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Collaboration and the Politics of the Twentieth Century

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Collaboration and the Politics of the Twentieth Century Volume 6 | Issue 7 | Article ID 2799 | Jul 02, 2008 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Collaboration and the Politics of the Twentieth Century Prasenjit Duara Collaboration and the Politics of the This symposium on war and collaboration in Twentieth Century East Asia and globally features contributions by Timothy Brook, Prasenjit Duara, Suk-Jung Han, Prasenjit Duara Heonik Kwon, a response by Brook and a further response by Margherita Zanasi. The authors examine war and collaboration in Collaboration in War and Memory in East China, Korea, Vietnam, and Manchukuo, in Asia: A Symposium history and memory and in comparative perspective. The symposium includes the This article is a contribution to a symposium on following articles: collaboration in East Asia during the Asia- Pacific War and its aftermath, which addresses some of the most fraught issues in 1. Timothy Brook, Collaboration in the History historiography, historical remembrance, and of Wartime East Asia contemporary politics. It also reflects on 2. Prasenjit Duara,Collaboration and the occupation states and collaboration in Europe Politics of the Twentieth Century and postwar East Asia, while casting important 3. Suk-Jung Han,On the Question of light on contemporary issues of collaboration Collaboration in South Korea globally. How are we to assess occupation 4. Heonik Kwon, Excavating the History of regimes that emerged in each East and Collaboration Southeast Asian nation during the Pacific War, 5. Timothy Brook, Collaboration in the Postwar as well as in postwar nations including those 6. Margherita Zanasi, New Perspectives on occuped by the United States or otherChinese Collaboration occupiers. Issues of collaboration in a post- colonial world may be equally salient in Japan Focus anticipates and welcomes reflecting on the experiences of newlyresponses to the symposium. These will be independent nations? The issues are closely published in future issues. MS intertwined with dominant nationalist ideologies that have characteristicallyAng Lee’s 2007 movie, Lust, Caution (Se, Jie ) obfuscated and dismissed collaborationist based on a short story by Zhang Ailing, is a politics while establishing their own legitimacy, deeply unsettling exploration of enmity and or what Timothy Brook calls theircollaboration filtered through the medium of “untouchability”. In the post Cold War milieu, the erotic.[*] The Chinese head of the Japanese and at a time when politicians on both sides of Secret Service in 1942 Shanghai, Mr Yee, the Taiwan straits, and across the 38th parallel develops a sexual relationship with the that divides North and South Korea, are winsome Mrs Mak who is a secret agent for the redefining their relationships, it becomes resistance and seeks to lure him to his possible to revisit the history of war, revolution, assassination. The film maker skillfully utilizes occupation and collaboration. the torrid sexual encounters between the two 1 6 | 7 | 0 APJ | JF to register their ever-changing and volatile Although presented in a less intimate register, feelings of lust, hatred, violence and love. Timothy Brook’s essay, and the fuller account in his book,[1] also seeks to explore In one scene, Mrs Mak, whose true name is collaboration through the complex tissue of Wong Chia Chi, is very confused andmotives, actions and results: how people overwhelmed by the gradual overtaking of her intended to behave, how they actually behaved, real self by her performance as lover. She and what consequences resulted from their reports to her superiors in the resistance, “He choices in the face of a ruthless occupation and knows better than you how to act the part. He war. Where the nationalist sees a stable, if not not only gets inside me, but he worms his way Manichean, distinction between imperialist and into my heart. I take him in like a slave…..Every nationalist, invader and invaded, occupier and time when he finally collapses on me, I think, occupied, the historian must explore the maybe this is it, maybe this is the moment unstable multifaceted terms of the you’ll come and shoot him, right in the back of relationships at the level of individual and the head, and his blood and brains will cover social choice. me!” Brook argues that collaboration and resistance have been judged harshly not only by nationalist yardsticks but by norms of humanitarianism and other moral expressions that also do not do justice to the historical record. At the local- or even micro-level we see how a single act could have unimagined repercussions, as when lower level “collaborators” succeed in derailing the entire edifice of the occupation’s administrative structure; or when the resistance of the guerilla forces to the occupation could subject an entire population to devastating Japanese military recrimination. Brook also pays equal Lust/Caution attention to the mentality of the Japanese agents who try to recruit Chinese supporters at But it is not only Wong Chia Chi who is seduced the lowest levels of this enterprise. We are left by the enemy. The steely Mr. Yee himself to decide just how self-delusionary was the admits as much in a tavern filled with drunken Mantetsu agent who saw himself fulfilling the Japanese officers. Responding to her comment great mission of saving China and Asia in the that he actually wants her to be his whore, he face of the unimaginable horrors perpetrated says, alluding to the Japanese, “So you see, I by his military. know better than you how to be a whore.” Lust, Caution may be read as a critique of ideologies such as imperialism or nationalism, and the instrumentalization of people that they entail. It focuses not on alternatives ideologies, but on the seething realities that ideologies miss, on the confusions of will and desire, the necessities of survival and other bodily matters. 2 6 | 7 | 0 APJ | JF a kind of imperialist state-building. Both were integral to the new imperialism, which I have discussed elsewhere;[2] it reflected a new relationship between the imperial power and the colonized. The conquered was to be actively mobilized for the imperialist’s long term project of regional domination under the rhetoric of sameness or brotherhood (pan-Asianism) rather than difference or othering between colonizers and colonized. State expansion was a necessary part of this strategy for purposes both of South Manchurian Railroad . symbol of Japanese power and industrialization mobilization and surveillance of the occupied population. Brook’s book is worth reading because his provocative conclusions, presented here, derive In Manchukuo, where warlordism preceding from a close empirical study followingthe Manchurian Incident of 1931 had produced demanding methodical procedures of historical significant alienation, the Japanese were able investigation. Brook hews closely to histo not only rout the Guomindang and military principal sources and texts, which he both opposition early, but also enlist the utilizes and interrogates. He cross-examines support—whether through active or passive co- Chinese and Japanese, collaborative and operation-- of significant segments of the elites denunciatory, occupier and resistor texts, often who had not yet been exposed to a high degree with regard to the same phenomenon, if not the of Chinese nationalist consciousness. Over same event or person to challenge the reader’s time, the occupation regime, in this case, the comfortable assumptions. Guandong Army and its agents, came to be engaged in a contradictory program. On the The study gives us a picture, first of all, of how one hand, it created large-scale opportunities the Japanese military and associated agencies for Chinese to participate in government and sought to establish administrative power. It other state-sponsored or supported projects provides a crucial piece of the story of the most under the rhetoric of pan-Asianism. These ambitious effort at building a regional empire included the infamous Concordia Society in twentieth century Asia at the ground level. (Kyowakai) and the vast networks of Although Brook selects his cases from the redemptive societies, such as the Red Swastika lower Yangtze valley including Shanghai and or the Morality Society which were tied in Nanjing, they allow us to see the patterns of myriad ways to the Social Welfare Department similarity and difference quite well and even and other jiaohua (enlightening) agencies of hint at systematic differences along an urban- the government. On the other hand, the rural continuum. domination by Japanese elites and power structures, their extractive policies and their It is instructive to compare collaboration in racist attitudes towards Chinese made the Central China with that in Manchukuo and situation intolerable for growing numbers of Hong Kong, two places where I have done some Chinese. As the heavy demands of the war fell research. Two aspects seem to have been increasingly on the puppet-state, especially crucial to the Japanese pattern of soliciting after Pearl Harbor, Chinese alienation from the collaborators among the Chinese: the rhetoric regime became mass-based. of pan-Asianism and the massive expansion of government and state-sponsored institutions or Despite the late date of the Japanese invasion 3 6 | 7 | 0 APJ | JF and occupation of Hong Kong (December 1941) in the Eurasian elites such as Robert Koteval when (in hindsight) the Japanese empire was and others into the regime, but the Chinese foredoomed, the military utilized similarhigh elite were more reluctant collaborators. techniques to generate passive support. The They began to withdraw even more as it astonishing speed with which the Japanese became clear that the Japanese were never were able to wrest control of so much of Asia going to be able to achieve their goal of from the Western powers had a considerable creating Hong Kong as economic, ethnic and impact on local populations in the initial stage. ideological hinge between the northern and In Hong Kong, as in Manchukuo and Central southern parts of their empire.
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