to note that Sharmila Sreekumar do . Radhamani when they . Some . , print . , ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 170 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April in resist defy the mandate of these stories. She has to be trained engage have the impudence and interpretive skills required to radically her tives encircle her fered by the (male) text story? woman summoned up by it, and more particularly for us, this by it? What is the nature of disenchantment with sign among women, why do so many women today refuse to be mobilised itself as an occasion for formulating and maintaining connections feminist reader have the figure of Radhamani—a proto-feminist reader we find that a coherent feminist reader has yet to emerge. Thus, complicitous reader hand, that a gender rebellion is being instituted against the pliant, ticular acts of reading. In the 1990s in Kerala, we find, on one the politics of Methil’ together textually voked here, are a community of women readers that she assembles 45) (emphasis added). The first-person plural, the “we” who is in- reader story that we discern the condition for emergence of such a gagement between her and the feminist-narrator in Sara Joseph’s posed the question, “...what are be recalled that fairly early in the story in training Radhamani but other putative re-readers as well. It might emerge as its sought after consequence. between women, which would, at once, ground its ambitions and such a readership that pennezhuthu hoped to forge associative links crucial possibilities thrown up by pennezhuthu. It is in and through mobilisation of this larger feminist readership is arguable one the resources to read against the grain of “male” text. The Radhamani, to similarly deploy their experience and literary/literacy Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading , she is internally cleaved by them. Radhamani does not yet The question to be asked then is: If pennezhuthu proposes What this also lays out is the historical circumstances of par- Not . ant readings, to be a re-reader ably , the feminist narrator of this story is involved not only . She strains against the limit , insofar as they are allowed controlling sway over . This collective “we” is called upon to grapple with , inscribed in (male) narratives. On the other hand, s story s she reads. . They are encouraged to identify with III we to understand” ((Joseph 69-70, And yet insofar as these narra- . It is in the pedagogic en- , the feminist narrator had s and possibilities prof- , a not-yet- a bell and (thereby) invited violence upon herself. herself. Unlike Kokila, it cannot be said that she climbed up, rang helps her dodge possible criticisms that she invited the rape upon allows Radhamani to audition as a non-transgressive woman. It of woman’s reading. It must also be noted that such a figuration privacy had remarked earlier that the scene of a woman, in sheltered soot, Murukesan came intruding into the room” (Joseph 68, 42). I downstairs, spanner in hand and his clothes besmeared oil Joseph’s story this is neatly reversed: “...from the workshop plot Kokila climbs up the stairs to Nachcheelan’s house. In Sara streets are not spaces that she can easily access. In Methil’s rape- a travelling salesgirl like Kokila; she is secluded housewife. The effects significant changes in her social location. Radhamani is not visions the woman reader from Kokila to Radhamani, she also tinent to note in this context that when the feminist narrator re- con figurations of women also foreclosed the representation and re- Radhamani has to be shown as having renounced mobility as a cogent victim of rape, recognisably violable body of do at this point is to examine them only within the limited purview need to be pursued in greater detail elsewhere. What I propose their broad contours as they are large subjects in themselves and inst tinue to haunt the feminist mobilisations in Kerala. It drew up, for ever despite their differences in location and social endowments. How- projecting it as a group that faced common forms of oppression have helped initial attempts to consolidate the category of women, already raped or rapable. This incessant vulnerability might becomes one of the clear facts women’s lives. Women are either encounter the formula of male violence and female vulnerability articulations at large. Regrett to become full-blown impasses for pennezhuthu, and feminist of the germinal tendencies in this exercise re-reading that go on der comes to be constituted in Sara Joseph’ fered by Sara Joseph’ ance, a very limited scope for women’ struction of women’ , the consequences of such reductions and simplifications con- Let us turn first to the overwhelming grammar by which gen- By way of concluding this p , lost in a book deliberately replays stereotypical figurations s bodies and pleasures. Except for the early s story . ably aper , I will be able merely to outline , I intend to examine some s agency s story T . It would be per- o present herself . W Sharmila Sreekumar e insistently . Such . Rape , ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 172 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April again. so that there is little hope her mind will ever flow into body over twenty-six years seems to have forever divided Radhamani, of violence. The weight all that has occurred, one upon the other endlessly experienced here as an encircling situation, a locus and all too brief, period of remembered pleasures, the body is Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading in for every woman reader proto-feminist subject of Kerala. sconced in domesticity— and all these ways the archetypical addres all the bearings of subject that feminism in Kerala has tended to from the individuated figure of Radhamani. when this collective was expected to extend easily and effortlessly has proved to be too hastily and lazily conceived. Especially again one that has proved impossible to sustain. The collective “we” spective of internal divisions and unequal allotment privileges, is fant nerabilities and desires has proved to be a facile unsustainable feminist would share and identify with her social coordinates, vul- upon her story abandons his invisibility and waylays Kokila—gazes lustfully Nor do we know whether the male narrator—who after a point in not know how Senthil, her lover looked upon and seized body entry into the minds of other male character around Kokila. We do dissects Kokila. It is to be noted that we are not allowed similar with him. It seems to impel his gaze and the manner in which he enjoined upon his caste, the supposed “baseness” of caste stays that even when Nachcheelan has forsaken the vocational chores sexism, but also his “caste”-ness. It would appear from the narration gaze, his thoughts. What marks them is not just the blatancy of insides of his mind. comes to his door on that fateful day mobility through a series of unsavoury transactions. When Kokila raped Kokila is a cobbler by caste. He gains social and economic other ways as well. In Methil’s story Nachcheelan, the man who of carving out the man-woman binary asy The mobilisation of women as a homogenous category The enunciations of gender as radical difference, the mode s. She is middle class, literate, privileged caste (nair), en- . . These men, moreover And as readers we baulk at the crudeness of his , alternately , do not appear to be inescap T o expect that Radhamani st , we are allowed entry into the , have been unproductive in , to expect that every proto- T ypically , Radhamani has , irre- ands ably , . address these skeptical readers. Significantly Nachcheelan has been characterised. In fact, he chooses to directly among his readers would take objection to the manner in which caste-ed. The narrator of Methil’s story suspects that at least some class man proceeds unchecked in Sara Joseph’ for feminisim at the time. In fact scapegoating of working can only be surmised that this has not been adjudged as a “problem” figure of Nachcheelan or the way in which he has been casteed. It narrator cannot be counted. She does not deem fit to re- theme, she might examine the ideological complicity of signifi- not the case. The feminist narrator might explore fictionality as a rator readings. outside the purview of gender and therefore critical feminist re- social identities, structures and discourses. These appear to fall inter-subjective, polyvalent, multiple or as scored through by “other” Man), there is no space within it to explore gender as relational, feminist enunciations present gender as radical alterity (Woman/ it will be recalled is a grease-smeared mechanic. Insofar as these she claims, becomes subject to critical analysis. fies. It would seem imminent therefore that she, and the authority reading. She is the one who initiates, selects, organises and signi- feminist narrator is the one who shapes perceptual field for re- mobilises and trains a community of critical women readers—the minative role she plays—as the chief pedagogue, as one who scrutiny to which she subject women’s experiences in a transparent fashion. appears to rest on the assumption that women’s writing can represent into the scene of her own narration. Her mediation women’s voices constituted in language. However holds by demonstrating that reality is not simply reflected but Methil’s master-narrative. She effectively contests the power that it how she exposed the modes by which authority is inscribed into critically appraise her own modes of story-telling. We have seen tures. It has however to be noted that she fails problematise and she displays a healthy suspicion of conventions and formal struc- . W Finally Neither does she open up her textual position to the kind of e have seen that she delegitimizes received meanings; , I would want to re-focus attention on the feminist nar- s the master-narrator , she does not bring these insight , Sara Joseph’ s story This, however . Given the deter- Sharmila Sreekumar . Murukesan, s f read the eminist , is s

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 174 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April 1 Hussain and Ratheesh Radhakrishnan. Notes pennezhuthu in Kerala but also of feminist enunciations at large. further examined in order to understand the impasses not only of person, pedagogue, re-reader a wilful naivety in the configuration of feminist narrator significations, there is an uncritical confidence in the “real”. There cation process. But, when it comes to her role, narration and re- Pennezhuthu as Women Reading, Re-reading I gratefully acknowledge the ready help offered by Ratheesh Kumar PK, Shamshad 4 2 3 6 5 the page number of I have first provided the page numbers of story in Malayalam and thereafter have sometimes considered it fit to alter these translations. On all occasions Kokila listens to an oral narration of the story “Sanjakale Bhayakunna reports a magazine feature on the subject of woman-writing. See, K.R. Mallika, “Women are not willing to curl up in the limited light it [pennezhuthu] throws,” some seminars, and a spurt of debates in journals magazines. These, it will be recalled, were largely limited to a few conclaves of writers, from Niharika Gupt consulted the translation made by Jayasree Ramakrishnan Nair (with inputs Translations from Methil’s story are mine. For Sara Joseph’s I have are reported to have aired similar opinions on many different occasions. rape law organizations from various parts of the country which ed to reforms in ing the acquittal of accused, there were widespread protests by women’s It thereby surmised that there was no struggle and therefore rape. Follow- raised no alarm and that there were visible marks of injury on her person. girl by two policemen. The Supreme Court of India held that Mathura had The Mathura rape case involved the custodial of a sixteen year old tribal Ajikumar Chandramati is quoted as expressing much the same sentiment in M. S. for analysis. But I have occasion to merely gesture it in this p ship between the narrator and his female protagonist is something that calls her first lover who, we earn, has died in a motor accident. The erotic relation- At the end of Methil’s piece narrator story takes place Senthil, referring to both Kokila, as well Radhamani “readers”. this paper I do not propose to animate these differences. shall therefore be an audience of oral telling and a written one is not without significance, in , .

“Pennezhuthendathu a) in

above English translation. Ezhuthutharangal (Literary S Onion Curry and the Nine T

(What W . It is this I submit that needs to be oman Should W . While the dif t imes T ars Who Fear Labels)”. rite)”. Other women ference between able . However aper , spokes- . , I Connors, S Morris, Meaghan. 1988. Joseph, Sara. 2006. “When the Body Encircles Me,” (Trans Jayasree Joseph, Sara. 2000. “Ee Udal Enne Chuzhumbol,” in Arunima, G Lauret, Maria. 1994. “Introduction,” Radhakrishnan, Methil. 2003. “Udal Oru Chuzhnila,” Ajikumar References Mallika, K.R. 1997. “Sanjakale Bhayakunna Ezhuthutharangal (Literary S Rich Marcus, Sharon. 1992. “Fighting Bodies, Fighting W Menon, Nivedit 7 “Fighting Bodies, Fighting W In this section I have usefully drawn upon Sharon Marcus insightful essay where she theorises what calls the rape script and its implications. Adrienne. 1979. , M. S. 1997. and Sreedevi K Nair in Niall Lucy (ed.), Black, pp. 106-65. Ramakrishnan Nair Current Books, pp. 68-73. Blackwell, pp. Kalakaumudi Subversion: Feminist Politics Beyond the Law Discourses Chatterjee (eds.), brary Norton, pp. 33-50. Unlimited, pp. 42-50. The Samyukta Anthology of Malayalam Stories, in Contemporary Kerala, Suman Gupt Secret America Books, pp. 169-78. Postmodernism Theorize the Political Rape Prevention,” in Judith Butler and Joan Scott (eds.), Fear Labels),” . 2003. “Pennezhuthu” - “W teven. 2000. “Rewriting W , pp. 1 a. 2004. “Sexual V s

. New and Silence: Selected Prose 1966-1978,

“ 14-43. and T When W , pp. 57+.

123-139. Y Mathrubhumi

, London: V “ ork: Routledge, pp. 1-10. Pennezhuthendathu ext Postmodern Literary Theory: , with input India in the Age of Globalization: Contemporary The Pirate’s Fiancée: Feminism, Reading, e Dead s,

, London & New (eds.), ords: New Delhi: Nehru Memorial Museum and Li- iolence: Escaping the Body rong: On the Ethics of Literary Reversion,” erso. , 14 Dec, pp. 16-17, 28. Liberating Literature: Feminist Fiction in A omen’ A Onion Curry and the Nine T waken s from Niharika Gupt Theory and Politics of Rape Prevention” s W : W riting” and the Politics of Gender (What W Y riting ork: Routledge, pp. 385-403. a, ords: T Vimatham ap As Re-V Nilavu Ariyunnu A , an Basu, and Subarno oman Should W

An Ranikhet: Permanent Theory and Politics of New Dehi: Women a) in G Anthology Sharmila Sreekumar ision,” in New ,” in , Kottayam: DC .S. Jayasree imes T Y Recovering ork: W Feminists , Trichur: t , On ars Who Oxford: rite)”,

able: Lies .W . ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 176 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April nomic practice in Kozhikode, a medium sized city Kerala, Introduction predictable relations of elective affinity economic and religious practices which defies univocal causalities or change, we emphasize the contingent and contextual articulation of Kozhikode Muslim’s engagements with and experiences of economic some of the tensions, contradictions and slippages which inform has been described as ‘neo-liberal global capitalism’. Discussing commonly associated to reformist Islam and what in recent literature divergent orientations, sensibilities and practices – namely those morality and affect. We also perceive a drawing together of seemingly underscore the production and articulation of specific economies liberalization of the Indian economy migration to the Gulf countries of West Asia and post-1991 connected, either directly or indirectly be over-determined by capital and entrepreneurial practices consequent emergence of a ‘new economy’. The latter is felt locally to ‘bazaar economy’ in the face of onslaught globalization and examining local debates concerning the apparent decline of practice in Kozhikode, a medium sized city Kerala. We are This article explores relationships between religious and economic Caroline Osella Filippo Osella South India. and business in Kozhikode (Calicut), neo-liberal capit ‘Globalisation is ruining us’: This article explores relationships between religious and eco- alism, Islamic reform . W , to the combined effect e argue that public debates s of on Kerala (Abdul Sathar 1999; Dale 1980; Freitag 2003; Ho it to the spread and development of Islam in region, also relevance for local Muslims, who explicitly associate these activities (Y a few Kozhikode Muslims claim direct descent from Hadrami and scholars. This long term relationship is doubly significant: while energetically Hindu or Christian trading communities, have participated economic activities. Muslims, in the absence of significant local trade and commerce have been Kozhikode’s most important amongst Kozhikode Muslims might not be surprising. Historically has been described as ‘neo-liberal global capitalism’. monly associated to reformist Islam and what in recent literature vergent orientations, sensibilities and practices – namely those com- and affect. We also perceive a drawing together of seemingly di- the production and articulation of specific economies morality the descendants of marriages between local upper caste women and Miller 1976: 255ff), many others see themselves as the economy tries of W commerce) and then from other Muslims (see Osella & 2008; cannot claim an essentialised ‘natural’ orientation towards trade and to assert class and status distinction firstly from non-Muslims (who 2006; cf. Mines 1973,1975), such a relationship is in turn deployed communities across the Indian Ocean (Fanselow 1996; Simpson identity as Muslims, and the inseparability of economic practice [trade/commerce], religious claims, common currency in Kozhikode, articulate a discourse of or indirectly by capital and entrepreneurial practices connected, either directly of a ‘new economy’. The latter is felt locally to be over-determined of the onslaught globalization and consequent emergence cerning the apparent decline of ‘bazaar economy’ in face of Calicut). the south-western Indian coast (also known with colonial name s later renewal, via commercial interactions with emeni) Sayyed traders who settled throughout northern coast Arab Muslims who regularly visited or settled in the city The apparent confluence of these orientations and practices . W est 1 , to the combined ef S Asia and to the post-1991 liberalization of Indian . e will argue that public debates like this underscore pecifically T rade and commerce also hold a much wider , we are examining here local debates con- Arab descent. Like other Muslim trading fect s of migration to the Gulf coun- Filippo Osella & Caroline Arab merchant

2006; cf. . These al s ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 178 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April among Rajat Kanta Ray’s and Markowitz’ 19 Malayalis have been migrating since the 1970s oil boom). 1973, 1975; V cf. Bayly 1989: 71ff; Fanselow 1996; McGilvray 1998; Mines ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ and in the Gulf countries of W transition from bazaar to cutting-edge global business (both in India affinity’ towards trans-oceanic trade and Muslims’ successful another analysis: a direct relation between self-styled ‘natural relationships. Local self-representation, then, urges us to trace out and contemporary involvement in transnational processes India and beyond - we will argue that it expresses a very complex mon move in popular and academic representations of Muslims lingering of primordialist or premodern attachments - an all too com- tity religious virtuosity to economic performance cannot but be fraught reformist intervention. marked out as morally lacking, and thereby become the object of old style bazaar traders and the working classes - are increasingly `modernize’ or to make the most of life’s chances – for instance, towards Islamic reformism and a revived in and familiarity with trans-oceanic Islam has fostered affinities forward business there. participation in Gulf economies and then redeployed Kerala to skills learnt in Kozhikode’s bazaars have been sharpened by merchants (Ray 1995; Markovits 1999, 2000), time honoured trading modern, moral, Muslim. Predict come to be seen as the exemplary contemporary way of being a in God’s world, material success and moral connectedness – have New styles of entrepreneurship - which combine meaningful activity and class (Osella & Osella 2009; cf. Sloane 1999; Deeb 2006). and religious reform have become intertwined indices of modernity contemporary reformulations of Muslim morality increasingly standing at the core of a Muslim identity and While business, entrepreneurship and economic success are turn, underpins community-wide projects of self-transformation. & Osella 2007). This heightened sense of the self as a Muslim, in , which brings together religious and economic practice, as a Rather than dismissing such a sense of self and group iden- As one might expect, the production of a discourse linking atuk 1996). At the same time, long-term p est ably Asia, where large numbers of , those who fail either to dar-ul-Islam , material progress th century bazaar (see Osella articip ation As according to hierarchies of race and ethnicity regulation of migration and a fragmentation labour markets players on the basis of anything but purely economic criteria. S central to its global working – which differentiate and advantage at its very heart utterly implicated in the production of practices – disembedded from social, cultural or political straight-jackets – is discourse of neo-liberalism - the dream self-regulating markets access to accumulation. What we find here is that the universalising puts them at the forefront of a global capitalism seeking unfettered example, based upon substantial deregulations of labour markets, capitalism. Their rapid development and economic success, for or external to the development and workings of neo-liberal Neither the Gulf Cooperation Council countries nor India are marginal modernising projects, in business as much matters of religion. by using a framework of defective or incomplete penetration accusation of disloyalty to the nation (Hansen 2007). generally - open support to pan-Islamic ideals increasingly draws even further in the Gulf is that of ‘second class Muslims’. solidarity at home to encourage mutuality and express community Similarly Kerala, they are often stigmatized as aggressive speculators. simultaneously marginalized, as Muslims. Meanwhile, at home in the prestigious awards conferred to them, for example - they are the embodiment of a bold and competitive ‘Global India Plc’ - through the most successful transnational businessmen are celebrated as which these men are app neo-liberal ideals of meritocracy and open market competition to hierarchies of race and nationality running against the grain those In the Gulf, Indian Muslim entrepreneurs have to operate within p new elite of transnational entrepreneurs and professionals, local businesses. But even for the most successful amongst modern management, rising competition has undermined many ‘know-who’ remain at least as important the ‘know-how’ of with unevenness, slippages and tensions. While family capital articip Contradictions revealed by practice cannot be explained away ation in the global economy is not a straight , appeals to p , might sound hollow to many migrant , in Kerala - as the Hindu hegemony of India more an-Islamism and a Muslim brotherhood made arently committed. Filippo Osella & Caroline And while back in India T o complicate matters s whose experience , for example, are forward af fair trict

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 180 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April and rationalising orient Islamic reformism emerges within the ‘modern’, as a universalistic Granovetter 1985; Thrift 2005). Meanwhile, in Kerala as elsewhere, economic practice under global capitalism (see, eg Harvey 2005; of the neo-liberal project but is, we argue, a foundational feature is by no means an unusual or imperfect moment in the wider sweep The importance of social networks and identities to business remains indissoluble from bazaar-style social skills of ‘know-who’. Kerala, as much in the Gulf, modern technocratic ‘know-how’ intrinsic to the operation and success of GCC economies. ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ and gender one hand with regimes of difference based on race, culture, class pan-Islamism, or of Muslim brotherhood – has to contend on the whereby an orientation towards universalism – through notions of opposition to) colonial and postcolonial ‘western’ modernities, reformism is articulated in a complex dialogue with (at times to the Christian reformation). publicly assert term economic interests, at the same time as Islamic reformism discourse of reformist Islam to shore up and legitimise their long us to analyse them together: emerging entrepreneurs employ the Kozhikode, both processes proceed alongside each other Wiegele 2005; Bornstein 2002; Gifford 2004; Bialecki 2008). In global capitalism (see, eg Coleman 2000, 2004; Watson 2005; seeking to harness and control the opportunities engendered by emergence, on a global scale, of religious practices and theologies Bagchi 1991). Rudnyckyj 2009; Haenni 2005; Feillard 2004; cf V demands of global markets (Osella & Osella 2008; Sloane 1999; foster novel work ethics and labour practices in tune with the moral discourses produced within various religious traditions to specific historical contexts (Osella & Osella 2008). shortcomings of current social theory neither unusual nor exceptional, but, on the contrary economic practices (Osella & Osella 2009). This, we argue, is liberalization India, we suggest that people do not engage in analysis of the relationship between sexuality and capital in post- Recent studies have traced out capital’s attempts to harness , and on the other with inevit s it At the same time, researchers have identified s authority over ation (of ten, though mist As we have argued elsewhere, , and critique of, entrepreneurs’ . Drawing on Geet able determination of akenly , it reveals the anaik 1997; , comp a Patel’ , forcing And in ared s merchant and harbour master was one Ibrahim from Bahrain, and Persia). the east (China, Java and Ceylon) west (Egypt, had a noticeable population of visiting or resident merchants from 1993). Like other Indian Ocean port cities, pre-colonial Kozhikode South as a commercial hub between W century prosperous with maritime trade from the tenth to fifteenth ideas and goods across the Indian Ocean for all it capital of Kerala. greatest concentration of Muslims, it is considered to be the Muslim although Muslims are not the majority a million inhabitants, Kozhikode is Kerala’s third largest city and, Christian (19%) and Muslim (25%) communities. With roughly half population of 32 millions, split between various Hindu (54%), Kozhikode Muslims and the bazaar economy meantime the social and economic history of city’s Muslims. bazaars and the emergence of a new economy explore debates concerning the apparent decline of Kozhikode’s encomp might be fashioned as mutually exclusive or inevitably discourses and practices through which ‘religion’ ‘economics’ want to shift attention towards the contingent production of opposition is sof of wider concern. religiosity as separate socio-moral domains whose interaction is Social actors themselves do often objectify economic action and exclusive to modernity (Maurer 2008; cf Latour 1993; Mitchell 2002). understandings of social practice, nor is such a ‘work purification’ however Srivastava 2007; Devika 2007, 2009). It is not academics alone, from – collective and personal morality (Patel 2006: 26; see also way as capital does not occupy “a space external to and distinct” economic practices as already ‘moralized’ subjects, in the same Kozhikode has been entangled with the circulation of people, Located on the south-west coast of India, Kerala has a Asia (Bouchon 1987, 1988; Das Gupt , developing rapidly over the twelf assing each other , who indulge themselves in essentialist and dichotomizing At the time of Ibn Battut tened or dissolved altogether Y et, in other historical context . In the rest of article, then, we will est Asia, Southeast a’ , situated in the region of th and thirteenth centuries s visit in 1342, the chief Filippo Osella & Caroline a 1967; McPherson . In this article we , unravelling in the s history s, such an Asia and . It was Y emen

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 182 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April 27). tw suggesting a strong ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ 1987,1988; Das Gupta 1967; cf. Subrahmanyam 1997). Egypt and the control of pepper trade from the ‘Moors’, Muslim merchants V traders in the fourteenth century” (2007: 351). Ho writes, “the Hindu ruler hosted four thousand foreign Muslim the king employed two Muslim administrators. “In Calicut” Enseng and there are twenty or thirty mosques in the kingdom’, adding that reports that in Kozhikode ‘many of the king’s subjects are Muslims through so-called ‘piracy’. By the early 19 and, whenever the opportunity arose, disrupted European trade by predominantly Muslim crews - invariably defied sea blockades from the Malabar coast: Mathew 2000). The Portuguese fleet never managed to control trade Muslim seafarers headed by the famous Marakkars (Kurup & resistance against Portuguese conquest coalesced around Malayali by local Muslims is unclear commercial community is well documented, the role played in trade manned boat and Surat/Kachch) became dominated by Gujarati-owned was firmly in British hands and intra-coastal commerce (to Bombay market in the region, city also saw a resurgence of trade from the centre for commerce of copra. Emerging as a major rice trade: Kozhikode became a world centre for timber export and, later colonial and post-colonial economy gave a major boost to local Muslims and their number of mosques in the city (Shokoohy 2003), Kozhikode could be conducted. and villages on the banks of rivers, all locations through which trade Muslims lived predominantly along the Malabar Coast or in towns as of little economic import Malabar and the asco de Gama began a long and bloody struggle to wrench away o mosques and a qazi (Muslim judge) of Almost a century later While the presence and activities of a subst From the 19 s. But, as testified by Arabian peninsula (Barendse 1998; Bouchon Arabian Peninsula, a trade deemed by the British Arab p th century until the middle of 1980s, Arab presence, confirmed by the existence of Arab dhows and Malayali boat artners continued to move goods between , the Chinese Muslim traveller Ma Huan ance. By the late 19 . What is known, however Arab-sponsored building of a th Arab origins (Dale 1980: century th antial century Arriving in 1498, , oceanic trade Arab Muslim s - manned , Malayali , is that , Rangoon years - and, later monopolized through contacts and expertise gained during his began to import rice from Burma - a trade which he quickly independence: responding to a dire scarcity of local produce, he business in the bazaar jobless and, with some savings, started his own small rice retail After the Japanese invasion of Burma, he returned to Kozhikode eventually sent to Rangoon, from where most rice was imported. Karachi-owned company as a junior clerk in the 1930s and was the city rice wholesalers. Originally from a town some kilometres north of thrived. independent phase. Fortunes were made and the city’s economy demand, boosted trade in Kozhikode’s bazaars during the post- penalised local business, together with an expansion of internal education, business and family life. example, the introduction of modern and rationalising practices in supporting both Islamic and British-inspired reform initiatives in, for Gulf traders - largely anglophile and modernist in orientation, wealthy local Muslim middle class - mostly timber merchants and is only the late colonial period which saw emergence of a small they acted as retailers for rice bought from Karachi wholesalers. It by his sons and son-in-law the business expanded yet again. producers - for example, coir either acted as middle-men between these ‘forwarding agents’ and companies. The vast majority of local Muslim bazaar merchants pulses was in the hand of a few Karachi-based Memon-owned comp agents’ who bought goods on behalf of - mostly Mumbai dominated by Gujarati (Hindus or Muslim Bohras) ‘forwarding administration to provide timber for the railways, colonial trade was involved in referring to a relatively recent period, from 1947 the mid 1980s. t the he heyday of trade and commerce in the city Arabian Peninsula. But when Kozhikode Muslims t anies; similarly The removal of the colonial trade regulations which had Apart from a handful of merchants who either were directly , the business’ T ake, for example, P Arab trade or held lucrative contract , the wholesale commerce of rice, grains and s founder joined the Kozhikode of , from Nep . Business developed rapidly af K, 2 one of the largest Kozhikode’ , copra/coconut al. In the 1960s he was joined Filippo Osella & Caroline , they are invariably s with the colonial s and spices - or alk about fice of a ter s

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 184 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April below) for Like many others, PK began to act as ‘commission agents’ (see ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ bazaar regime allowed for the building of wholesale monopolies in rice within India to the advantage of big mills, `Licence Raj’ post-independence planned economy regulated the circulation of behalf, in return for a percentage of the sales’ value. While India’s own state; PK used their local contacts to sell rice on the mills’ Gulf to Kozhikode. ports - gold moved once again in the opposite direction, from from the 1950s onwards - until 1990s liberalization of gold im- tyres, petrol and gold which went from Kozhikode to the Gulf; but actually came from smuggling: during the two world wars it was the timber trade. ternational markets, boosted trade in both the copra bazaar and with an exponential expansion of demand on the national and in- nial regulations which had limited local traders’ exports, together fee – a commission - to the ‘forwarding agent’. The lifting of colo- often British-owned companies. Bombay buyers would pay a set ties on behalf of buyers - at a price fixed by the latter which were agents’, mostly of Gujarati origin. The latter purchased commodi- conuts or pepper directly from producers on behalf of ‘forwarding period these were predominantly ‘middle-men’ who bought up co- closely related through kinship and marriage. During the colonial ness here used to be concentrated in the hands of a few traders p started a number of rice and flourmills. The business was eventually government’s ration shops. Within a few years, `PK Traders’ had politicians - contracts for the distribution of rice to state expanded the business by gaining - though connections with local government. PK were amongst this group, and they further connections necessary for receiving trading licences from the traded - we find a similar story in south India and UAE. them moved into steel production, now owning three plants, artitioned amongst the sons of founder Meanwhile, the most lucrative side of Kozhikode trade In the copra bazaar - where spices and coconut products are , headed by those who had the capit Andhra Pradesh mills which had no cont 3 Gold smuggling certainly brought enormous . As in the nearby rice bazaar . In the 1990s, one of act al and political s out side their , busi- access to mobile phones & the internet. made possible by the expansion of road transport and ready towns and rural areas - byp canvassing agents’ willingness to sell rice anywhere - around nearby the bazaar on strength of Gulf remittances, but is also due to has increased. This is not simply because newcomers have entered to six months’ discounts, market competition is such that they normally give up pay ready cash for rice deliveries in order to benefit from mills’ the bazaar in a number of ways. Firstly often operating right across south India. This change has affected from delivery agents’, who gather orders and collect payments within two weeks to customers - wholesalers and retailers alike through ‘canvassing settled bills only after selling all the rice. Mills nowadays sell directly ‘commission agents’. The latter received large stocks on credit and of the licence system, rice mills no longer need to rely on local business. Following the post-1991 economic liberalization’s abolition major changes in wholesale distribution had a deleterious effect on and aggressive competition. Rice traders argue, for example, that honoured practices are made obsolete by technological innovations us’. Here they offer us a predictable narrative, in which time globalisation - claiming with one voice that ‘globalisation has ruined remittances of Gulf migration. economy has become dependent upon the revenues and and 70s. apparently become all but a shadow of what they were in the 1960s port facilities and warehouses. Meanwhile, Kozhikode bazaars have coming altogether to the city the last nationalization of hardwood forests. Following the Gulf oil boom, The decline of the bazaar overt trade, riches not only to those directly involved in various roles this aking timber 4 Bazaar traders commonly impute the decline of business to In the late 1970s, timber trade declined as a result of but to the whole Kozhikode Muslim community Arab resident As in the rest of Kerala, since 1980s, Kozhikode’ . Such canvassers are employed by non-local agencies, credit to their own client , spices or rice as a site of capit s lef assing the bazaar altogether t Kozhikode and , leading to the eventual closure of all , while local traders have to s. Secondly Filippo Osella & Caroline T o ret Arab ship al accumulation. ain their buyers, , competition , eventually , a change s stopped s

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 186 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April professionals to the United S members of this highly educated community migrated as of Waynad, an area relatively isolated from the coast. Many of Kerala pepper are Christian planters from the mountain district have brought substantial changes here as well. The main suppliers prices. But technological innovations and economic liberalization traders operated as a cartel, refusing to pay suppliers above agreed of prices on national or international commodity market and sellers did not have the means to monitor daily movement traders had the upper hand: buyers to rely on their services large - and vice versa. Until the end of last century prices go up, traders lose money - often fortunes, if the orders are a price fixed according to current rates. If for any reason producers’ PK, mentioned earlier - forcing a number of them out business. Wholesalers such as their disposal and rely heavily on regular cash returns from clients small traders - that is those who have a smaller capital at preneurs were quick to exploit the opportunity T paramount in order to take advantage of ‘forward buying/selling’. dominated business where traders’ skills and experience are bazaar appears to be in terminal decline. This is a Muslim- the city of two national supermarket chains - adjacent copra local market - a transformation accelerated by the recent arrival in centrality of Kozhikode’ changes, effectively undermining the monopoly and regional eventually turning Trichur into a competing rice market. These and lower handling charges to Kozhikode’s usual bazaar customers, long-term credit, moves which limit both profit Kozhikode traders hav ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ decide prices or to check the daily fluctuation of commodity markets. They can then use the internet or telephone directly to their relatives in U.S. out of the bazaar altogether downloaded further south, in for a number of months following train crash. Rice had to be Thirdly raders receive orders months in advance of the actual delivery While the rice bazaar is slowly turning into a predominantly , in the late 1990s railway line to Kozhikode closed down , indeed, whether to sell at all or hold their , simply shif e no alternative but to lower prices and offer s bazaar . t ates. Nowadays, planters can either T , have af richur ted to cash-only sales or moved . This city’ fected mostly medium and , of s Christian entre- s and cash flow fering discount s. Moreover , Kozhikode , at s , . term relations with Gulf migrants’ companies - have long thrived on the back of businesses - from timber and spices to gold and, more recently networks, hence all but local; as we have seen, Kozhikode Muslim city’s bazaars have always been embedded in wider commercial Muslims’ organizations, hides as much it reveals about Kozhikode as diverse Kerala’s Communist Parties and Islamist commonplace as it may be in the political propaganda of groups themselves for once in agreement. But this simple explanation, their archenemies - the unionised bazaar labourers – finding perhap deleterious effects of globalizing markets. This straightforward, and have gone out of business, apparently as the result confirm, the volume of trade has indeed declined and many traders at arms’ success depends on keeping competitors and sales-tax officials business are commonplace in bazaars across the world, wherever Is ‘globalization’ the problem? operations, approaching producers directly and forcing prices down. In the meantime, big north Indian buyers have expanded their of cheaper imported palm oil has led to a reduction in local demand. cost areas out mostly Christians) are also relocating their activities into low labour supply - disease has badly affected Kerala crops; planters (again, to several factors. On the one hand there has been a decline in mills since the early 1950s. Kerala’s main export, copra has been sold to local and national oil been flooded by cheaper imports from Vietnam and Indonesia. same time, following liberalization, the Indian pepper market has bouring sell directly to exporters in the port city of Ernakulam or neigh- years. Better roads have also allowed these Christian planters to commodity i Surely traders’ pessimistic reflections on the decline of Copra is not faring any better either s familiar T length. p amilnadu, byp articip n storage: pepper can be treated and stored for several side the st , explanation is shared by both local traders and And yet, as the chamber of commerce’ ation in contemporary economic life. Arabs and p assing Kozhikode bazaar altogether ate. On the other A drastic reduction in trade is due here articip ation in the colonial economy . Replacing coconut , the 1990s introduction Filippo Osella & Caroline Af ter all, the s figures . At the s as . ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 188 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April maint sis would appear to be those businesses whose owners did not areas and adjoining districts - to collect payments for credit sales. cultivated in after years of migration. Faizal’s modest savings and tenacity - wholesale shop with his childhood friend Faizal who had returned with Usman’ brother-in-law make the most of new chances. and deployed sharp practices - of which they are deeply proud to which their business is conducted, they have over time developed And while traders have seldom determined the conditions under ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ help - or lose with equal ease as prices rise and fall unpredict business is a game of chance, where you might win - with god’s communities. Most of our bazaar friends would readily admit that Muslims argue, differentiates them from traders of other and opportunism is indeed the essential attribute of success which, extensive network of ‘well-wishers’. where, along with learning the ropes of bazaar trade, he built an joined his sister’s husband as an errand boy in a small rice shop, and contacts can still make a business thrive. In his teens, Usman even with a modicum of initial capital to invest, attitude, experie current crisis. Usman and his p post-independence times - is indicated by the peculiarities of novel and fast moving markets - just as they did in colonial or the resolve to profit from various opportunities opened up by setbacks. steady nerves and to weather even the most severe financial slightest market fluctuation, Kozhikode traders know how to keep times that unlike inexperienced newcomers panicking at the multimillion forward buying deal with Russia - reminded us many a of Kozhikode’s former pepper’s kings – who went bust in a more for their incompetence than aggressive practices. One business, but only to an extent. Newcomers, however Kozhikode newcomers who can rely on Gulf remittances to subsidy T o be sure, increased competition is resented, especially from non- ain a healthy cash flow At first sight, then, those most affected by the bazaars’ cri- That these bazaar Muslims have never lacked either the skills s expertise, quickly turned the business to profit. T amil Nadu, Mumbai and, later in Bahrain - together , he took over a moribund t , they personally visit client artner Faizal are an example of how An orient Af ter eighteen years with his ation towards risk-t apioca flour mill-cum- , are chided s - in rural aking ably nce To , . had set up business as a ‘commission agent’, buying local goods as a timber merchant, by the late 19 and father Beach Road office, an old colonnade building from where his father investment land and plantations have become the preferred destination of such long since changed their activities. Over the last twenty years, urban brought to their knees by the decline of bazaar have in fact that many of the same bazaar traders who claim to have been common strategies utilised to spread and manage risk. So, we find shared by investors (Tripp 2006) - and diversified investments are business and entrepreneurship New orientations towards short term view of history moment only appears anomalous or particular if one takes a ve continuities as breaks in bazaar traders’ practices. The current contemporary forms of globalisation have produced just as many Islamic law or by setting them as and warehouses by either registering them in their wives’ names (Lindberg 2009: 92-3), protected their sprawling mansions, shops of colonial driven reforms marriage and inheritance system businessmen, worried by the possibility of bankruptcy that and wary early 20 of chance. During previous periods commercial growth - in the Kozhikode bazaar has always been risky and open to the vagaries influx of Gulf remittances has led to reckless investments, trade in new fashions. But although it is undoubtedly true that the recent retailing or fast food catering, all done in an attempt to cash on one - often in activities as diverse rice wholesaling and shoe moving from one failed business to a new and hopefully successful earned cash is such that it commonplace to find traders rapidly to finance relatives’ to find investments for their savings - regularly form partnerships not necessarily cause of despair or disgrace. Gulf migrants - keen age credit sales. But in Kozhikode, boom-and-bust businesses are have enough capital and expertise to withstand competition or man- Business partnerships - where both profits and losses are th century ’ s father ran their trade with s, as in the case of KV . In other words, processes associated with , for example - Kozhikode Muslim traders and or friends’ waqf . donations, protected as charity under shop . He can be found sitting in his s and stores. Arab merchant th century KV’s grandfather Filippo Osella & Caroline A vailability of Gulf- s. S t arting out ry

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 190 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Pradesh or Bihar life. but more generally to their failure plan a long-term ‘systematic’ worldwide, not only to their alleged aversion ‘modern’ education, relative ‘underdevelopment’ of Kerala Muslims, and Muslims approach to business. wish to see others follow their lead and take a more dynamic of the opportunities given by God – people like KV and P horizons and corruption – framing it as unIslamic because wasteful exporter (2009) respectively consultants discussed by Patricia Sloane (1999) and Rudnyckyj entrepreneurs and Indonesian industrialists management economic practices. Like the contemporary Malaysian and shift in the way Kozhikode Muslims evaluate and make sense of most of emerging markets. But it is here that we discern a profound who successfully mobilize bazaar skills and capital to make the examples of the particular personal abilities some entrepreneurs production. wholesale of rice, he moved onto flourmills and, eventually sons. PK, whom we encountered earlier rubber and coconut plantations, which he runs together with his education. When our young people go to the Gulf, they only get the Hindus. But Muslims are only now realising importance of cation because of their connection with missionaries; next come Malayali communities. In Kerala, Christians have the highest edu- a pharmaceutical comp the 1970s, he began to branch out into new commercial activities: p on behalf of ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ af king’ - and joined his father’s export business in the mid 1950s father’s closest business partners - Malabar’s undisputed ‘timber inclination for business. He married the daughter of one his 1940s to the 1960s thanks gold trade. KV has a similar father took on artitioned between the sons, amongst them KV’ ter sitting for BA “Muslims in Kerala are certainly more advanced than Uttar These two cases might be dismissed as exceptional, , “But actually Arab traders. He lef Arab trade, which brought great fortunes from the ,” argued exams. , who sharply criticise ‘old-style’ , we should be comp An emerging public discourse attributes the any As the Abdul Qader , jewellery franchises, real est t a thriving business, which was Arab trade eventually died out in , a successful frozen food aring them with other , did likewise: from fat s father alism, limited , into steel K would ate and . KV’ s seminars to educate and inspire local Muslims. Through speeches port children’s formal education and organise regular camps or arranging Quran reading groups, nowadays campaign for and sup- there are a host of ‘community’ organizations which, as well poor with the means to make a decent livelihood. In Kozhikode, forms, such as using centrally-collected bility taken as examples of Islam’s preoccupation with social responsi- ligations (such as are poor After all, reformists argue, “How can you be a good Muslim if ment with life as a whole, from self-presentation to employment. wider project of self transformation through an active ethical engage- Reformist efforts to transform religious practice are embedded in a national politics dominated by hostile Hindu fundamentalist parties. Kerala Hindu and Christians; to be self-reliant in the face of a sake of community ‘progress’; to compete with more developed ness and employment, to family life everyday sociality: for the lims recognize the need for moderate reform - from education, busi- nity in general, especially Kozhikode. Nowadays, all Kerala Mus- over the last thirty years they have set agenda for commu- cent of Kerala’s Muslim population formally affiliated as followers, reformists. While Islamic reformist organizations have only 10 per- ity and self-advancement are all part of the moral self cultivated by spend everything, leaving the grandsons only debt sumptuous houses and food. If a man makes money enjoy life,” dividual and community advancement. “Kozhikode Muslims like to fication and outright laziness are marked out as deleterious to in- ting employment.” Here lack of ambition, an inability to defer grati- diately business. They have no patience and want to make money imme- tude which ties in happily with much of Islamic reformist discourse. mix of hard work, persistence and ambition; this, note, is an atti- needs cultivating, instead, is a `get out and go for it’ attitude, now l ow jobs; white-collar jobs only go to those who are educated. Even , Muslims stop studying af , reformist Orient . Other communities are prep , ignorant and oppressed?” While Quranic shari’ah ob- Abdul Qader continued, “[T]hey are only interested in ations towards individual responsibility s try to re-shape obligations into more engaged zaqat or the injunction to care for orphans) are ter SSLC or Pre-degree to join a ared to wait longer before get- zaqat Filippo Osella & Caroline funds to provide the s to rep , energetic activ- , his sons will ay .” What

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 192 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April subst and Muslim competitors alike fear Muslims’ ability to mobilise 1991; Bayly 1983; Ray 1995; Markovits 1999, 2000). Indeed, Hindu reputation and connections (Osella & Osella 2009; cf Haynes 1987, as much in emerging businesses, depend directly on merchants’ in new ventures. Trust and credit, central to success the bazaar generations - forming partnerships to expand business or enter overlapping webs of kinship and friendship - often spanning across as other men involved in these businesses, are connected through on a daily basis. & Osella 2007) face-to-face relationships are valued and cultivated main cultural, if not economic, referents of many men (see Osella – bordering the bazaar area - where trade and commerce are Bazaar sociality male sociality have become the target of public critique. being promoted by reformists, bazaar-specific forms of everyday already asleep. While new forms of conjugality and family life are friends, returning home only late at night, when the children are and drinking tea” then proceed to spend every evening with many Muslim men who “sit the whole day in bazaar chatting his efforts, “to give my family the best” to attitudes of those Although he is not a reformist, often compares with satisfaction time in the evening to help his sons with their school homework. time sales agent for a pyramid-selling scheme, while carving out pride: managing his own furniture-making business, acting as a part- satisfying the demands of middle class life. India as much in the Gulf - forwarding community progress whilst cessfully participate in an increasingly competitive economy - educated with the interpersonal skills deemed necessary to suc- and leadership courses are regularly organized to equip the already life’. troduced to the idea that they should be aiming for a ‘systematic people felt to be useful community role-models, Muslims are in- by community leaders, educationalists, public health workers or on how to live a m ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ At the same time, spoken English, personality development antial capit In a Muslim-dominated neighbourhood such as Thekkepuram Sadarudheen describes his busy daily schedule with great al through relations of kinship and friendship o T ral, active and rationalised Muslim life delivered imber , rice, copra or spice merchant s, as well s. To on chance and luck as much business skills. pitfalls of risk taking, while reminding traders that success depends bling stood as a metaphor for trade, underscoring the rewards and traditionally competing emergence of business alliances between men belonging to Thekkepuram’s political and economic history – the sudden through trade, kinship and friendship. In other words, sectarian affiliations unfolded along similar lines, connecting men bazaar traders. In the meantime, political as well religious interests and socio-political aspirations of competing groups in the first half of 20 Philanthropic projects underpinning Kozhikode Muslim’s modernism – but feasted each other in their warehouses on a regular basis. and practices of gender segregation. torically at the intersection of bazaar economy community identity required. Not only did they entert shops, eating and sleeping there for days on stretch as business require traders and their staff to spend days nights in fail to mention that the demands of business were such as heyday of the bazaar – from 1940s to early 1970s they never it when trade was buoyant and the bazaar awash with prof- fights and, on a few occasions, murders. These were the days or lost at cards, while gambling debts and alleged cheating led to Cosmopolitan Club and the Cricket – fortunes could be won exclusive venues of the upper middle class and elite, such as male sociality – which existed alongside the more established and centres’ and a variety of other formal informal expressions gamble and drink alcohol. In the precursors of today’s ‘community locally as men gathered in rooms above bazaar stores and shops (known of affective relations between men. explained without taking into consideration the long-term unfolding insep a large extent, then, business, kinship and friendship are s of gold smuggling. arable, p Forms of everyday male sociality have been produced his- But bazaar life had also a much lighter side. In the evening mugalil sanghams art and p . th arcel of the bazaar economy tharavadus At the height of bazaar exp century drew inspiration form the business , literally upstairs associations), to ain client , for example – cannot be fully 5 When men talk about the s – Gulf Filippo Osella & Caroline , matrilineal kinship Arabs in p , and crucial to ansion, gam- 6 Gambling, articular

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 194 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April referent is the Islamic modern of Gulf or lacking. It is perceived as a fetter to future of progress, whose of unreformed Islam, is marked as inherently ‘traditional’ and morally the decadent forms of westernised colonial modernity or to past the bazaar ambition, but it is now imagined in a new configuration, beyond general remain at the core of ethnic identity and masculine personal ambitions have grown more expansive. Trade and business in no longer embodies community aspirations for the good life, where as necessary common practice to all business people - the bazaar traders’ rule-bending as immoral - it is generally taken for granted moral as much economic. While no one would think of bazaar The moral crisis of the bazaar in p of forms of sociality and socially active men left in Thekkepuram to reproduce organized extent that, putting it simply 50 years bracket have been migrating in droves to the Gulf, younger generations. Since the 1970s oil boom, men in 18 to attract investments nor produce long term employment for the by the requirements of a bazaar economy which nowadays neither 20 hotel-delivered food. space for card playing, accompanied by a few drinks and some for only a couple of nights week, they provide men discreet clubs have closed down; those remaining keep a low profile. Open making enemies with equal ease. Nowadays, all but a few of these like tr ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ the expression of a more sober produced themselves as modern through a generalized distancing male sociality Malaysia and Indonesia. V th mugalil sanghams articular century have dwindled because they are no longer sustained ade, is about competition, players reinforcing friendships or The crisis of Kozhikode bazaars, then, is represented to be Forms of everyday male sociality which developed in the early In the middle of 20 . , by Islamic reformist organizations. The latter . . And yet, local discourse attributes the decline to the success of open critique articulated, , associated now through memory either to arious forms of ‘social work’ th , there are not enough economically century , engaged and morally accept , Kerala middle-class Muslims , increasingly have become able , of making a fortune by becoming the sole palm oil suppliers to three mills and started to import palm oil from Malaysia, soon in from Bihar workers and replacing them with illiterate Muslim labourers brought they rapidly made profitable by sacking all the Malayali unionised they were able to buy a moribund government-owned flourmill which by his three brothers. In 1994, following economic liberalization, money to st As soon as elder brother finished college, he used inheritance and married the latter’s sister - died when they were still at school. the space of a few years. Their father - who was one PK’s partners sister’s husband, have monopolized the Kerala palm oil market in two high school drop-outs) who, together with their MBA educated owned by four young brothers (two commerce graduates, the other management institutes - to achieve success. The PS group is techniques - learnt in the Gulf as much at desks of skills of the bazaar are refined with adoption modern business work, dedication and business skills, where ‘traditional’ Muslim invariably talk of their success as depending solely on hard accumulation. reformist’s influence - is mobilized to sustain novel forms of capital which has acquired wider currency amongst Kerala Muslims following ‘systematic’ lifestyle and a generalized rationalization of practices - towards self-transformation through education, adoption of a requirements of neo-liberal capitalism. In other words, an orientation re-orienting local Muslim subjectivities and practices towards the moral responsibilities, at the same time they are committed towards their business practices within an Islamic framework of ethics and live (publicly) moral lives. organised reformist piety movements, most nevertheless strive to entrepreneurs, businessmen and traders we discuss are involved in community progress. While only a few amongst the new breed of eventually to a confluence of interests and orientations on issues of socio-religious reforms. This orientation towards reform led ability to join forces with the modernizing middle-classes on a platform Undoubtedly from ‘tradition’, be it social, economic or Unsurprisingly art a rice wholesale shop in the bazaar , reformist , in north India. By 1998 they had acquired another , emerging entrepreneurs and businessmen s’ success and influence comes down to their And yet, while they seek ways of embedding Filippo Osella & Caroline , indeed, religious. , soon joined

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 196 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April trendsetter not yet abandoned condemnation of the excesses western in Kerala, strongly influenced by state-wide progressive politics, has However accept flexible labour practices, the key to future employment. to compete in the global labour market, but they are also asked embrace ‘modern western education’ and to learn English in order community’s development. Ordinary Muslims are encouraged to also reveal the unfolding of a (class) specific road map for for the sharp business and labour practices of global capitalism interested in pursuing bazaar business. But PS Group’s enthusiasm - university educated following reformist influence are no longer winding down their commercial activities simply because sons resonates with middle class aspirations. Many reputed traders are imbricated with more generalised ideas about progress which enlightenment, education, rationality and so on, has become reformist discourse. Reformism, via the central tropes of upon a convergence between middle-class practices and Islamic progress which, just as in the middle of 20 (Osella & Osella 2009), embodies a novel orientation towards have emerged in the last 15 years both Kerala and Gulf cessful businesses, but have no expertise.” puter system. and we have also bought the company that developed our com- integration of our business, so we have own lorries, refineries brother-in-law explains, “we are implementing backward and forward to develop our own port facilities. we plan to start our own palm plantations here in Kerala and hope tional commodities market and buy accordingly month; we check every two hours the price of oil on interna- expertise. We import millions of rupees-worth palm oil every old,” he argued, “our business, on the contrary requires cutting edge the work force is too expensive and labour practices are nesses disappear brother has no doubts that without innovation and investment busi- refineries and nowadays import palm oil by the tanker full. Elder government ration shop ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ The PS Group, not unlike other Muslim businesses which , unlike the . The problem in Kerala is that people want to copy suc- As soon as the st . “The bazaar cannot be turned to profit because T urkish or Malaysian cases, Islamic reformism s. Eventually ate government gives us approval, T o do well you must be a , they built two sprawling .” “T th o make savings” century , builds Islamic reformism. Entrepreneurs needing to rely on modern pragmatism informs engagement with the ethical demands of calculation. and luck as it does on technocratic management rational economy depends just as much on connections, games of chance their investment but they also benefit from close links with politicians, who support the politics of networking skills. They thrive in the Gulf because they understand they have combined cutting edge management techniques with have made it big in the Gulf because, as we argued elsewhere, technocratic ‘know-how’. to have been as important was the commitment modern example, extensive familial and political connections are recognised and contradictory yet, the relationship between discourse and practice is complex ‘outmoded traditions’ of a generalized distancing from what are locally perceived as pursuit of community and individual progress. This takes the form times, draws together neo-liberal and Islamists’ orientations in the mapped out the emergence of an economy morality which, at causalities or predict articulation of economic and religious practices which defies univocal ethnography we presented suggests a contingent and contextual engagements with and experiences of economic change. The contradictions and slippages which inform Kozhikode Muslim’s Conclusions framework for capit properly Islamic globalized modernity which provides a moral (often faintly romantic) talk about a revitalised counteracting ‘western imperialism’. What is envisaged, as in the by globalisation, and in the meantime set basis for family reformists argue, can rid Kerala of the social problems - decline years have sharpened critique. Only an Islamic renaissance, c apitalism. If anything, international political events of the last 10 , consumerism, pornography - brought to bear on Muslim lives In this article we have discussed some of the tensions, At the same time, a good dose of calculation and wast s in Kerala. Eventually . In the making of PS Group’ a alist activity and have developed close relations with in economic and religious practices alike. able relations of elective af A number of Kerala Muslim entrepreneurs . , success in the neo-liberal Filippo Osella & Caroline dar-ul-Islam finity s success, for . W e have Arabs, , is a And

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 198 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April economy or in a wider working in the Gulf can either claim participation neo-liberal existing hierarchies of class race and ethnicity simultaneously as subjects and objects. For instance, given local and transnational relations to which social actors participate success depends on and articulates with the unfolding of complex and the emergence of new players. They emphasize that economic not simply reflections on the transformation of bazaar economy Discussions about the deleterious effects of globalization, then, are forms of capital accumulation well beyond the confines ‘local’. concerned with exploiting existing opportunities and creating new On the contrary entrepreneurs are neither external nor peripheral to ‘globalization’. present. are locally perceived to be the shortcomings and challenges of of ‘progress’ and success, it charts trajectories for dealing with what sensibilities – between former glories and aspirations for a future albeit imagined and mediated through novel orientations descent. In drawing connections and suggesting continuities – inseparability of economic practice from religious identity and avowed policy fundamentals. pragmatic concessions which might take them away from their own Islamist organizations make compromises, shift position and offer Kerala (cf Huq 2008; Shehabuddin 2008). In practice, then, even between India and Pakistan, but also north participation to communal prayers varies considerably not just such as Jamaati-I-Islami on crucial issues women’s so that, for instance, the orientation of transnational movements specific historical and socio-political context in which it develops; is never disembedded, but also always deeply inflected by the government loans to expand their businesses. Reformism, likewise, lenders and not to borrowers, leaving them free rely on bank or banking ar ‘Globalisation is ruining us’ dangerous. Finally ing religious and economic practices together might be altogether tolerated as long they remain a poor and illiterate minority and very of We have also argued that local discourse underscores the As we have demonstrated, Kozhikode traders and gue, for example, that the sin of usury ( ten to neither , they are, as are always been, deeply , the conversations and debates that we have dar . Meanwhile in India, where Muslims are -ul-Islam , but not to both simult , most Kerala Muslims riba ) applies to aneously , link- , 1 Notes experience (cf Coleman 2000, 2004; Keane 2008; Bialecki 2008). of economic engagement to the objectification everyday religious underscore the centrality of specific forms material exchange and At the same time, our respondents’ experiences and reflections the point of asserting its radical ‘amorality’ and disembeddedness. duce it bodied disciplines and structures of feeling to produce repro- nomic practice – requiring as it does specific subjectivities, em- economic rationality and pragmatism are not morally neutral. Eco- economist presented in this article suggest that Kozhikode Muslims – unlike Bagchi, Abdul Sathar References Bayly Barendse, R.J. 1998. 4 3 2 6 5 V SOAS. Thanks for comments on early drafts to: Dinah Rajak, Jon Mitchell, M.T This was chronicled in the famous novel Barendse 1998; Prakash 2004). history Circulation of gold between the Gulf and South India has, course, a long initialized their names. T Research was funded by the ESRC, Nuf bler’ in the 2006 Malayalam movie See Mammootty’s recent portrayal of the eponymous Kozhikode ‘lucky gam- For reasons of space we will focus solely on bazaar economy , C.A. 1983. o maint .J. V Amiya Kumar self – is necessarily wedded to notions of morality . V Thesis, University of Calicut. Age of British Expansion, Seventeenth Century Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi issue India,” in Sarvepalli Gopal (ed.), arghese and Simon Coleman. asudevan Nair and N.P , stretching well back to pre-colonial and early colonial times (see s or W , M.K.K. 1999. “History of Ba-Alawis in Kerala,” Unpublished PhD ain the anonymity of informant Rulers, T all S . 1991. “Predatory Commercialization and Communalism in The Arabian Seas: Indian Ocean World of the treet traders and bankers – recognize that ownsmen, and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the , Leiden: Research School CNWS. . Mohamed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thiruppugulan , Delhi: Penguin. Anatomy of a Confrontation: The Babri s, we have used either changed or Arabi Ponnu field Foundation, the Filippo Osella & Caroline . (Arab Gold; 1993) by AHRC and , even at

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 204 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April salistic norms and where one’s achievement counts more than graphical situation, presently living in the northern part of Kerala. of the youths, from diverse socio-economic background and geo- and experience of modernity influence of contemporary socio economic developments on the idea in explaining such ‘discrepancies’. Further we also try to link the explore the role of caste, class, gender and geographical locations modernity modernity is ‘fractured’. this need to be located in the larger Kerala Shaping the Life: idea and experience of modernity in which caste, class, gender and geographical locations affects one’s ‘modernization’. Further there seems to be subtle differences in the way of the youth are in conflict—interlinked with ‘tradition’ and interfaces narratives, the paper argues that idea and experience of modernity the youth in Kerala. Drawing on ethnographies, particularly personal This paper aims to locate the idea and experience of modernity among Rakkee Thimothy Rajesh Komath Socio-economic Order By modernity The attempt here is to understand the idea and experience of , that conflict Y outh in a Changing , we mean ‘an attitude which represent univer- s and converges among the youth to . It proceeds through personal narrative . The p I socio/economic processes by which aper suggest * s that reasons for modernity according to one’s convenience. p especially when it comes to crucial decisions like choosing their life practice, ‘conventional beliefs and attitudes’ in social relations, cars and even food habit certain goods and services—ranging from mobile phones to mini creating a notion of ‘modern’ in the possession and consumption network of media and helps in spreading peculiar ‘youth styles’, Cultural globalization on the other hand operates through global immediately affecting their education and employment choices. p youth are in a dilemma regarding how to encounter these changes, skills and proved beneficial to a smaller section of the society the ‘new economy’ created jobs that demand specific education/ of welfare spheres like education, health and employment. However patterns that benefit them. modernity of youth’s are often compromised, legitimising behaviour and experience/practice. In practice, ‘unadulterated’ ideas of subscribing to a genre of modernity which is distinct in idea/notion or evolving in nature, evidence from the case studies indicate youth probed. Though we define the idea of modernity as non-absolutist the idea and experience of modernity among youth was debates along side broader economic changes. For the purpose, strengthening of caste-based movements, pro/anti reservation societal changes like (re)inventing of identities, either through We have attempted to understand modernity in the context of larger gains, which in turn are influenced by the socio-economic factors. aspirations induce an individual to use their ‘identities’ for personal occur in the idea and experience of modernity family background and connections’ (Gupta, 2000). Differences tion. the liberalization and privatization policies that facilitated globaliza- that became more visible in India during the post 1990s, following in particular cannot be negated. influencing attitudes and lifestyle of the people in general youth globalization is beneficial or not, its impact on economy and culture central to this study artner articularly with respect to opportunities and challenges they of This was followed by the withdrawal of S The centrality of market in everyday life was a phenomenon . The youth thus app . W s. At the same time youth strongly hold and

Changes brought by globalization are ithst arently straddle between tradition and anding the question whether Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy , when situations or t ate from a variety . The fer ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 206 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April superior part and parcel of the colonial project, which projected ‘West’ as Giddens and Durkheim, to name a few period and later developed through the discourse initiated by Kant, 2006). The concept gained momentum during the Enlightenment secular reasoning and techno-scientific exploration (Pathak, 1998, ideas that believe in the possibility of creating a new world through “mo formations that the western world has undergone. For instance, used with reference to the socio-economic and intellectual trans- caste into the domain of culture prevented any discussion inferiors within the nation. He argues that conscious act of bringing colonizers would accommodate vast sections of Indians only as tionalism’ wards the contradiction offered by concept of Chatterjee’s ‘na- tions of identity politics in the context modernity and points to- fined by such p dition’ that enhances their status and draws exclusionary lines de- dernity in it studies based on specific cultural contexts that problematised mo- cal scholarship, questions this dominant paradigm, enabled with though initially accepted as a universal concept, contemporary criti- Shaping the Life ‘fractured modernity’ meritocracy and gender equality given time expresses commitment to universal values, like shows how the same people/organizations and newspapers at any emerging middle class in colonial Luknow dernity and focuses on its multilayered nature as evident among the tices in India. Joshi (2001) rejects the idea of an ‘ideal-typical’ mo- dernity’, which is formed by specific circumstances and social prac- istence of multiple modernity and stress the peculiarity ‘our mo- dimensions. dernity has to be contextually determined and it own relative ‘alternative modernity’ with the opinion that experience of mo- often described as ‘modernity at large’, ‘vernacular modernity’, or the same time engage with contextual specificities. This has been dernity” is defined as a set of philosophical, political, and ethical Unraveling the concept of modernity reveals that it was often For instance Chatterjee (1997) calls our attention to the ex- , of as the nationalist invocation of V s relativity ten creating discomfort among Indian intellectuals. 1 arameters as birth, gender . , which might accept Pandian (2002) is concerned with the implica- , and simult . Modernity came to India as s colonial attributes but at , and religion, leading to a , during 1880 to 1930. He edic tradition against the aneously promote ‘tra- Al- colonialism and globalization suggests that marriage and education assert their right to mobility cultural capital through employment, religion, politics, migration, to improve their position by accumulating economic, symbolic and in the colonial public sphere. However Ambedkar and E.V to recover a space for the language of caste mainly in writings youths in Kerala. paper attempts to situate the kind of modernity that work among ferentially effecting men and women (Luckose, 2005). by post–colonial preoccup that ‘new-globally inflected spaces of consumption’ are structured nity and identity are in conflict. More recent studies also points out for mobility through repudiation of their nineteenth century identity and in search the face of opposition from their high status Christian and (2000) elaborate that the ernization (Pathak 2006). tion it is possible to re-invent tradition by a process of reflexive mod- It is also argued that by delving deep into the process of globaliza- influencing the formation of ‘modern subjectivities’ (Appadurai, 2002). the widespread influence of media and large scale migration the materials of modernity differently; a process made possible by as a localizing process, where by different communities appropriate unadulterated good or a finished project. Globalization too is seen everyone can be modern in one’s own terms. Modernity is not an explain what is contemporary and modern by this claim him even the idea of ‘multiple’ modernity is problematic as it fails to based on family connections, privileges of caste and status. For ernization. people associate ‘modernity’ rather loosely with symbols of mod- it in private life. as practiced in India hides caste public but vehemently practices outside modernity’ to speak about their own caste. The modernity upper caste) neighbors. This study also examines how the With such a theoretical understanding, empirical part of this Engaging with the specific context of Kerala, Osella and Gupta (2000) is concerned about ‘mistaken modernity’, where , have come into a complex relationship with modernity And the mode of relations in our society continues to be As mentioned above, at any point in it’ . Ramaswamy Ezhavas ations about tradition and modernity (an ex-untouchable caste) sought . The Dalit writers had to ‘step , there were isolated attempt Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy Ezhava’s Ezhavas , of s history Nair moder- ten in , dif- (an s , ,

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 208 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Shaping the Life idea of modernity there would be factors simultaneously imparts and fractures the and 20 earlier studies on other context caste, class, gender and geographical location) to attain it. Though inherited/structured, advantages/disadvantages (emerging from exploring youths’ socio-economic aspirations and how they tackle the youths in Kerala. We have attempted to trace this by specifically intricacies that fracture the idea and experience of modernity among personal goals. The present paper intends to understand such negotiate and use their caste, class gender identities for and economy organizations and increased influence of these groups in politics employment, together with the revival of various caste/religious Kerala. The present era of increased competition for education and have tried to impart a notion of ‘modernity’ among the people development trajectory of the st status have to be analyzed in the background of specific pirations of the youth and their tactics to attain socio-economic with the traditional and modern life styles. The socio-economic as- the case of many other Indian states, youth eloquently interfaces and the final Section concludes. IV reflects over the personal narratives and evidences from field Section III deals with the concepts and methodology used; this situates the study in specific context of northern Kerala; experiences in recent period. exists a gap in the literature particularly with regard to Lakshminarayana, 1985) touch upon some of these issues, there major problem in the st ment along with high educational attainments has emerged as a cal development patterns, the existence of widespread unemploy- capital are formulated. rations and strategies of youths to attain socio-economic status/ 2004). It is in this specific setting we try to inquire, how the aspi- The location of the study is state Kerala, where as in The paper is organized in five sections. Section following th century , have directly or indirectly encouraged youths to , modern education and various social movement , in every site. For inst ate (Mathew ate. s (Krip II 2

, 1997; Prakash and Amongst the various p al, 1976; Pandey ance, during the late 19 , 1984 and Abraham, aradoxi- th s Service Society (SRRMS) including lower and upper caste movements, like the has witnessed the emergence of various socio-religious movements grammes benefiting the common man. Historically state has implemented various welfare oriented polices and pro- Narayana Dharma Parip aware of such organizations’ nexus with political parties. have association with such organizations in their social life and are mocracy intersects with caste/religious politics. Many a time youths ern Kerala and eventually having an effect on the people when de- SRRMS, caste and its discriminative practice were acute in south- Kerala’s politics. This implies that with the presence of various pecially SNDPY and NSS continue to wield significant influence in popular assembly in 1912 (Gladstone, 1984). V while under the direct British rule; central and southern parts (erst- ing the colonial rule. The northern Kerala (formerly southern Kerala and they were three different political entities dur- The state can be divided geographically into northern, central and logical base) apart from the caste, class and gender dispositions. gressive state policies etc (which would have a cultural and ideo- tween the milieu of the region these days often lead to frequent tension be- (Marxist)] in the electoral politics of Kerala. The highly politicized continues to be a stronghold of CPI (M) [Communist Party India the peasant/tenant movement, originated in Malabar and region peasants/tenants. The Communist movement, with its genesis in was more authoritarian and particularly oppressive towards Praja Sabha practice of nominating the representative castes to ment in the princely state is noted earlier (Tharakan, 1992). The and the positive correlation of various SRRMS social develop- ganizations started demanding various provisions for development larger habit of Kerala, youths and their perceptions have to be located at perception and aspirations thereby their lives. In the context ferential experiences of ‘development’ to youths, influencing their Cochin Malabar Geographical location has an important role in creating dif- Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ations—that is, presence of Communist ideology and 6 came into vogue; , being under the direct British rule, on other hand, 3 (NSS), T ravancore alana Sadhu Jana Paripalana Sanga ) were princely st Y ogam A yyankali was nominated to the 5 (SNDPY). Many of these or- Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy (RSS) ates. arious SRRMS es- 7 and the CPI (M). , southern Kerala The Malabar 4 T

Sri Mulam and ravancore Shree ) was , pro- Nair

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 210 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ristics is determined by class, caste, gender a sociological category it consist of several groups, whose characte- an age group that is transiting between childhood and adulthood. nary object, so as to see its multiple visibilities in the contemporary grounds, for the analysis here we have taken this as an interdiscipli- undesirable, to attain their desired wants and satisfactions. tem that legitimizes all sort of strategies, though they are socially which in turn has resulted the emergence of a kind value sys- labour market has lead to a general pessimism among the youth, sumerist culture and increased competition in the education what they plan to achieve in their life. It is presumed here that, con- tion belongs to this category (GoI, 2001). By aspiration we mean, years and by this definition around 27 per cent of the Kerala popula- Here we define youth as those belonging to the age group of 15-29 hood, employment, geographic location, with variations across time. and sociological connot Shaping the Life studies have attempted to capture such intra-st terns and outcomes apart from social relations, though only a few cal specificities, all three regions have distinct development pat- As various parts of Kerala have their own historical and geographi- modernity expresses itself in Kerala. tives under consideration to unpack the multiple levels in which are some of the pertinent questions to be unraveled from narra- the changing socio-economic forces and networks alter it? These tions related to education, employment and marriage how do behavior? How do these discrepancies interlock with their aspira- idea of ‘being modern’ and at the same time contradict ‘modern’ who originally belonging to southern side). How youth conceive the the youth presently living northern part of Kerala (including those differential effects on the youths. The present paper would focus regions in relation to caste, class and gender networks would have 2002; GoK, 2006). Though the youth as a concept has various disciplinary back- Y Socio-cultural, political and ideological differences across the outh is a demographic concept that has got both biological ations. As a biological category it relates to III , marit ate dif al st ferences (Kabir atus, p arent As - , engage mainly with informant marily based on ten personal narratives. The narratives discussions with the students, analysis presented here is pri- and informal conversation conducted a few group the reservation debate, etc, figure in narratives. achieve it and their views on a variety contemporary issues like pirations, marriage preferences, the ways in which they intend to choices. In addition, their future educational and occupational as- ing, their spending habits, educational status and reasons for t tions and accordingly understand their advantages disadvan- and contrast their attitudes across social physical loca- eration to caste, class, gender and geographical area compare idea/theory tion to reflect on their experience of modernity as distinct from the also covered, with a presumption that they will be in better posi- from college during the last two years and presently employed were various aspirations. However the ‘modern way of changes’, which will in turn be reflected their der the assumption that they are likely to be influenced more by plete exclusion of the southern and central parts Kerala. selected campuses. Hence this study is not constrained by a com- the state, as revealed by regional composition of students in significant number of students from central and southern regions visit it was found that colleges and university in Kannur attracts a one’ our study attempts to capture how geographical locations influence district of Kerala, constitute our study area. the Kannur University campus, all located in during May through a friendly conversation and the fieldwork was conducted selves addressing to our questions and comments. It is collected method of ethnography society science object. S proach with insights from ethnographic way of looking at a social ages. s idea and experience of modernity We have chosen youths in the colleges and universities un- The Science and Although during the study . Therefore, the study has adopted an interdisciplinary ap- , 2007. . The respondent pecifically , where each respondent speaks of them- Art , we have chosen the personal narrative s colleges, professional institutes and , few respondent s were selected by giving due consid- s’ notions of modernity , researchers engaged in formal . However Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy s who have p As pointed out earlier , during our field , their position- , a northern assed out , 21

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 212 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April He recognizes the importance of moving out them by the material and social conditions rather than their choice. that they want to be independent. Their dependency is forced upon munist p plenty of deprived people also preaching and working for the Com- Of Globalization: Encountering Dilemma Shaping the Life push people into a dilemma to t and wavering. when socio-material differences are high, convictions tentative point they tend to loose faith in the ideology believe in. So comfort On the one side, can see materially well off people living with all society and there are caste class dimensions to this behavior that legitimates only conventional methods of understanding the tween classes. It can be viewed as a problem of the social structure which equality can be attained by reducing the gap existing be- in the society’. He conceives Marxist ideology as a doctrine, through an indication of undisputable presence ‘caste that permeates it works in social life. The denial of caste itself can be interpreted as tion. Caste is problematic, that he aware of, but never admits ization; it can be even through information technology (IT) revolu- nity about the actual working of certain ideologies or notions moder- tain aspects of youth, in relation to his indecisiveness while talking and the need to migrate cities/towns parties, he is a member and secretary of the youth wing movement for land and states that he does not have faith in political Dal Kerala. Even when people nullify tion is essential for people to live in a highly politicized society like p is found to be the most important element. we discuss the question of modernity he is ready to take that challenge. It interesting note when sure how far he would be successful in acquiring modern skills though ath of English to modernity . Keeping his Marxist leanings, he expresses desire for modern- . 9 What is important here that certain kind of political affilia- Sukumar s and preaching Communism. arty . The material disp Preman 8 , a Nambiar who belongs to a Scheduled Tribe opines . (an upper caste) Though he nullifies the recent arities and related social structures IV things on any ground, at another ake strong positions. , acquiring English language

At the same time, there are for

education. But, he is not Preman

boy represents cer- Adivasi chooses the settlement At cert Adivasi Janata ain . ground. tends to identify their respective religion with nations in the play- India and Pakistan in a local club can create tense situation, as one ogy National Democratic Front (NDF) working with a communal ideol- due to the gulf money has also resulted in new organizations like with two binary opposite social worlds. The new economy created working of contemporary social and economic world. involvement in societal matters create certain notions about the comes out from the narrative is that political party affiliation and are also youths who not just bothered about these things. What what are part of globalization and not. But it is true that there efits. Left wing supporters are against it but not quite sure about knowingly youth view globalization as something bad. But knowingly or un- see it as a dragon that would injure everybody and this make the public discussions on globalization in Kerala, which by and large same company’s mobile phone. This has to be read along with the port in traditional rituals and practice religion. CPI (M) also silently sup- his locality is active in left politics, but at the same time participate companies like privatization primarily as it creates undue wealth to multinational its adverse impacts on poor people. He blames globalization and Persian Gulf. On the other side he speaks against privatization and story of a person who wants to make better life by migrating the has got the support of Capit that one cannot prevent globalization, as it is a phenomenon in many narratives. requisites of a market driven society on the other bound life style on the one hand and they did not reach upto stage; that the youths have not fully came out of their family/society decision about the social life. This may be a crisis in transition p ety about it to see oint they are forced to accept certain aspects of it. It is a fractured . It is pointed out that even watching a cricket match between s these two worlds of ideology Prabheesh Reliance , they are on the track of utilizing it or enjoying s product as a problem on the one side and expresses anxi- Reliance who s on the other

is an ardent supporter of CPI (M) . But at the same time he possesses al and S . Such ambivalences are evident , allowing the youths to engage t ate. He also notes that youth in Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy . This allows them Sumith

narrates the

agrees s ben-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 214 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Shaping the Life religious or caste-based organisations. educational institutions have come up in the state, under various modernity become relevant. In the last decade a lot of professional education and employment youth’s idea experience of cated unemployment. It is in this specific context the question of Education and Employment For ration for teaching profession and like his father became a teacher gender members’ opinion and one’s identity in terms of caste, class straints. In many cases aspirations gets largely conditioned by family result of the available options within a set socio economic con- class/caste is often not a well thought out decision. It tional choice for the youth especially those belonging to lower mained the same or worsened. The case studies reveal that educa- sional education and the employment situation in state has re- way intensified the present crisis, a lot more people get profes- For example, the case of financially affluent families their choice would have been different. engineering entrance exams and many noted if they were born in engineering courses. Most of students have attempted medical or admiration for professional education especially that of medical and them competent in the expatriate job market. There is a general migrate and earn money While those from gulf migrants’ household by and large want to sue Law was t situation, which t driver or any other occupation, than that of working in an exploitative off hand comment that he would rather prefer to work as an auto is visible in University tion. She wanted to join the Department of Economics at Kannur ation in Economics, subsequently pursued to do her post gradua- spending time before marriage. Neither and her lack of seriousness in it reveals that is just a matter she made up her mind to do pects any thing from her Post-graduate degree. Unlike earlier times, Rajasree Kerala development experience is paradoxical with high edu- . For inst , but ended up in the Dep Farzania’s , a girl from aken by her father ance, the case of Prabheesh, who had great admi- ap s his labour unp narrative. . So they choose courses which can make Sumith Vishwakarma Anthropology Farzania , a final year LLB student made an , to satisfy his unfulfilled dream. aid. artment of Y This, however caste, her decision to pur- , after completing her gradu- Farzania et another kind of dilemma . The new subject chosen Anthropology nor her family ex- , has in some . Then . ily matters like education. She belongs to a rich she them to move out for making their living. necessary measures to create adequate employment which forces employment. They blame the previous governments for not initiating satisfied with the fact that they have to migrate elsewhere find through the processes of globalization, at same time was dis- spondents were excited the way in which people coming closer of his/her generation. During the course our interview many re- up possibilities of entry into socially and economically accepted life an outcome of the processes institutional settings, which opens these barriers even while doing her Masters in Social Sciences.. dium of learning is prohibited. She found herself unable to break thropology studying society and culture, an important visual me- ing movies and related programmes. For a Masters’ lacerative job according to her Christian politan life. also expresses her desire to move out cities—to seek a metro- society is so irritated towards such dresses,” as she puts it. She she do not want to invite problems by doing so, as “our men in is not happy to use them. Kerala he has to use his caste and class identity more security and prestige. have a clear preference for government jobs, as it tends to provide job in the state. It is also evident many narratives that youths modernized, he need not have to use his caste identity fetch a were enough opportunities available or had the state was sufficiently trying hard to get into the government service. The ongoing changes . They do not even own a television, as religion discourages watch- agrees that the opinion of girls is also sought in family on The experience of modernity among the youth can be seen as Manoj, She likes wearing new forms of dresses but the fact is that wants to become a fashion designer—a modern and casuals, got a mobile phone, own computer and so on…….. peers. I will have a good degree in my hand, wear jeans and according to my decisions. I lead a better life than many of ……..I am considered to be modern. Because I do things a Thiyya boy says that if he wants to get a job in Again he t Sudhakaran . akes a position that if there Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy works in a private firm, but Vijaya George, Muslim , but he claims orthodox fam- student of a Syrian An-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 216 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April the argument put forth by justice, it rather creates hatred among them. For instance look at tional or job reservation is not a good method of ensuring social Backward Caste) identity mentary list for police job, is secured based on his OBC (Other his caste identity Shaping the Life globalization. While ization but also new forms of opportunities that are available due to do not bother him much in this regard and he is only for modern- many other instances like that of policy is one of the best mechanism at present available to us as politics of reservation. It also shows a lack of social consciousness and understanding the ervation is not benefiting the poor may be valid in certain situations. getting admission for a course due to her caste. Her point that res- ries. In her case it emerges from personal experience of not ervation creates hatred among youths against the reserved catego- nity and is against SC/ST reservation. She also points out that res- socio-economic condition of India. She belongs to an OBC commu- against the policy of reservation and fails to understand larger p posses with respect to marriage, the freedom choose their life most of them gave us an impression that the modern outlook they sentiments they would prefer to marry from their own caste. So to societal pressure and their unwillingness hurt parents’ indicating their ‘broad mindedness’. However they confess that due said that they do not have any problem in marrying from caste, negated it as something they or their family practice. Most of them denied the operation of caste in Kerala society and more we interacted, but with a strong underbelly of caste. Most them lent. The perception of marriage varied among the youth with whom in Kerala society and the discrimination based on caste is still preva- there are studies pointing out that caste operate at very subtle level beneficiaries were able to t the situation in comp working of various socio-religious movements has greatly improved Marriage artner Kerala was one the most caste-ridden societies in India. The , is restricted in practice and this of , he conveniently forget Sudhakaran arison to other p But the larger truth remains that reservation . Many youths hold the view that educa- ap it Rajasree s benefit , claims Sukumari . She expresses strong points art s properly is a dif s that his rank in the supple- s of the country today

he has not benefited from suggests. Whether the ten explained in terms ferent story vehemently . But . other respondents. For instance and economically well off. But this is not the situation in case of our respondent: teresting reconsiderations as explained by from a lower caste than yours. But now this seems undergoing in- Earlier by and large in contrast with the attitude of older generation. in the study was very different. She notes: respondent noted: thrown open by information technology in this regard, as one a traditional way he will be prefering to get things arranged by his family and elders in asks him how he plans to find his life p present computer age to find their life partners. However if someone ing us about the different possibilities available for youth in it is something really ‘bad’. He even goes to the extent of illuminat- family relations. tional types of marriage, which according to them ensure smooth aware of the changes happening around, they prefer to have conven- times watertight or interlinked in their private and public life. Though fractured modernity of pressure from family The response above was that of a girl coming from the south Y , the perception was that it is impossible to marry someone et another factor that decides the marriage is class. have only one life, who want to suffer? kind of life style, which is difficult to compromise. After all we These days class matter than caste. I am used to a certain a problem if the person is not from same or upper class. anyone, even from a different caste or religion. But ………they (family) do not have any problem in me marrying way I never felt uncomfortable with all these. Somehow feel ………may be as I was born and brought up in a very orthodox lifestyles. Love is fine but love marriage problematic me to solve many other problems that come out from modern would still like to go for arranged marriage, which may help tion, people can even find life partners through Internet. But I …………now things are changing. In this age of globaliza- . Manoj The youth is not unaware of the vast opportunities , where people use dif is all against dowry and of the opinion that . What we can sense yet again is a notion of

the case of Muslim girl included artner ferent values or ideas, some- Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy , will get an answer that Vijaya George they have , one of This is

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 218 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April interest. On the other side, their families are in penury drawing money from private moneylenders who charge exorbitant sides. Boys in the colony go to of society policy on the basis of lack material conditions to certain sections special recruitment scheme of the state. She justifies reservation However merce from a regular college in Kannur the material conditions of her Colony OBC groups, the situation have questioned the reservations to SC/ST youths are more into spiritual way in colonies where abled’ does not have any privacy to do her morning routines. “Did you ever groups by citing her own socio-economic context. In the colony she points out the differences in ownership of land between caste OBC neighbor is having at least twenty five cents of land and she to engage with the socio-political system. Sukumari, a dalit, on the other hand, exhibits limits of education her opinion was sought, but not given any weightage. The case of Shaping the Life She feels that her higher educational qualification has ‘dis- For her everything is being decided by family; of course her in even getting a good life p , she tries to get into the government service through . She has only five cent to attain it as a right. Many times I failed do so….. requires connections, ability to bribe the officials and assert wear veil from my caste or class…………. lems for me to get married. I might not an educated man behavior towards us……. Education has also created prob- like the strategic tricks played by political parties and men’s many day to things going on in my family or colony has created more problems for me…. I could not tolerate upon what I hear………I do namaz five times a day I have not thought very seriously about life or reflected much my decision has been influenced by religion and society these; rather I am comfortable with it. …….. not sure how and my mother also wear it. But I don’t find a problem in all ………as a dalit woman, sometimes I feel education .

Af ter my marriage I may even wear burka Sukumari Sabarimala s of land with a hut in it. But, her faces is stringent in terms of . She is a Graduate of Com- artner , but could not study further T o benefit from reservation pilgrimage each year , including some from . According to her . Though many Sukumari . . My sister Y ou see I , the re- . , . lightened human being and ruled by the idea of rationality Colonial rule. But it ignited a notion of modernity inhabited by en- through the colonial intervention, as part and parcel of exploitative reasoning and techno-scientific exploration. This has reached India believes in the possibility of creating a new world by way secular of Social Scientists. In its ideal form modernity is a condition that modernity and its link with social acts has always been a concern V policy is the best mechanism to check and balance our society perience at large. She is firm on her conviction that the reservation her Colony and hence modernity remains to be heterogeneous ex- object Though changes are taking place in youth’s attitudes and modern conditions, and the role of caste it nity’. The experience of modernity as felt and practiced currently by may be referred to differently as ‘mistaken modernity’ or ‘our moder- the discussion, tions even to get our caste certificate. Unlike many other youths in through the reservation; that too struggling with state institu- tions” - she reminds us. We are trying to overcome these conditions live in a house where you do not have privacy? These are our condi- modernity is not dif modern also brings forth the idea of a ‘fractured modernity’. Indian relative perspective. The simultaneous existence of modern and non- peculiarity of ‘our modernity’ have been emphasized from such a lated into practice. The existence of multiple modernities and the It is argued that what we ideally perceived as modernity not trans- disentangle the concept of modernity in its locational specificities. modernity’, or ‘relative modernity’ are the results of approaches to of modernity people; with significant inter and intra county variations in the idea space and time. It produced different effects on groups of was not similar when it buffeted the lives of people living in different thinking. Though it can be considered as universal, its experience education and consequent imitation of the western life styles jor role in this process of transformation was played by English s including dresses are available cheaply The conceptual and contextual discussions centered on . The formulations like ‘modernity at large’, ‘vernacular Sukumari ferent either questions the existing unequal material , as it works in heterogeneity; this s logic of graded inequality Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy , it hasn’t rally reached .

The ma- . .

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 220 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Shaping the Life nity Their social embeddedness does not allow a free entry into moder- pirations on questions related education, employment and marriage. der and geographical location affect one’s idea, experience as- There are subtle differences in the way which caste, class, gen- both worlds, straddling between the two and resulting in conflict. way of life and ideals. In consequence they tend to engage with traditional values, and at the same time not fully into modern the utterance and practice. ratives of the youths in this paper reveals contradiction between the idea and practice. The textual interpretation of personal nar- the youths in Kerala reflects such a dilemma—a mismatch between * Notes tional values. the route to a full modernity but not fully disconnected from tradi- not fully belong to either tradition or modernity tured’ 1 2 For further discussions see paper and to Vineetha Menon for facilitating the field work. are also due to Prof. Development S gional disparities was first captured in a study conducted by Centre for high human development with relatively less class, caste, gender and re- Kerala Model of Development as characterised by low economic growth and The unique development experience of the S 2006); Chatterjee (1995, 2000) and Padgaonkar (1999). Philosophy Philosophy for Social Sciences and Humanities’, organized by the Centre edged. Major portion of this paper was written during the ‘Summer School on ments received from the participants of seminar are gratefully acknowl- the Dep international seminar on ‘Social Change in Contemporary India’, organized by ‘Y volved a nation-wide attitudinal study of the Indian youth and was entitled Societies, New Delhi and the Konrad This p , pushing them to a st outh modernity It may be because of the fact that they are not fully free from aper is the outcome of a project Lokniti, Centre for S Attitudes in India’. artment of , National Institute of . It can also be concluded that youths in Kerala are tudies in 1975. However public finance crisis faced by the Anthropology A.R. V An earlier version of this p ate of dilemma and experiencing a ‘frac- asavi for commenting on an earlier draf App Advanced S , Kannur University on 19 adurai (1996); Chakravarty (1999, 2000, Adenauer Foundation. tudies, Bangalore in 2007. t ate is well documented. aper was presented in an . th They may be on tudies in Developing March 2008. Com- The project in- t of this Thanks The ——————— . Chatterjee, Partha. 2000. ‘T ——————— . 1999. ——————— . 2000. ‘Witness to Suffering: Domestic Cruelty and the Birth of Chakrabarty App References Chakrabarty 3 4 6 5 9 8 7 Monthly Review W drawbacks. For details see special issues of the model, challenging its sustainability and bringing into attention many model of development’ and many studies vehemently started critiquing the state during late 1980s created much concern on the ‘limits to Kerala Organization formed by the Chakraborty Scholars Ayyankali, a member of Popular legislative assembly of men’. ability and preached the message of ‘One caste, One religion god for A backward caste ( tion to unite This is the name of a political p The names of the respondents are not real. Hindu tradition. The organization believes in Hindu nationalism and works for the revival of adurai, eekly Retrieved from < http://www dernity Timothy Mitchell, (ed.), Historical Difference Minnesota Press, pp: 49-86. Modernity: Contradictions of Modernity the Modern Subject in Bengal’ Timothy Mitchell (ed.) ization, nomic and Political W Arjun. 1996. , Dipesh. 2006. V , , 30 (1, 3 and 4) 1998. For recent debates see Kannan, 2005; ol. 25, 26 and 27, September 8 15, 1990; series of articles in , V Achin. 2005. ‘Kerala’ , 2005 and GoK 2006 among others. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. dalits ol. II 1997. 42(7) and.43 (7), 1991; , Minneapolis: University of Minnesot in Kerala. Modernity Ezhavas Our Modernity Provincilizing Europe: Post Colonial thought and Habit wo Poet , New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Pulaya eekly Nairs- ations of Modernity Questions of Modernity: Contradictions Mo- ) organization which fought against untouch- At Large: The Cultural Dimensions of Global- arty , 40 (6), pp: 541–547. (lower caste), who formed the organiza- s Changing Development Narratives’, s of Death: On Civil and Political Society’ T .sephis.org/pdf/p ravancore. an upper caste in Kerala. . , SEPHIS-CODESRIA

, V and Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy ol. II, , Bulletin of Concerned Asian New Delhi: Permanent Black. artha1.pdf >, on 05/04/07. Minneapolis: University of Economic and Political a Press, pp: 35-48. Publication #1. Questions of Eco- in

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 222 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April Shaping the Life Osella, Filippo and Caroline Osella. 2000. ——————— . GoI. 2001. Gladstone J.W George, K K. 1998. ‘Historical Roots of Kerala Model and its Present Crisis’ in Gaonkar GoK. 2006. Gupt Heller Kabir M. 2002. ‘Growth of Service Sector in Kerala: Issac, Joshi, Sanjay Kannan, K.P Kannan, K.P Lakshminarayana. 1985. Krip Lukose, Ritty al, Prem. 1976. a, Dip , Patrick. 1998. ‘Problematising the Kerala Model’, T .M Histories 1850-1936 and Identity in Conflict, Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 1 ning Board, Government of Kerala, prepared by CDS. Publishers India, New Delhi. spective, Overview of the I Asian Scholars Social Scientist North India 548-54. Thiruvananthapuram. Travancrore and Malabar 1901-1951’, Doctoral thesis submitted to CDS, Kerala: Remitt and Political Weekly ers. Mittal Publications. Journal of Social History , Dilip Parameshwar 1 (1) pp: 1-18. ankar Thomas and P Primary Census Abstract: Kerala Human Development Report 2005 . 2005. ‘Kerala’ . 2005. ‘Consuming Globalization: and K. Pushp . 2001. ances and Reform’, . 1984. . 2000. An , New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 1995. , Trivandrum: Seminary Publications. , New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Analysis across Crop Y Fractured Modernity: Making of a Middle Class in Colonial outh and Est Mist Protest , 30(3), pp: 38-35. , 23(1-3) pp: 1-35. The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial Postcolonial .K Micheal College aken Modernity: India Between Worlds, angadan. 1990. ‘Dissecting s . 1999. ‘On T urnaround in Growth: Role of Social Development, ant Christianity and Peoples movement in Kerala, 25(35, 36), pp: 1991-2004. London: , June, 38 (4), ablished Culture Y st outh: Challenge and Response Economic and Political W Tharakan.1995. ‘Kerala: International Congress on Kerala studies’ Alternative Modernities’, s, Seasons and Regions’, Social Mobility in Kerala: Modernity

, Census of India, 2001 , 30(4), pp: 35-40. Y Thiruvannanthapuram: S pp outh and Gender in Kerala, India’, : 919-935. , New Delhi: S Agricultural S A Comp Bulletin of Concerned The Emerging Per- eekly arative study of terling Publish- Public Culture, Harper Collins. , New Delhi: . t , 40(6), pp: agnation in Economic t ate Plan- The Kerala Model Revisited’, Parayil, Govindan.1998. ‘The Perils of Trying to be Objective without being Re- UN and CDS.1975. Tharakan, Michael. 1992. ‘Socio religious Reform Movements and Demand for Pathak, Rammohan K.T Tharamangalam, Joseph. 1998. ‘A Rejoinder’, Prakash B.A ——————— . 1998. ——————— . 1998. ‘The Perils of Social Development without Economic Parameswaran, M P Pandian, M.S.S. 2002. Pandey Mathew , Rajendra. 1984. . E.T flective: ment of Economic and Social and Peter J. Bumke (eds.) Indications of 31. ship’, Concerned Asian Scholars study of Selected Issues with Reference to Kerala pp: 82-101 Delhi: S sibilities, Books. cerned Asian Scholars Growth: The Development debacle of Kerala, India.’ ars, Problems in the Post-Liberalization Period in B.A.Prakash (ed). www Public Sphere, A vijith. 2006. and M.P . 1997. 30(4), pp: 47-52. .sephis.org/pdf/p Monthly Review . 1991. ‘Underst terling Publishers, pp:134-152. New Employment and Unemployment in Kerala . . 1998. ‘Kerala ‘Model’: What Does It Signify?’, Poverty Abraham. 2004. ‘Employment and Unemployment in Kerala’, Modernity SEPHIS-CODESRIA publication # 4, Retrieved from http:/ One Step Outside Modernity: Caste, Identity Politics and Development: Delhi: Gyan Publishing House. Indian Modernity: Contradictions, Paradoxes and Pos- Sociology of , Unemployment and Development Policy: Kerala’s Economic Development Performance and Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars , andian.pdf > 30(1), pp: 23-34. 43(7), pp: 18-31. anding Keralam: , Globalization and Identity Images of Rural India in the 20th century , 30(4), pp: Af Thiruvithamkoor Y outh, fairs, United Nations. , on 05/04/07. New Delhi: S Bulletin of Concerned Asian Schol-

40-42. The Rajesh Komath & Rakkee Thimothy (2 T nd ragedy of Radical Scholar- edition) New Delhi: Sage, 1860-1930’, in terling Publishers. , New , New Delhi: , New Delhi: Sage. Bulletin of Con- , 30(3), pp:28- Y ork: Dep Alok Bhalla Bulletin of A Aakar case , New art-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 224 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April bmWv Sn. Un. cma-Ir-jvWs‚ t\mh-ens‚ ]pXp-a-Iƒ? kvIdnbm k°-dnb {^m≥kokv C´n-t°mc Ncn{Xw, H∏w Ip∂w-Ip-f-Øns‚ Ncn-{Xw. temI-Øn¬\n∂p Ip∂w-Ip-f- cma-Ir-jvWs‚ t\mh¬inev]w. AXn-]pcm-X-\hpw AXn-hn-Zq-c-ÿ-hp-amb Wv/As√-¶n¬ ku`m-Ky-am-Wv. Ncn-{X-{]-Xo-Xn-bp-W¿Øp-∂-Xm-Wv Sn. Un. sIm-≠mWv? AXv t\mh-ens‚ cN-\m-ssi-en-bp-ambn _‘-s∏´ {]iv\-am- s]men-∏n-s®-Sp-°m-\p≈ {iaw Ncn-{X-a-√. tI´p-tIƒhn-Ifpw sI´p-I-Y-Ifpw \pW-Ifpw tN¿Øv Hcp IY ae-bm-f-t\m-h-ens‚ Ncn-{X-Øn¬ ]e-Xp-sIm≠pw {it≤-b-amb IrXn- t\mh-ens‚ XpS-°-Øn¬Xs∂ t\mh-enÃv {]Jym-]n-°p-∂p: t\mh-enÃv Cß-s\-sbmcp ap∂-dn-bn∏v Fgp-tX≠nhcp-∂Xv F¥p- ' (2008) hnX-cWw: Unkn _pIvkv ]ªn-tjgvkv: Unkn _pIvkv Sn. Un. cma-Ir-jvW≥ {^m≥kokv C´n-t°mc ' {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c . ]pkvX-I-]q-cWw ]pdw 308, hne 150 cq]. ]w‡n-bn-te°p £Wn-°p-∂p. Xp∂ ]qc-W-°p-dn-∏p-Iƒ Cu \-°mtcm {KŸ-I¿Øm-°tfm Fgp- {]kn-≤o-I-c-W-ß-sf-°p-dn®p hmb- tIc-f-]-T-\-kw-_-‘-amb ]pXnb COMPLEMENTING THE BOOKS ˛ ]{Xm-[n-]¿ . Fs¥-√m-amWv Cu " " CXv kz]v\-ambn a\- n-em-°m≥ Ign-bptam F∂v At\z-jn-®-Xp-t]mse Ncn- \-Iƒ D≠m-Imw. Imev]-\n-I -I-hn-Ifpw k¿dn-b-enÃp-Ifpw bmYm¿∞ysØ {XsØ sSenhn-j≥ Im¿´q-Wn-Ãns‚ A\p-`-h-Øn-te°v IS-Øn-hn-Sp∂ cN- Abmƒ `qX-Im-e-N-cn-{XsØ ho≠pw D]-I-c-W-am-°p-∂-Xv. Nne-t∏mƒ Ncn- t]mIp-∂-Xv. ka-I-m-enI-X-bpsS IY hnkvX-cn-°m≥ th≠n-bm-bn-cn°pw I≠-Xp-t]m-se-b√ ASpØ \q‰m-≠nse t\mh-enÃv Ncn-{XsØ ImWm≥ Øn-se-¶nepw {][m-\-s∏´ kmln-Xy-ssi-en-bmbn amdpw. kn. hn. Ncn-{XsØ sNbvXp-sIm-≠p≈ Iem-kr-jvSn-Iƒ hcm≥t]m-Ip∂ \q-‰m-≠ns‚ XpS-°- t\mhepw \oßmw. Ipgn-®p-aq-S-s∏´ Ncn-{XsØ {]tIm-]-\-]-c-ambn `mh\ am‰n-a-dn-®p-sIm≠v AXns\ ]p\-cmJym\w sNøp∂ coXn-bn-te°v IYbpw ÿm\hpw amdpw. Ncn-{X-sØbpw Ncn{Xhy‡n-I-sfbpw {]tIm-]-\-]-c-ambn bn-cp∂p A∏s‚ \nco-£-Ww. kmln-Xy-`m-h-\-bn¬ Ncn-{X-Øn-\p≈ {XsØ h{Io-I-cn-®p-]-tbm-Kn-°p∂ t\mh¬ ssien hcm-\n-cn-°p∂p F∂m- ]n. A∏≥ Fgp-Xn-bn-cp-∂Xv Hm¿°p-∂p. Im¿´q¨ kv{Sn∏p-t]mse Ncn- t\mhepw XΩn¬ `mhn-bn¬ CØ-c-samcp _m‘hw D≠m-Ip-sa∂v sI. {X-i-I-e-߃ kpe-`-ambn D]-tbm-Kn-®n-cn-°p∂p F∂p-am-{Xw. Ncn-{Xhpw ]m-{X-am-sW∂v Hm¿Ωn-°-Ww. B IYm-]m-{X-Øns‚ \n¿Ωm-W-Øn-\p Ncn- Ncn-{X-Im-c≥ Is≠-Ønb t^mkn-e-√, t\mh-enkv‰v \n¿Ωn-s®-SpØ IYm- Ncn{Xw hf-s®m-Sn-®n-cn-°p∂p F∂v Bt£-]n-°mw. c Ie¿∂p-≠m-Ip∂ cq]m-¥-c-ap-≠t√m AΩ-´n-emWv t\mh¬ hmbn-°m-\mhn-√. cmjv{Sob Im¿´q-Wn¬ Ncn{Xhpw `mh-\bpw °p-∂p. Ncn-{Xhpw `mh-\bpw th¿]n-cn-s®-SpØv Sn. Un. cma-Ir-jvWs‚ Po-hn-X-Øns‚ Xncbpw Npgnbpw hmb\-°m-c-s\ _l-f-k-t¥m-j-Øn-em- kXyhpw anYybpw th¿Xn-cn-°m-\m-hmØ ]g-a-bpsS _e-Øn¬ apt∂-dp∂ c≠pw Htc a´n¬ tIm¿Øn-W-°n-bmWv t\mh¬ apt∂m-´pt]m-Ip-∂-Xv. ImWp∂ ASp-∏q´n ]Sn-tbme (]p. 294) ip≤ `mh-\m-kr-jvSn-bm-Wv. Ch Ncn-{X{]m-[m\yap≈ auen-I-tc-J-bmWv. F∂m¬ t\mh-en¬ XpS¿∂p cq-]amWv ]Sn-tbm-e. Ip∂w-Ip-fsØ B¿Øm‰p ]Sn-tbme (]p. 289-˛291) ≠v. \{km-Wn-Iƒ Xß-fp-sS Ncn-{X-kw-th-Z-\-Øn\v D]-tbm-Kn-®n-cp∂ tcJm- ºXmw A≤ym-b-Øn¬ c≠p ]Sn-tbm-e-Iƒ hni-Z-ambn Ah-X-cn-∏n-°p-∂p- `mh-\bpw Ie¿Øn-bn-cn-°p-∂p. DZm-l-c-W-Øn\v, t\mh-ens‚ Ccp-]-sØm- ]m-{X-ßfpw kw`h-ßfpw kpe-`w. ]t£ Ncn-{X-tØm-sSm∏w hf-sc-tbsd Ncn-{Xm-fl-I-am-Wv BJym-\-ssi-en. Ncn-{X-Øn¬\n∂p IS-∂p-h-cp∂ IYm- {X-a-s√∂p hmb-\-°msc {]tXyIw Hm¿Ω-s∏-Sp-tØ≠nhcp-∂p. A{Xbv°p tØ°p hcp∂Xn-\n-S-bn¬ tIc-f-N-cn-{X-amsI t\m°n-°m-Wp-∂p. CXp Ncn- bnse BJym-\-K-Xn. CXp bmYmÿnXnI Ncn-{X-`-‡sc sNmSn-∏n-°pw. {^m≥kokv C´n-t°mc ^m≥kokv C´n-t°m- kvIdnbm k°-dnb

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 226 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April \yw. ‰n-ep≈-Xv. ap≥]n≥ _-‘-ßsf°mƒ kam-¥-c-_-‘-߃°mWv {]m[m- C‚¿s\-‰n-s‚ auen-I-kz-`m-hw. A\p-kyq-Xn-b-√, kam-¥-c-X-bmWv C‚¿s\- IqSn ChnsS FSp-Øp]-d-tb≠Xp-≠v. Adn-hns‚ irwJe {]h¿Ø-\-amWv ]n. A∏≥, ]p.86). t\mh-en\v C‚¿s\-‰n-t\m-Sp≈ LS-\m-]-c-amb kmayw- bn-em-Wv. ]p-cm-W-ambn amdp-∂Xv \√ Fcnhpw ]pfn-bp-ap≈ \mtSm-Sn-°-Y-bpsS ssien- tX-bnbpw I≠wtImc-\p-ap≈ thgvN-bv°n-S-bn¬ ssZh-hr-Øm¥w apf-Ip- ImX-emb ssZh-hn-izm-k-an-√. Ah¿s°√mw ssZhw tImc-∏m-∏-\m-Wv. Nncp- ka¿∏n-°p-∂p. ]Xn-s\´mw-Iq-‰p-Im¿°v aX-hn-`m-K-ß-fn¬ XpS-cm-sa-¶nepw Xn-I-sf-sb√mw hn]p-ehpw hnNn-{X-hp-amb NS-ßp-I-fn-eqsS tImc-∏m-∏\p Øn¬ ]Øn-sem∂p tImc-∏-W-ambn cl-ky-\n-[n-bn-te°p \evIp-∂p. bph- amb I¿Ω-ß-fnse tImc-tbm-Sp≈ _‘w Dd-∏n-°p-∂p. samØw hcp-am-\- Ah-cmWv ]Xn-s\-´mw-Iq-‰p-Im¿. Ah¿ cl-ky-ambn ktΩ-fn®p hnNn-{X- temIw Iog-S-°n. C∂pw tImcbv°p ]n≥ap-d-°mcpw A\p-bm-bn-I-fp-ap-≠v. ≠n¬ BtKm-f-{]-i-kvX-\mb I∏-tem-´-°m-c\pw Ipcp- t\mh¬ _rl-Zm-Jym-\-ambn amdp-∂p. AXm-Wt√m t\mh-eo-b-X. Iq´n-bn-W°n A\p-`-h-h-gn-Iƒ Xpd-°m≥ t\mh-en\p Ign-bp-∂p. Aßs\ t{kmX- p-I-fn¬ \n∂p≈ Adn-hp-Isf `mh-\m-fl-I-ambn a‰p ]e-Xn-t\mSpw Wv. Ah-bn¬ {KŸ-ßfpw UnPn-‰¬ t{kmX- p-Ifpw Dƒs∏-Spw. AØcw hp-Ifpw hnh-c-ßfpw ]e Adn-hn-S-ß-fn¬\n∂p tiJ-cn-s®-Sp-°p-∂hbm- emWv auen-I-Xbpw `mh-\m-hn-em-k-hpw. C‚¿s\‰v XInSw adn-°p-∂p. Adn-hns‚ D≈-S-°-Øn-e√ Iq´n-bn-W-°-en- CØcw LS-\. H∏w auen-I-X-sb-°p-dn-®p≈ ]c-º-cm-KX [mc-W-I-sfbpw- ≈-Xm-Wv. Xm¿°n-I-bp-‡n-bp-ambn Cdßn-Øn-cn-°p-∂-h¿°p Atem-k-c-amIpw D∂-bn-°m≥ CS-bp-≠v. ( Xami \nd™ tNmZyw ASpØ \q‰m-≠ns‚ Iem-{]-Xn` krjvSn-I-fn-eqsS {XsØ Hcp Im¿´q¨ F∂ \ne-bn¬ a\- n-em-°m≥ Ign-bptam ]pkvX-I-]q-cWw {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c Ip∂w-Ip-f-Øp-Im-c-\mb {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c ]Xn-\©mw \q‰m- A®-∑m¿°v aq∏sc IÆn\v t\tc I≠q-Sm... ssZh-Øns‚ Omb-\ym. ]t£, FhntSm Hcp ]ni-Ip-≠v. ]≈ose t∏mse I≈v IpSn-°pw. Fd®n Xn∂pw. {InkvXym-t\ym-fsS Ipcniv SpØv ]®-°-dn-am{Xw Xn∂W ssZh-√. Rß-sSms° ssZh-Øn-s\- sf. F∂m¬ Cu ssZh-≠tem \ºq-cmcv ]td-W-t]mesØ ]´p- " "" "AsX-¥m...?' ssZh-Øns‚ Imcy-Ønev Bsc-¶nepw s\mW ]d-bpthm A{ºm- ' C-∂-se-I-fnse At\z-j-W -]-cn-tim-[-\-Iƒ bnse BJym-\-ssien C‚¿s\-‰v LS-\-bn-ep- {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c -ap-fIp hym]m-cn-bp-ambn ' ' bnse Adn- , sI.- "" "" "" "" "" As∏m ]ns∂ sa{Xm\v an≠m≥ ]t‰zm? Bfm-bn´v \nt°w AIØv samfIv ssZh-Øns\ IpSn-sht°w sNøm. "" C´n-t°m-cbv°v Nncn \ndp-Øm≥ Ign-™n-√. h∂-t∏mƒ Nncp-tXbn I≠w-tIm-cs‚ IY-Iƒ ]d™p tIƒ∏n-®p. Ah≥ Xncn-®p-t]m-b-Xns‚ ]nt‰ BgvN C´n-t°mc If-∏p-c-bn¬ s∏-tc-ep-≠m-bn-cp∂p. Bbncw Ipcp-ap-f-Ip-sImSn sh®p-]n-Sn-∏n®v Xncp-hm-Xnc Rm‰p-the Ign-bp-∂-hsc I≠w-tIm-c≥ Cømse If- Nncp-tXbn Ahs\ IdpØ aptØ F∂v hnfn®v sI´n-∏n-Sn-®p. "" "" "" "" "" Id∏v s\dw. AXns‚ \ocn\v \√ Fcn-hm. CØncn a[p-tcm-≠v. ∏m-bn-cp∂p. IjvSn-s®mcp ap¥n-co-Ss{X≠mhpw t\cnb Nph-∏p-I-e¿∂ tbm¿Øv Nncn-®-Xm... Fs∂ IdpØ aptØ-∂v hnfn-°-W-Xv... Ipcp-ap-fIn\v IdpØ apØv ∂m ]d-bm. AtXm≠m tImc-am-πmcv ßSv sImt≠m-∂-Xm. Irjym-bn-cp∂p ]Wn. ssZhw aq∏cv Ipcp-ap-f-Ins‚ IqsS Rßtfw WsX¥n\m? ssZh-tØmSv C{X tZjyw. sImSp-°ms≠ tImc-am¿°v sImSp-tØm≠m Ah¿s°ms° Cu Ønse kIe A®-∑mcpw sa{Xm-∑mcpw tNmZn-®n´pw Ah¿s°m∂pw amcv aq∏-c°v sNe-sXms° sImSp-Øp. C∏fpw sImS-°-Wp-≠v. temI- kpJm-bn´v Ign-t™m-fm≥ ]d-™p. shdp-X-√m-t´m. AXn\v tImc- Ip∂w-Ip-fsØ tImc-am-c°v sImSp-Øp. \nßfv Zv hn‰v Imiv≠m°n ap-fIv kz¿§-Øn-te-≠m-bn-cp-∂p-≈p. aq∏-cXv kq{X-Øn¬ tamjvSn®v kz¿§-Ønse Ipcp-ap-f-In\v `qanse Ipcp-ap-f-Ins‚ ]sØ-c´n hen- AsX¥m Rm\pw-Iq-tSym∂v tI°-t´... tlbv s\msWm-∂q-√. kz¿§-Ønse Ipcp-ap-f-In-s\-∏-‰n-s≈mcp IY- F¥m sZms° s\mWbm? AsX-s∂. R߃°pw Ipcp-ap-f-In\pw Htc s\dm. kz¿§-Ønev AXmhpw C AXm- c-kw. RßsS A∏-\-∏m-∏-∑m¿°v kz¿§-Ønev Ipcp-ap-fIv \nßsS Bƒ°m-sc-ß\ym CXn-s‚-IqsS IqtSy? ]ns∂ tImc-amπmcv ]≈n \∂m-°m-s\ms° Imiv sNe-hm-°- C AXm {ºmtf It®m-S-Ønse kq{Xw. s]mdØv ]≈osS u ssZhm Ipcp-ap-fIv `qan-en°v sImt≠m-∂-Xv. AXp-hsc Ipcp- '' u IdØ s\dt√? ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' kvIdnbm k°-dnb

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 228 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April kmln-Xy-Øn\p Iev]n-®m¬ I-h-gn-bn¬ al-Xzo-I-cn-°p-∂p-≠v. km{º-Zm-bnI kZm-Nm-c-]mTw F∂ [¿Ωw ssewKn-I-_nw-_-ambn t\mh-enÃv ]cn-h¿Øn-°p-∂p. tImc-∏m-∏s\ ssewKn- Øn¬ {]Xn-jvTn-®n-cn-°p-∂p. ]c-a-kp-µ-cn-bmb sslt∏-jysb D÷ze sslt∏-jysb Ncn-{X-Øn¬\n∂p Bhm-ln®v t\mh-ens‚ tI{µ-a-WvU-]- bn¬ {]ikvX KWn-X-⁄bpw XØz-Nn-¥-I-bp-am-bn-cp∂ sslt∏-jy. X-bpsS {]tbm-‡m-°-fm-Wv. G‰hpw \√ DZm-l-cWw Ae-Ivkm-≥{Un-bm- Cu t\mh-en¬ ]e alm-∑m-cpw al-Xn-I-fpw CØcw Xpd∂-Sn® ssewKn-I- S¿∂m¬ sImtfm-Wnb¬ B[p-\n-I-X-bpsS `mK-am-bp-≠mb ssewKn-I-t_m[w ]n¥p- h¿°pw sR´ep≠mhn-√. ]m›mXy a[y-bp-K-k-Zm-Nm-c-Øns‚ sh-fn-®-Øn¬ ]cn-K-Wn-®m¬ CXn¬ ]pXp-a-sbm-∂p-an-√. {]mNo-\- -a-Wn-{]-hmfw io-en-®- ߃ t\mh-en-ep-≠v. `mc-Xo-b-km-ln-Xy-Øn-sebpw Ie-I-fn-sebpw ]mc-ºcyw ]Xnhp adbpw i¶bpw Hgn-hm°n ssewKn-I-Xsb D’-ho-I-cn-°p∂ cwK- \-K-c-ß-fn¬ alm-{]-Xn-`-Iƒ ]s¶SpØp a\p-jy-C-d-®n-sIm-≠p≈ kZy! ]pkvX-I-]q-cWw ]n¥-≈s∏-Spw. am\-hn-I-X-bpsS {]Im-i-\-amWv t\mh-en-Ãn\p ssewKn-I- H. hn. hnP-bs‚ cm-W-amWv Sn. Un. cma-Ir-jvWs‚ t\mh¬. tImc-]p-cmWw F∂p ]d-™Xv en-Ãn\p \√ hi-am-Wv. H∂m-¥cw shSn-h-´-ssien! Hc¿∞-Øn¬ tImc-]p- \S-Øp∂ ߃ Df-hm-°n-tb-°pw. cl-ky-kw-L-߃ aX-]-c-amb \njvT-tbm-Sp-IqSn Sn. Un. cma-Ir-jvWs‚ cmWw AXns‚ hmb-\-°-mcn¬ Aº-c∏pw Aa¿jhpw Df-hm-°n-b-Xp-t]mse as‰mcp hnhm-Z-hn-jbw t\mh-en-se ssewKnI hn-h-cW-ß-fmWv. \m´p-]p-cm-W-߃ Cßs\ \¿Ω-a-[p-c-ambn ]d-™p-t]m-Im≥ t\mh- "" ]tdw. Ae-®n-e-∂ym. CS°v C_sS hcptºm Cß-\sØ Hmtc IY aq∏sc kz¿§Øv∂v s]md-Øm-°n. ]ns∂ `qanepw \c-I-Øn-ep-ambn "" Hmtcm Ip´ow BZyw At\z-jn°y C bn. a[ptcmw Fcn-hp-sams° t]mbn. kz¿§Øv∂v `qan-en°v hogW GZ≥tXm-´-Øn∂v s]md-Øm-t°yt∏m AXv sImd®v Npßn-s®-dp-Xm- SpØv \o øntXm≠v Pohn-t®m∂v ]d-™q-t{X... BZy-]m-]-Øn\v tijw t∏mƒ kz¿§-Ønse c≠v Ipcp-ap-f-sI-SpØv s\™Øv sh®p-sIm- F{X IpSn-®mepw aXym-hm-sØmcp kzmZv. ssZhw lt∆ krjvSn-®- samfIv ssZhw-X-s∂. Rß°v Ipcp-ap-fIv tamjvSn®v X∂-Xn\v A ev s\mtWsS aWw-≠-tem, Bcm ßs\mcp IY-≠mtIy? {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c " \c-t`m-P\w '' (]p. 129-˛130). [¿Ω-]p-cm-W ' B¿`m-S-]q¿hw t\mh-en¬ hnh-cn-°p-∂p-≠v. alm- {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c hpambn CXns\ Iq´n-s°-´m-\m-Wv. ssewKnI Acm-P-I-Xz-Øns‚ Nn”-am-Ipw. u Ipcp-ap-f-Im. bpw NqtS-dnb {]Xn-I-c-W- kmln-Xy-t{i-Wn-bn¬ ' ' [¿Ω-]p- ' ' ]c-am-h[n BtLm-jn®p Pohn-°p-I s\-´mw-Iq-‰p-Im-cs‚ ap∂n¬ ct≠ c≠p e£y-ß-tf-bp-≈q. I®-h-S-Øn¬ (homeliness) CØcw ]cm-a¿i-߃. t\mh-ens\ ka-Im-en-I-am-°p∂ Km¿ln-IX en-bn¬ t\mh¬ Ah-X-cn-∏n-°p-∂Xv! t\mhen\p Ncn-{X-Øn-f°w \¬Ip∂p sFXn-lm-kn-I-t\-´-߃ F∂n-ßs\ Fs¥√m Im-cy-ß-fmWv P-\-{]n-b-ssi- sIm≠p temIw Iog-S-°nb ae-bm-fn-bpsS IY, I∏-tem-´-Øn¬ ae-bm-fnbpsS em`hpw t`mKhpw sImøp-I-bmWv tImc. Ipcp-ap-f-Ins‚ IY, Ipcp-ap-f-Ip- bpsS IYbv°p h√mØ ka-Im-en-I-{]-k-‡n-bp-≠v. kml-kn-I-X-bn-eqsS a-{¥-am-bn-cn-s° Ip∂w-Ip-f-Øp-Im-c≥ tImc I®-h-SØn-eqsS t\Snb hf¿®- F∂p hnfn-°mw. BtKm-f-h¬°-c-W-Im-eØp hf¿®bpw em`hpw Pohn-X- kw-{K-l-ap-≠v. PohnXw hne-bn-cp-Øp∂ {]mt©y-´s‚ {]kw-K-Øn¬\n∂v Hcp-`mKw: X-bpsS AXn-km-[m-c-W-X. tImc-∏m-∏s‚ ]n≥ap-d-°m-cpsS ka-Im-enI ∂-Xm-Wv. ‡n-bp-≠m-hn-√. t\mh-ense cXnsb A\p-jvTm-\-h-gn-bn¬ a\- n-em-°m- {irwKm-csØ ]cn-K-Wn-°mw. {]Wbw F∂ hm°n\v ChnsS Gsd {]k- Cu t\mh-ense BJym-\ Du¿Pw F∂ \ne-bn¬ ssewKn-I-Xsb/KXnsb/ X; H∏w Hcp-Xcw kvt]m¿Svkpw Ie-bpw. as‰mcp Xc-Øn¬ t\m°n-bm¬ ‰p-Im-cpsS Z¿i-\hpw \S-]-Sn-Ifpw t\mh-en¬ (]p. 242-˛247) hmbn-°mw. t\mhen¬ A`n-c-an-°p∂-h¿°v CXns\ hmWn-Py-Øns‚ CXn-lmkw "" ev≠mb tIt‰mw. kz¿W-Øns‚ she IpXn-®p-b¿∂ ImcWw \a- AXp-t]m-seXs∂ {][m-\-s∏´ Imcym Ign-™-sIm√w It®m-S-Øn- t´∂v \a°v {]m¿∞n-°mw. Imcy- ImeØv \ΩsS FtS-s∂mcp tI{µ-a-{¥n-≠m-hm∂v ]td-WXv Nn√d ]s≠ \Ωsf ]Sn-∏n® It®m-S-Øns‚ hgn Xnc-s™-SpØ Cu h-tdev tImcbv°v sImSp-Ø-Xm-Wv. temIw samØmbn tImc-∏m-∏≥ t∂-≈q. Ip´s‚ AΩ t{Xkym-°pt´y h¿j-߃°papºv Cu \ne- \mbncp-∂n-√. Xs‚ tNmc Hcp ]Xn-s\-´mw-Iq-‰n-°m-cn°v sImSp-Øq- a-{¥n-bm-bn-cp-s∂-¶nepw At±lw tNmtcm≠v ]Xn-s\-´mw-Iq-‰n-°m-c- tI{µ-a{¥n D≠m-bo-∂-Xm-Wv. Ip´s‚ A∏≥ sIm®u-tk∏pw tI{µ- bn-cp-∂p. AXnev G‰hpw {][m\w ]Xn-s\-´mw-Iq-‰n-°m-c-\m-sbmcp sIm≠pw \Ωfv ]Xn-s\-´mw-Iq-‰n-°m-c°v Ign-™-sIm√w sa®w-X-∂ym- tImc-∏m-∏\v kvXpXn. A∏m-∏s‚ Icp-W-sIm≠pw A\p-{K-lw- am\Øv \£-{X-°-tÆzm-fp-ambn \Ωsf F∏fpw ImØv c£n-°W Gospel -√. Ip´\v tImc-∏m-∏s‚ F√m A\p-{Ktlmw Ft∏mgpw ≠mh- {it≤-b-am-Wv. `mj-bnepw {]Xn-]m-Zy-Øn-ep-ap-≠v Km¿ln-I- According to Cora ' ' F∂ {]kvXm-h-Øn¬ CXns‚ kmc- F∂ io¿j-I-Øn¬ ]Xn-s\-´mw-Iq- kvIdnbm k°-dnb " " ]Xn- -hp-

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2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 230 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April ]pkvX-I-]q-cWw ep-≠v. At\Iw Ncn-{X-I-Ym-]m-{X-ß-fpsS km∂n[y-amWv Ah-bn¬ BZyw Cu hm°p-Iƒ°p h√mØ apg-°-ap-≠m-hp-∂p. t\mh-ens‚ L\-Kmw-`ocyw h¿≤n-∏n-°p∂ a‰p ]e LS-I-ß-fn-Xn- \ΩpsS ka-Im-enI Pohn-X-Øns‚ ap°nepw aqe-bn-ep-sa√mw X´n ®p. temI-N-cn-{X-Ønev CsXm-cp Nn√-d-°m-cy-ey. D≠m°zm s∂ms° ]td-W-Xn-semcp sX‰q-eym∂v F√m-hcpw kΩXn- F√m-hcpw Cs∏m \ΩsS hgn-°p-h∂p It®mSw sNøm em`w ]≠v AS-®p-]q-´n-sh-t®¿∂-sXms° Cs∏m sXmd∂v sImS-Ønt√? S-°m-c≥ ]td-WXm Ct∏m \nb-aw. It®m-S-°m-c\v th≠ym Ign-™n-´m¿∂p sshiy¿°v ÿm\w. C∏-gsØ ÿnsXy¥m? It®m- s≠-ß\m? ]≠v lnµp-°fvsS FtSev {_m“-Wcpw £{Xn-bcpw Ata-cn-°∂v ]d™m ]p—m-bn-cp-∂p. Cs∏m AsXms° amdn. amdm- sS°m? Ata-cn-t°-ev°v. ]s≠ms° ChnSvsØ IΩyq-Wn-Ãp-Im¿°v tI°-tW. F√m-hcpw Fw.-_n.-F. ]Tn-°m\m t]mtW. AsX-h- Cs∏m sFtb-sbkv ]co-£bv°v anSp-°-∑m-scm∂pw ]q∆v∂veym∂m C∂v G‰hpw htey sXmgn-ev. _ms°yms° AXns‚ Xmsg-B. aptgzm≥ tImc-∏m-∏≥ ]d-™Xm ico∂v kΩ-Xn-®nt√? It®mSm Hcm-fsS H‰°v≈ Ign-h-√. F√mw tImc-∏m-∏-s\m-cm-fsS Ifym. temIw ASn-®p-s]m-fn®v Pohn-°ym∂v ]tdWvtey AX-s∂. acn-°-W-hsc BtLm-jm-bn-´ßvSv Pohn-°ym. C∏-gsØ sN°-∑m¿ emb∏ns∂ C_sS kz¿§m°m-\t√ t\m°zm? ]ns∂¥m P\n®m ∏m∂v a\- n-em-bn. kz¿t§zmw \ctIzmw C_-sS-X-∂ym∂v a\- n- sNbvXm¬ \c-I-Øn¬ t]m≠n hcpw-s∂m°v ]td-WXv ip≤-X-´n- Bsf In´vey. Bƒ°m-c°v Cs∏m kwKXn ]nSn-In-´n. ]m]w ≠v®mepw Ahcv ]td-WXv tI°mt\m AX-\p-k-cn®v \S-°mt\m \sØ Btfmfv Xosc-ey. C\n h√ ap°nepw aqteepw Bsc-¶n-ep- \m-bn´v Hmtcmtcm ^ntem-k^ow ]d™v \S-°v≠m¿∂p. Cs∏m Aß- "" "" tami-ey. s\-´mw-Iq-‰p°m-c∂ym tIc-f-Ønev ap∂n-ev. s]mdsØ Imtcymw H´pw Acym-bmepw XpWym-bmepw s]t{Sm-fm-bmepw kn\n-aym-bmepw ]Xn- em. AXnev Ign-™-sIm-√-Øns‚ Fc´ym Cs°m-√sØ em`w. f-Ønse I≈vI-t®m-S-Øn-s‚ ]Ip-sXy-¶nepw Cs∏m \ΩsS ssIbn- °v≠mb em`w F{Xm-∂tdym? a‰v It®m-S-ßfpw H´pw tami-ey. tIc- ˛274). CsZms° BcsS Ign-thm-≠m∂m \nßsS hnNmcw? H∂pw \ΩsS ]s≠ms° F√m-Im-eØpw sImd-®m-tfzmfv \Ωsf _p≤n-ap-´n-°- ' ' (]pdw 273- (pleasure) (home), c fn-ep-≠v. AtX {]tXy-I-X-Iƒ Sn.-Un. cma-Ir-jvWs‚ tNmZn°mw: emL-h-tØmsS kao-]n-°m-hp-∂- Im-cy-ß-f√ Ch-sbm∂pw Ncn-{XsØ Hcp ssek≥kp-an-√msX FSpØv AΩm-\-am-Sp-I-bm-Wv. A{X °m≥ t\mh-en-Ãn\p Ign-™p. AXp \n m-c-Im-cy-a-√. \p henb {]m[m\yw \¬Ip-∂Xv. CXv Hcp P\-{]nb-I-Y-bmbn hnI-kn∏n- Z-\-apƒs°m-≠m-b-cn-°Ww t\mh-enÃv tIcfm kvIqƒ Hm^v amØ-am-‰n-Ivkn- imkv{X-N-cn-{X-K-thj-W-Øn¬(ss{IÃv Hm^v Z ]otIm-°n¬)\n∂p {]tNm- kvIqƒ Hm^v amØ-am-‰n-Ivkn-s\-°p-dn®v Koh-dp-Kokv tPm¿Pv \S-Ønb kv{X-Øn\p \¬Inb kw`m-h-\I-sf-°p-dn-®p≈ hni-Z-N¿®-bm-Wv. tIcfm FSp-Øp-]-d-tb-≠-Xv. A°q-´-Øn¬ G‰hpw {it≤bw tIcfw KWn-X-im- Ønepw BJym-\-ssi-en-bnepw Um≥ {_uWns‚ C´n-t°mc Ønse G‰hpw Icp-tØ-dnb P\-{]n-b-t\m-h-¬ F∂ _lp-aXn Z-\-X-{¥-ß-fp-sSbpw ]›m-Ø-e-Øn¬ Icp-Øm¿Pn-°p-I-bm-Wv. ae-bm-f- {]kvXm-h-\bpw t\mh-en¬ (]p. 169) D≠v: ]co£n-°p∂ t\mh-emWv L-ß-fpsS \ng-en¬ Ah-X-cn-∏n-°p∂ P\-{]n-b-k-t¶Xw hnP-b-I-c-ambn Xn-IhnZy-Iƒ, imkv{Xob ]ptcm-KXn, em`-shdn F∂n-h-sb√mw KqV-kw- temÃv knw_ƒ s∏-Sp∂ Hgp°v sb ae-bm-f-Øn¬ Hcp _lp-hn-N{X t\mh-em-°p-∂p. C{Xbpw hmbn-®n´v \n߃°p thW-sa-¶n¬ t£m`-tØmsS P\-{]n-b-km-lnXyw C∂p \ho\ am[y-a-kw-kvIm-c- k¿h{X \nd-™p-Xp-fp-ºp∂ BÀm-Z-\n¿`-c-amb D’-h-e-lcn t\Sn-sb-Sp-tØ-°pw. ChnsS ae-bmf P\-{]n-b-t\m-h¬ D≈-S-°- ˛ Ch-sb√mw hºn® P\-{]oXn t\Snb P\-{]nb Iem-cq-]-ß- " " bmcn¥ C´n-t°mssc? F∂n-h-tbmSp tXmfp-cp-Ωn-\n¬°p-∂p. ka-Im-enI kmt¶- (flow), AXn-]-cn-N-b-Øn¬\n∂p-≠m-Ip∂ Km¿ln-I-X {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m-c ' ' hni-Z-ambn t£m`n-t°-≠-h¿°p≈ " " tkmdn, \n߃ \ΩpsS \mSns‚ . hmb-\-bn¬ A\p-`-h- {^m≥kokv C´n-t°m- Umhn©n tImUv -Øn-s‚bpw kwth- kvIdnbm k°-dnb ' ' (]p 169). {^m≥kokv , Zv

231

2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T 232 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April K T Rammohan Caroline Osella Filippo Osella Sujith Kumar Parayil Santhosh Abraham Sharmila Sreekumar Sabitha T Amruth M. Orient Dep the University of Hyderabad. He is currently teaching at of colonial law with special reference to early British Malabar from Blackswan, 2009). Narratives of ‘Dominant Women’ in Kerala. Social Sciences, IIT Bombay and is the author of 2008). Gandhi University research programme at School of Social Sciences, Mahatma and development as government. Currently he coordinates a S India Culture and Photography Bangalore. His area of research interest Century Kerala” form the Centre for S completed his doctoral research on “Photography(s) of early 20 a critic and bilingual poet writing in English Malayalam. imperial period, and Company-period landscape painting. She is early women’s journals in Malayalam, advertising during the College, Delhi University Campus. Her areas of interest include environment Science: Sciences, T 2005) and has contributed to tudies, artment of History (CDS, 2006) and al and .P

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233

2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T

234 TAPASAM, 2009 July- 2010 April

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ASAM ranslated V ol - VI.1 July 2010

/ Sn.-sP.-F-kv. tPm¿Pv /

sI.Pn. i¶-c-∏n≈

]pkvX-I-]q-cWw Kth-j-W-cwKw Hcp en]n eLq-I-c-W-Imcyw {]W-b-cm-hn-'s\-∏‰n Nne- \n-co-£-W-߃ ]mTm-¥-c-Xbpw ]mc-Unbpw: "Hcp a≤y-th-\¬ kvIdnbm k°-dnb kn. KtWiv {]aof sI. ]n. F≥. tKm]n-\m-Y≥\m-b¿ ]p∂-{]˛hb-em¿ kacw: Ncn-{X-]m-T-߃ sImtfm-Wn-b¬ kmaq-ly-]-cn-k-chpw Xe-t»cn tcJ-Ifpw P\-{]nb-X-bpsS XcwKssZ¿Ly-߃ F^v. Fw. tdUntbm: A\p-{ ] a -tbmKw ka-Im-enI ]{X-`m-j-bn¬ p ≥ e-° w : V ol - IV July 2008 April 2009 kuaym t__n hn. im¥-Ip-am¿

P . T Pn.-F-kv. {]Xojv sI. -]n. cmtPjv . Abraham

Pokkv

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235

2009 July- 2010 April 2010 July- 2009 ASAM, AP T ap≥ e-°w : Vol III - Issue 4 April 2008

F¬.hn. cma-kzm-an-Aø-cpsS kmlnXycN-\-Iƒ ˛ Sn._n. thWp-tKm-]m-e-∏-Wn-°¿ hoSp-I-fpsS kmwkvIm-cnI cmjv{Sobhpw aebmfIhnXbnse {]Xn\n[m\hpw ˛ D∏p∏ms‚ B\ ˛ Xe-sb-Sp∏pw sacp°hpw "‚p∏p∏m-s°m-cm-t\-≠m¿∂v' B[p-\n-Im-\-¥-c -hn-a¿iw ˛ tkma-em¬ Sn. Fw. KoXm-RvPen ae-bm-f-Øn¬ ˛ -F≥. AP-b-Ip-am¿

Scaria Zacharia Kth-j-W-cwKw kvIdnbm k°-dnb

F≥. `‡-h-’-e-sdÕn Un. _©-an≥

. F. sI. \ºym¿ Un. _©-an≥

]pkvX-I-]q-cWw Sn._n.thWp-tKm-]m-e-∏-Wn-°¿

F≥.sI. tacn F≥. AP-b-Ip-am¿ AΩ-∂q¿ am[-h-Nm-Iym¿

236