Recotsrofearf~Qenglish Drama

volume 13, number 2 (1988) ?A,e - ~, 121 A Newsletter published by University of Toronto Press in association with Erindale College, University of Toronto r P . JoAnna Dutka, editor

RecotsrofEarf~qEnglish Drama 1988's second issue includes papers on material from the medieval to the Elizabethan and Stuart periods: Jerzy Limon (University of Gdansk, Poland) transcribes a list of participants in the 1634 Triumph of Peace by James Shirley; Mark C. Pilkinton (University of Notre Dame, Indiana) analyzes records of payments to students and masters of the free school of St Bartholomew in Bristol ; Alexandra F . Johnston (Victoria College, University of Toronto) discusses Chaucer's poetry as a `record' of early English drama. The issue concludes with an index to REEDN for the years 1984-1988 prepared by Ruby Wallrich, formerly of the REED office .

ALEXANDRA F . JOHNSTON, DIRECTOR

Records of Early English Drama Society (UK)

We are pleased to announce the establishment of the Records of Early English Drama Society. Peter Meredith of Leeds, who has been the UK representative on the REED Executive Board since 1976, has agreed to become the Honorary Secretary of the Society . Membership in the Society will include the regular issues of the REED Newsletter and enable British colleagues to purchase REED volumes at the 20% discount enjoyed by North American scholars at conferences. Members will be informed of REED events (such as the upcoming launch of the Cambridge volumes on March 29) taking place in the UK. Other advantages to membership in the future will, we hope, include the possibility of accessing the REED Toronto data base through computer links with Britain. The membership fees will be used in the UK to support REED research and editorial checks being conducted by British scholars . This will go some way to ease the burden on the Canadian budget.

1 JERZY LIMON

Neglected evidence for James Shirley's The Triumph of Peace (1634)

The manuscript entitled The Manner of the Progression of the Masque (now at the Folger Shakespeare Library : Z. e.1(25)) has been known to scholars through its version published in the Historical Manuscripts Commission 5th Report (1876, Part I, 355). This version, however, is actually an inaccurate summary, and to my knowledge the full text of the original has not so far been published.' Surprisingly enough, scholars seem to have treated this nineteenth-century summary as the original description . The list would include such eminent scholars as G.E. Bentley .' Even as recently as in 1983, Tucker Orbisonin his `The Middle Temple Documents Relating to James Shirley's The Triumph of Peace' (Malone Society, Collections, xii) refers to this ms as 'an anonymous description in the manuscripts of Richard Cholmondeley of Condover Hall, Shropshire' (p 35), and uses the HMC report mentioned above as his reference . But the extant manuscript is not a description ; rather it is a list of names of people and characters who took part in the masque progress . The `description' as such never existed and came into being in 1876, when someone summarized the ms for the HMC . This ms used to belong to Richard Cholmondeley ; later, it was in the possession of Lord Crewe of Cheshire, when it was bound (in 1889), together with other documents, in a large volume . This was acquired by the Folger Library in the late 1930s . The Folger ms is of considerable importance to theatre historians for it adds a number of details (like the names of the participants in the `progression') to the body of materials concerning James Shirley's The Triumph ofPeace (1634) . Also, the original transcribed below corrects a number of wrong readings that mar the HMC version (like the absurd reading of 'Byad' for 'Byrd', or `masques' for 'masquers') .3 Tl+e Folger ms consists of four leaves, with the major text on the first 6 1/2 folios, and -with an endorsement on f 8, totally omitted in the HMC version. To make the comparison of the two texts easier, the one known to scholars in its abbreviated version is reproduced first .

Temp, James I. The manner of the progression of the Masque . (6 1/2 pp);-

Thomas Basset, the Lancashire Bagpipe, and John Seywell, the Shalme, riding abreast together, and two men to lead their horses and two torch bearers. Fancy, riding single, Opinion and Confidence, riding together, and a pair of torch bearers to each . The Jews harp, the Tongs, and the Byad, with three men to lead their horses, and two torch bearers . Projectors, viz. the jocky, the countryman, the lamp-man, the case, the Carrot man, the seaman, John Morton the Byad, each with two torch bearers. The Magpie, the Crow, the Jay, and the Kite riding in a quadrangle with the Oql in the middle ; these have five men to lead their horses and four torch bearers. The Myne Mill [=the Wyndmill], a Fantastique and the Dancer [ = the Drummer?] have each two torch bearers, and the dancer has a horse leader. Seven pair of trumpeters, each pair having two torch bearers. One hundred gentlemen riding two and two together, each gentleman having two of his own men torch bearers and a groom. The marshall and his 40 men. The first chariot for Musicke, Sir Henry Fane's coachmen is charioteer ; it carries eight persons and has three flambeaux bearers on the right and three on the left . The second chariot for Musicke, the Earl of Northumberland's coachman is charioteer ; of theis chariot are the Genies [= the Genius], Amphilucke [= Amphiluche], Irene (Mr . John Lanier), Eunomia, Diche, and five Constellacions (the fourth is Mr. Henry Lawes); it has three

flambeaux bearers on the right and three on the left ; two pair of gentlemen riding together and two torch bearers for each pair ; a chariot of orange and silver with four masks [ = masquers] in it, with two horse leaders, and four torch bearers on the right and four on the left ; two pair of gentlemen riding together, with two torch bearers for each pair ; a chariot of blue and silver with four masks [ = masquers] in it, with two horse leaders and four torch bearers on the right and four on the left ; two pair of gentlemen riding together, and two torchbearers for each pair ; a chariot of crimson and silver with four masks [=masquers] in it, two horse leaders, and four flambeaux bearers on the right and four on the left ; two pair of gentlemen riding together, with two torch bearers for each pair; a chariot of white and silver with four masks [=masquers] in it, two horse leaders and four flambeaux bearers on the right and four on the left . The two Marshals of London and a guard of 200 halberdiers .4

In its chronology and order, the Folger ms generally follows the description of the masque's progress provided by James Shirley himself .' There are, however, minor differences . Shirley's `Hornpipe', for instance, is called the `Lancashire Magpipe' in the Ms . One of Shirley's characters, Phansie, is missing. The 'grimme Philosophical fac'd fellow' who carried a lamp in his hand is simply called the `lampeman' in the ms . Similarly, Shirley's Physition who wore a hat with a bunch of carrots is labelled `The Carrott man'. Sometimes the order of people taking part in the progression is reversed . In Shirley's printed description the Marshal is followed by one hundred gentlemen, riding ,two and two a breast', whereas in the ms the Marshal and his forty men follow `One hundred [gentlemen] rydeinge 2 & 2 together'. Since Shirley's description was written after the actual performance of The Triumph of Peace, the implication is that the Folger ms is of earlier date for it does not include the apparent last-minute changes in the order of the progression. Most of the names appearing in the Folger ms are of musicians, lawyers and servants (students, perhaps) . Although Shirley does not give any names in his description, he indicates the participant's functions, as for instance when he tells us that between every chariot with masquers there were four musicians riding together, attended with torch bearers. Actually, most of the identifiable names in the Folger ms are those of musicians . This should not surprise us, for we know that at least one hundred of them were employed for the masque . Thus, the Folger ms is a useful piece of evidence, complementary to Shirley's own description and to other extant sources .

The Manner of the progression of the Masque

Thomas Bassett ye Lancashire Magpipe And Iohn Seywell the Shalme rydeinge a breast togeather Henry Ioye & leade theire horses Richard Lunt Mathew Morrell & theire Torchbearers the one at the one side and the other at ye other Thomas Gillett

Fancy rideinge single Richard Wetherhed his Torchbearers and Roger Powell

Opinion and Confidence rideinge togeather William Price & theire Torchbearers Robert Zones

Iolity and Laughter rydeinge togeather William Cooper & theire Torchbearers Thomas Langer

Thomas Rudstone the Jews Harpe John Fidler w`h the tonges all three a breast together Robert Davis the Byrd f Robert Sayers John Wilkinsone leadinge theire horses Francis Browne

Philipp Phillipps & William Aukland theire Torchbearers

Proiectors Thelocky Jeremy Wilkins & f William Evans his Torchbearers

The Country man Samuel Milton & Robert Venninge his Torchbearers

The Lampeman Ioseph Leigh & i his Torchbearers William Seare

The Case [f 1] Thomas Phillipps & his Torchbearers William Taylor

The Carrott man Peter Bastable & Richard Stutesbury his Torchbearers

The Sea man w` h the Shipp uppon his head Iohn Page & t his Torchbearers James Francklyn I

Iohn Morton the Byrd Thomas White leades his horse Edward Hopper & his Torchbearers Thomas Evans

The Magpie the Crow the Jaye & the Kyte rydeinge in a quadrangle and the Owle in y` middle Iohn Ranger Jacob Smyth Leonard Greene leade theire horses Titus Warne Anthonie Crowe

Robert Greene Iohn Smyth theire Torchbearers 2 of them on the one side and 2 on the other Iohn Fiddler & Iohn Ladman

Twoe Satyrs rideinge a breast together Thomas Baldock & William Odson theire Torchbearers

A Satyre rideinge single Thomas Wayte & f his Torchbearers Win Berrey

Twoe dotterells rydeinge a breast together Richard Holmesi leade their horses Thomas Taylor f Oliver Stringer t theire Torchbearers James Hargrave f [f 2] A dotterell rydeinge single Willye Kerstley [en?] leadinge his horse Thomas Evans j his Torchbearers Thomas Gawe n f

The Wyndmill Iohn Philgott Hurse his Torchbearers

A Fantastique man [ = Knight] Iohn Steward Edward Cripps ft his Torchbearers

The Drumer Iohn Leeche leads his horse George Stokes t his Torchbearers George Hynde f

Twoe Trumpeters rydeinge a breast together Christopher Sicklyn theire Torchbearers Richard Rotheram

Twoe Trumpeters Thomas t Guye theire Torchbearers Richard Clarke f

Twoe Trumpeters Walter Maye theire Torchbearers Robert Goodhart Twoe Trumpeters Richard Raynsford theire Torchbearers John Francis f

Twoe trumpeters Richard Newton theire Torchbearers Oliver Dringe

Twoe Trumpeters Thomas Baker theire Torchbearers Cathlyn Twoe Trumpeters Gunter t theire Torchbearers Wlm Rogers I

One hundred rydeinge 2 & 2 together To only gent. 2 of his owne men Torch bearers And a groome The Marshall and his forty men The first Chariott for Musicke Sr Henry Fanes Coachman is Chariottier

In this Chariott are

Mr Jenkins m' Col[e]man Mr Wilson Mr Robert Tompkins Mr Willm Tompkins Mr Kelley mr Lawrence

Mr Bedowes

Thomas Harsnett Richard Skelton flambe[a]ux bearers on the right hand of that Charyott Richard Davis

Ioseph Alvert James Parry flambe[a]ux bearers on the left hand of that Charyott Robert Parry The second Charyott for Musicke The Earle of Northumberlande Coachman Chariotteer In this Chariott are The Genius Amphiluche - The Lo : Chamblaynes boy Irene - Mr Iohn Lanier

Eunomia - m` Porters boy Diche - m` Mari

1 constellacon - m` Holmes 2 constellacon - m` Day 3 constellacon - m` Frost 4 constellacon - m` Henry Lawes 5 constellacon - m` dayes boy

William Sere William Graham flambe[a]ux bearers on the right hand of that Charyott Thomas Chapman

Richard Slaughter Iohn Hawkyns t flambe[a]ux bearers on the left hand of the Charyot Thomas Fisher f

Mr Iohn Lawes and Mr Kelloway rideinge togeather Iohn May t Torchbearers to them William Fisher f

m` Nightingale and Laughton rydeinge togeather Epiphaneus Byrd Torchbearers to them Iohn Dupper

A Charyott of Orange and silver w` h four Masq[ue]`s in yt John Crafts Chariotteer John Pattericke leade the 2 outmost horses of that Charott Richard Godinge

Richard Weekson Harsnott Norton flambe[a]ux bearers on the right hand of that Charyott Willm Williams John Deyster

Christopher Woodson Thomas Haryson flambe[a]ux bearers on the left hand of that Charyott Thomas Deane Iohn Bennen

m` Drewe and Mr Ham rideinge togeather Edward Zones & theire Torchbearers Thomas Hayward

Mr Webb and Mr Porter rydeinge togeather Rookwood ; their Torchbearers Thomas Wiggan S [f 5]

A Charyott of Blewe and silver w`h foure Masq[ue]`s m` Whitlocke[s] man Chariotteer David Jones leade the 2 outmost horses Henry Amiatt [?]

William Best Walter Ashe flambe[a]ux bearers on the right hand of the Charyott Thomas Dodd William Locke

Thomas Amiatt [?] Emanuel Zones flambe[a]ux bearers on y` left hand of the Charyott Richard Philipps Roger Twist

Mr Keith and m' Stefkyn rydeinge togeather Philpott Thomas Kistord Sj their Torchbearers

m' Gotier and Mr Jacob rydeinge togeather Iohn Walden Thomas Swanson their Torchbearers

A Charyott of Crimson and silver w'h four Masq[ue]'s m' Whitfoldes man Chariotteer Edward Schickson leade the 2 out horses Thomas East

Thomas Dixon William Holmes sen. flambe[a]ux bearers on the right hand of that Charyott Nicholas Tumour Andrew Muskett

Hersey Wayte Henry Carvagnion James Pas[?]ley & flambe[a]ux bearers on the left hand of the Charyott Richard Hartley I

m' duvall and m' Robert rideinge togeather Robert Slaughter their Torchbearers Iohn Guy [f 6]

Mr Ives and Mr Lawes rydeinge togeather Iohn Butterfeid theire Torchbearers Ed. Prust

A charyott of White and silver wt' four Masquers Mr Hernes man Chariotteer Thomas Hatche f leade the 2 outmost horses William Ward

Iohn Iolley Edward Baldocke flambe[a]ux bearers on the right hand of theat Charyott Thomas Vpston Thomas Barker

Lames Collett Arthur a Shep t e Thopmas Shepsterrs flambe[a]ux bearers on the left hand of that Charyott Iohn Vinte 8 The two Marshalls of London and a guard of Twoe [f 7] hundred halberdiers.

[Endorsement on f 8 :] for torch bearers & marshall[s] attendents for staves for habyts for torches 20 dozen. .15. for the masq[ue]`s/ for Charyotts & horses m` Whytforde m' Hearne for 4 Sr Jo. Finch Mr Whytlocke Mr Hackqwell : for 2 Mr Hearne for Antique horses m` Tirbyn [?] for the musicke horses m` Thorpe - 5 Mr Hearne - 6 Mr Whytlocke each 5 for the Anticke musicke for Styles drummer & trumpetter m` Whitf. Mr Styles for the Antique habyts mr Hearne That ye gentlemen ryde in y r cloakes if conve- nyently they can

NOTES

1 I am grateful to the Folger Library for the fellowship that enabled me to write this paper . 2 In his Jacobean and Caroline Stage, Bentley reproduces the HMC text (V, 1159-60) . Others have followed Bentley, as, for instance, Murray Lefkowitz in Trois Masques a la Cour de Charles r er D'Angleterre (Paris, 1970), 36-7. 3 I would like to use this opportunity to thank Dr Laetitia Yeandle whose patient helpfulness made possible the deciphering of almost illegible passages . 4 Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Fifth Report, Part i (London, 1876), 355 . 5 James Shirley, The Triumph of Peace (London, 1634), 1-5 . 6 For evidence and discussion see Lefkowitz, 45-60.

MARK C . PILKINTON

Entertainment and the free school of St Bartholomew, Bristol Between 1569 and 1596, extant accounts in the Mayor's Audits and other sources indicate that the schoolmasters and the students of the free school of St Bartholomew played 9 an important role in the history of drama in Bristol .' In twelve years of this 27-year period, fifteen references demonstrate that successive schoolmasters of the free school provided plays for the civic celebration of Christmas and orations for the annual festivities associated with both the Queen's accession day (17 November) and the Michaelmas swearing-in of the Mayor (29 September) . The surviving accounts reflect the professional jealousy on the part of the schoolmaster toward the City's commissioning of the stranger Thomas Churchyard to write speeches for the Queen's visit in 1574 and confirm that the free school was used as a performance space for entertainment not produced by either the schoolmaster or students . The records also provide valuable new information regarding the tenure of schoolmasters Turner, Dunne, White, and Woodson. The first reference to the free school of St Bartholomew occurs in 1569, when the City paid Schoolmaster Turner forty shillings `toward the payngting of his pageantes & charges of his playes at Christmas folowing at the commaundment of master mayor. . .' (Mayor's Audit BRO : 04026(8), p 24) . Additional payments of two pounds to the schoolmaster for the making of plays in 1576, 1578, and 1579 directly connect the free school to civic Christmas plays . Indirect references to Christmas plays also occur in 1574 and 1594. In January 1574 the Mayor and Aldermen paid Schoolmaster Dunne two pounds `towardes the charges of the playes' (Mayor's Audit BRO : 04026(9), p 300), and in January 1594 Schoolmaster Woodson received two pounds `in makinge of plaies' (Mayor's Audit BRO : 04026(13), p 23). These January entries in the 1574 and 1594 accounts, similar in both content and placement to the direct references to payments for Christmas plays in 1569, 1576, 1578, and 1596, make it safe to assume that in both years the schoolmaster of the free school produced Christmas plays for the city. In describing the free school's civic Christmas entertainment, the Chamberlain used the plural word `plays' in all six instances, which clearly indicates that the schoolmaster offered more than one play to the City to celebrate Christmas in Bristol . There is no indication precisely how many plays were, in fact, performed, and since Bristol had no guild-sponsored cycle drama, it is tempting to conjecture that the schoolmaster provided the city with an Advent mini-cycle, one which logically might extend from the Annunciation to the Flight into Egypt . The 1569 connection between pageants and plays makes a hypothetical Advent mini-cycle all the more plausible . The 1569 account contains the sole reference to pageants in the existing accounts of free school performance activity ; it is the only existing non-guild account of the use of pageants in the Bristol records before 1642 (the other accounts of pageants being limited to the Wiredrawers and Pinmakers, the Bakers, and the Soapmakers), and it is one of only three extant post-Marian accounts which indicate pageants in use . Schoolmaster Turner's painting of his pageants in conjunction with his plays makes it reasonable to assume that the free school pageants were structures which served as stages or backdrops for the Christmas plays `made' by the schoolmaster . One cannot know if the schoolmaster continued to use pageants in civic Christmas plays after 1569, but it is certainly possible that such use continued through 1569, the last extant account of the schoolmaster's involvement in civic dramatic activity .2 The records are silent regarding the performers who acted in Bristol's civic Christmas plays. Since both school drama and boy companies were current in England in the second half of the sixteenth century, it is probable but by no means certain that the students of the free school, under the tutelage of their schoolmaster, acted in the Bristol civic Christmas plays. But in the absence of any direct reference to scholars, boys, or children in connection with the plays (a relationship clearly made with the orations), it is possible that the schoolmaster cast adults, children, professionals or amateurs, or any combination of the four. The two-pound payments to the schoolmasters for their plays, a fee which remains constant between 1569 and 1596, is very competitive with the 20 to 40 shilling payments received by professional itinerant troupes visiting Bristol during the same

10 period. Thus the amount paid for these civic Christmas plays elevates them above purely amateur status, and the possibility of professionals performing in them becomes thoroughly reasonable. In addition to civic Christmas festivities, the Queen's holiday on 17 November, Elizabeth's accession date, and the Michaelmas swearing-in of the Mayor on 29 September were important days of celebration in Bristol . Records survive which directly confirm that the free school provided entertainment, usually in the form of orations, for the Queen's holiday (in 1582, 1589, 1590, 1591, 1593, 1594 and 1595). Scholars, boys, or children performed the orations . In three instances (1582, 1589, and 1594), orations were related directly to the free school, the students or scholars therein, and/or the schoolmaster. In 1582, one of Schoolmaster Woodson's scholars received two shillings for an oration on the Queen's holiday : Ìtem paide by master Mayors Commaundementt to one of masterwoodsonns Schollors who made an Orracion before him at his dore - ij s' (Mayor's Audit BRO : 04026(11), p 83). In 1589 an undetermined number of Schoolmaster Woodson's scholars received five shillings for orations on both the Queen's holiday and Michaelmas (the only reference surviving that directly relates free school activity to the annual Michaelmas swearing-in of the Mayor), and in 1594 the schoolmasters received an undetermined amount for orations on the Queen's holiday . In both 1590 and 1591, there are no references to the free school, scholars, or schoolmasters but children (1590) and six boys (1591) performed orations on the queen's holiday and were paid 2s 6d and 5 shillings respectively in those years . In 1593 and 1595 the records do not include the word òrations', but the context implies that orations probably were given. In 1593, Usher Williams of the Free School, the under- schoolmaster, got five shillings for the Queen's holiday, and three boys received 18d . In 1595, Schoolmaster Woodson's scholars received 5 shillings for the Queen's holiday . St Bartholomew's also provided performance spaces for entertainments . The Christmas performances in both 1576 and 1578 occurred in the free school . The other Christmas entries do not mention location, but they, too, probably occurred in the school proper. It is not known if ìn the school' also includes the outside courtyard, but because the 1590 tumbling performances, which almost certainly occurred in the courtyard, are placed àt' rather than ìn' the school . I interpret ìn the school' to mean indoors within rooms of the school . An August 1574 performance of unknown type, which is clearly related to Elizabeth's royal entry in the same month of the same year, took place at the school door on a purpose-built stage . The Mayor and Aldermen paid Schoolmaster Dunne 1£ 7s 6d `toward his charges of his stage at the schole dore.. .' (Mayor's Audit BRO : 04026(9), p 300) . The 1582 entry indicates, however, that the oration for the Queen's holiday that year took place before the Mayor's door, when one of Schoolmaster Woodson's scholars received 2s for his oration . In addition to the free school's providing some form of entertainment at the school door for the Queen's visit, it is also apparent that Schoolmaster Dunne greeted with envy the City's decision to hire Thomas Churchyard, a Londoner and `stranger' to Bristol, to script and to direct the elaborate royal entry . While the nature and extent of this envy are not known, it seems obvious that Dunne, who provided civic entertainment in the past, felt that the commission for the most important civic entertainment in Bristol in a century should have been this . Churchyard refers to this situation in the last paragraph of Churchyardes Chippes (sTC: 5232), when he indicates the entertainment he wrote was not performed in toto : 'Som of these Speeches could not be spoken / by means of a Scholemaister, who enuied that any stranger should set forth these shoes' (f 110v) . It is also clear from the surviving evidence that the free school could be used as a performance space for entertainment not produced by the schoolmaster and students . In 1590, the Queen's Players and an unnamed Turk tumbled before the Mayor and Aldermen at the free school : Ìtem paid by master Mayor and Thaldermans

11 appoyntementt vnto the Queens Players which tumbled before them at the ffree schole where was tumblinge shewen also by a Turcke vpon a Robe with runninge on the same - xxx s' (Mayor's Audit BRO : 04026(12), p 157). It is highly likely that the free school's ample courtyard/playground made a suitable place for displays of gymnastic skill . Excavations at the site indicate that such a courtyard/playground existed at this time.' Neither the 1590 nor 1591 accounts contain direct references to the schoolmaster, scholars, or the free school, but the 1590 account states that a bonfire was made before the Mayor's house, that a procession occurred, and that children received 2s 6d for orations made before the Mayor and Aldermen . In 1591, the City paid six boys 5s to make orations before the mayor on the Queen's holiday. With very similar records surviving on either side of these two years and containing direct references to the free school, it is likely that these children and boys are students at the free school and that the free school continued its involvement in civic entertainment . The records also provide valuable new information regarding the tenure of schoolmasters . Between 1569 and 1596, three schoolmasters and one usher (deputy schoolmaster) are listed . These dates combined with the ones previously published by Hill4 give a more complete chronology. My new additions to Hill's list are indicated in bold face :

Master Turner : 1565, 1566, 1569 Master Dunne : 1570, 1571, 1574, 1576, 1578 Master White: 1582, 1583 Master Woodson : 1582, 1584, 1589, 1594, 1595, 1596 Master Swift: 1600-22

This new information shows that Turner's tenure lasted three years longer than previously noted and that his departure was contiguous with Dunne's arrival . Dunne's tenure can be extended seven additional years, which greatly reduces the gap between his time as Schoolmaster and that of his successor, White, whose years as schoolmaster could not be 1582-3 but must be 1579-81 . Woodson's years as schoolmaster can be extended an additional thirteen years, thus filling in a sizable gap between his time as schoolmaster and that of Swift . Thus between 1569 and 1596, the extant accounts indicate that the schoolmasters, the students, and the free school of St Bartholomew itself played an important role in the history of entertainment in Bristol . Successive schoolmasters of the free school produced plays, possibly in the form of an Advent mini-cycle, for the civic celebration of Christmas. They provided orations for the annual festivities associated with both the Queen's accession day and the Michaelmas swearing-in of the Mayor . The surviving accounts provide a glimpse of the schoolmaster's professional jealousy of Thomas Churchyard and confirm that the free school may have used its courtyard as a performance space for imported professional entertainment . The records also greatly expand our knowledge of the tenure of schoolmasters Turner, Dunne, White, and Woodson, and make a chronology of their years at St Bartholomew's more accurate and complete .

NOTES

I Founded by 1243 as St Bartholomew's Hospital, the free school of St Bartholomew was established over Frome Gate in 1532 by Robert Thorne,a Bristol Merchant . The free school (later the Bristol Grammar School) moved between 1536-1540 to larger quarters at the bottom of Christmas Steps . See Roger Price, Excavations at

12 St Bartholomew's Hospital Bristol (Bristol, 1979), and C .P. Hill, The History of Bristol Grammar School (London, 1951). The records will appear in the Bristol volume of the Records of Early English Drama series and are quoted here with the permission of the Bristol Record Office and the Bristol Central Libary . 2 The pageant continues to appear in the Bakers' inventory until past 1642, but direct references to its being borne end after 1558. The Wiredrawers bore their pageant on Corpus Christi day for the last time in 1558, but they bore it two more times : in 1572 at Midsummer (24June) ; and in 1583 at Midsummer and St Peter's day (29June) . The Shoemakers' accounts contain one reference to a pageant in a 1610 inventory. 3 See Price, 16-21 . 4 The History of Bristol Grammar School (Appendix D, 243-4). 5 Also printed in John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, i (London, 1823), 396- 407, and William Tyson (ed), The Bristol Memorialist (Bristol, 1823), 147-160 .

ALEXANDRA F. JOHNSTON

Chaucer's records of early english drama

[Note: The New Chaucer Society met at the University of British Columbia in August, 1988. The central idea of the conference was to set Chaucer in his context in the late fourteenth century. Martin Stevens organized a session on drama for which this paper was prepared.] In the light of the radical changes that have taken place in our understanding of the late medieval dramatic tradition in England over the last twenty-five years, the notes in various editions of Chaucer's works to the line in the prologue to the Miller's Tale, `But in Pilates voys he gan to crie' (i (A) 3124) and to the detail that Absolon played 'Herodes upon a scaffold hye' (i (A) 3384) make fascinating reading . Robinson, as usual the soul of caution, says of the Miller that he had a'voice like that of the ranting Pilate in the mystery plays' and that Absolon `took the part of Herod in a mystery play' .' A. C. Cawley notes that the Miller's voice is a `reference to the ranting Pilate of the Corpus Christi Plays' and that Absolon played `the part of Herod in a miracle play on a stage high above the ground ." Baugh asserts that `In the medieval mystery plays, Pilate usually rants" and Fisher goes even further to say that `Pontius Pilate was a roaring part in the mystery plays' and refers to Herod also as a'roaring bully' .' James Winny in a school text edition of the Wife of Bath's Prologue and Tale is even more assertive about the nature of late fourteenth-century drama . In a note to the lines,

Therfore I made my visitaciouns To Vigiles and to processiouns, To prechyng eek, and to thise pilgrimages, To pleyes of miracles, and to manages, And wered upon my gaye scarlet gytes . (m (D) 555-9)

he writes, `Miracle plays, the popular drama of the age. Portraying events in a dramatic cycle from the Creation to the Last judgment, these plays were a mixture of piety and broad farce, enlivened with figures from folk-lore as well as from religious sources' . 5 Chaucer scholarship has long accepted the understanding that the drama flourished

13 in the fourteenth century and that we have the texts of the mystery plays to prove it - one of which, the Chester Cycle, dates from about 1325. Chaucer makes allusion to the plays because not only did he see them but his audience was equally familiar with them and had, like the Wife of Bath, spent long summer days watching them . Much has been made, particularly by Beryl Rowland, of the parody of the Noah plays and the Nativity plays that can be seen as an underlying thread in the structure of the Miller's Tale.' I have myself spent considerable time in my undergraduate Chaucer classes on the contrast between the aristocratic mimetic activity represented by the tournaments of the Knight's Tale and the allusions to the bourgeois drama in the Miller's Tale . However, recent work in early drama scholarship has shown that it is by no means clear from any other evidence that the tradition that Chaucer so allusively and brilliantly uses in this tale even existed in the fourteenth century . Far from being commonplace, these references in the Miller's Tale and the Wife of Bath's Tale are among the earliest extant references to Biblical drama in England and as such are important records of early English drama. The dramatic tradition in England, of course, stretches back to the Regularis Concordia in the tenth century, but that tradition is a liturgical one. There is also evidence of an Anglo-Norman drama in England with such plays as the Jeu d'Adam . Processions, disguisings, summer games, elaborate mimetic royal entries and some courtly entertainment are sparsely documented in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries except for the repeated ecclesiastical prohibitions copied over and over again in the statute books of English bishops by industrious scribes following their copy text. These prohibitions against the involvement of the clergy in `ludos inhonestos' find their English expression in Robert Mannyng of Brunne's lines,

hyt is forbode hym, yn be decre, Myracles for to make or se ; For, myracles 3Yf bou bygynne, Hyt ys a gaderyng, a syght of synne, he may yn cherche burgh bys resun, Pley be resurreccyun, - bat ys to seye, how God ros, God and man yn mY3t and los, - To make men be yn beleue gode bat he ros with flesshe and blode; And he may pleye, withoutyn plyght howe God was bore yn 3ole nyght, To make men to beleue stedfastly bat he lyght in be vyrgyne Mary .'

This passage clearly differentiates between the liturgical dramatic celebrations of Easter and Christmas and other plays here given their common medieval title of `miracle play' . We know, therefore, that there was some tradition other than the liturgical one but its nature is not clear . Nor did it become clear until well after 1400 . The major change that has come about in the study of early English drama in the second half of the twentieth century is the radical redating of the Chester cycle. F.M.Salter first debunked the tradition of the great antiquity of Chester apparently deliberately perpetrated by seventeenth-century civic antiquarians who dated the cycle 1325. Salter redated the plays to the last quarter of the fourteenth century . 8 Larry Clopper, however, in his work for the Chester volume in the Records of Early English Drama series has dated the text that has survived to us as after 1521. 9 This dating is concurred with by R.M. Lumiansky and David Mills in their work associated with the new EETS edition of the cycle .' O There is evidence that there was a Passion Play performed in a single location by the clergy in the fifteenth century" but no earlier record of drama in Chester survives . 14 Since Salters work in the 1950s there have been major reconsiderations of the Biblical drama tradition in England . This has come about through three separate but inter-related approaches to the subject - the collection of documentary evidence in the REED project, the increasing frequency of the performance of these plays and the re-editing of each of the four major collections of Biblical drama - those manuscripts we once confidently referred to as the four English cycles . This has led us to the conclusion that none of the texts predates the third quarter of the fifteenth century and that only two - York and Chester - were ever meant to be performed as sequences . The other two manuscripts, Towneley and N-Town, are increasingly being considered anthologies deliberately organized in the order from Creation to judgment but drawn from episodes of varying provenance and performing traditions . When these new insights are set beside the 'non-Cycle' texts edited by Norman Davis, 12 the situation has radically changed from the facile assumptions of the early part of this century . The fact of the matter is that we have only one manuscript of a play in English that can be dated by the handwriting or the language before 1400 - that is the morality the Pride of Life probably of Irish origin - and two early fourteenth-century fragments from East Anglia, the Cambridge Prologue in French and English (that could be an introduction to almost any form of public entertainment) and the Bury St Edmunds fragment of a few stanzas also in French and English of what appears to be a Christmas play . Chaucerians may not find it disturbing to have practically no manuscript evidence before the first quarter of the fifteenth century . After all, all the Chaucer manuscripts are of a provenance later than the poet's lifetime . But we know when Chaucer lived . We have the life records, sparse though they may be, and we can anchor his poetry firmly in space and time. For those of us who work in early drama, however, with no named playwrights and very few fixed locations, it is very easy to begin to assume that the tradition itself did not exist before 1400 . There is, after all, very little firm evidence for large scale productions before that time. The scepticism about the existence of the drama in the fourteenth century was heightened in the 1970s by the challenge presented by Alan Nelson to the traditional understanding of the performance of the York cycle in procession, twelve times at fixed stations through the streets of York ." That challenge has, I believe, been met by the publication in the first REED collection of all the surviving evidence concerning the York play which clearly demonstrates that the play was indeed done in the traditional manner." Nevertheless, Nelson's challenge, which posited a procession of pageants followed by a play played once in a fixed location, has had a lingering effect . No one familiar with the history of the controversy will ever assume again that a procession of pageants automatically means plays in the formal sense . We have learned that there are as many possibilities - from mere display, through mimed action to actual dramatic episodes -that could be represented by records of pageants connected with a summer festival as there are locations that produced them . Nor will anyone assume that the pageants necessarily represent what has come to be called, somewhat mistakenly I now believe, a Corpus Christi play . There is only one play that follows an episodic pattern from Creation to Doomsday that we know was performed regularly on Corpus Christi and that is the York cycle. The play at Coventry was played on Corpus Christi but it began with the Nativity ; the play at Newcastle, as far as we know, was never a complete sequence ; and the exact nature of the event at Beverley remains obscure . Many other kinds of plays were played at Corpus Christi but we should not think of the Biblical plays as a genre called a Corpus Christi Play . Nor was the normal mode of performance in England a pageant wagon . Absolon's performance on a scaffold high is, in fact, emerging as the more usual method of production from the fifteenth-century records . But to return to the fourteenth century evidence - there is very little hard evidence of the performance of Biblical drama or saints' plays during Chaucer's lifetime . A new reference has come to light through the research done for the REED Cumberland collection

15 that gives evidence of a miracle play being performed in the market place in Carlisle in 1345. 15 The Corpus Christi Guild of Cambridge performed a play called'ludo filiorum Israel' once only in 1353. 16 In 1360, the parishioners of West Wittenham in Berkshire near Oxford performed, possibly, at Exeter College s' - but that was probably a folk play. In 1377, at Bicester Priory also near Oxford there was a performance of a'magnus ludus' on a Sunday in July. 18 An interlude is recorded at King's Lynn on Corpus Christi, 1384, and in that same year a play on St Thomas the Martyr was also performed in 20 Lynn. 19 In 1389there is evidence of a play on Corpus Christi in Bury St Edmunds, and in 1398 a play was performed for the abbot of Selby .21 In all, we have eight references in sixty years from all over the country to single plays that could be biblical plays. Other evidence for the plays that came to dominate the history of drama in the fifteenth century does not begin until the 1370s. A reference to a Christmas play in the Hospital of St Leonard in York in 137022 is apparently unrelated to the first evidence of the cycle 23 play which comes in 1376with a small item concerning the storage of a pageant wagon . In that same year one William Thorp, a clerk in York, leaves his play books and the cupboard they are stored in to one Richard Yedingham, if he will have them .24 In 1377, the first reference from Beverley is contained in an ordinance of the Tailors' guild to their play on Corpus Christi .25 The first guild evidence for the Corpus Christi pageants at York is from 138626 and the next year a settlement of a dispute between the Carpenters and the Skinners over the storage of wagons is recorded in the civic memorandum book.27 In 1389, the York Pater Noster Guild provides evidence to an official of Richard ii about their Pater Noster Play 28 and in that sameyear we learn that some pageants are 9 being stored in the archbishop's palace in York . It is not until 1394 that there is any indication of what the pageants are being used for . In that year fines are established to be imposed on those pageants of Corpus Christi that do not play 'in locis antiquitus assignatis'.30 Five years later, in 1399, the places are specified in the civic memorandum book31 and remain the same until the suppression of the cycle in 1568. I have been the principal of an undergraduate college long enough to know that an innovation that is only two years old can become instant tradition in the eyes of the students . For this reason, I am hesitant to place too much emphasis on the antiqity of the assignments referred to in 1394. Nevertheless, something of some size was taking place in York in the last decade of the fourteenth century although the first comprehensive evidence for the nature of that event does not occur until the famous Ordo Paginarum in 1415.32 Indeed, there are those who argue that the Ordo is only a list of pageants and could represent a series of dumb shows that eventually evolved into the play that we have by mid-century . An ordinance by the Governors of Beverley was sent to 39 named crafts in 1390 'to be ready to perform every Corpus Christi day' again according to an 'antiquam consuetudinem' . No details of the play at Beverley appear until 1431 and the editor of the Beverley records for REED, Diana Wyatt, is not at all sure that the 1390 reference represents anything more than a procession . 33 The first reference to a play in Coventry is 1392 34 and consists again of a small reference to a pageant wagon and the first reference to a continuing non-liturgical drama in Lincoln comes from 1397.35 This, then, is what might be called the 'hard' evidence for the kind of drama performed by the Miller and Absolon and attended by the Wife of Bath and Jankyn from Chaucer's lifetime. But what of the evidence for the famous plays at Clerkenwell? Only one reference to those plays is what I have considered 'hard evidence' . That is a reference in a proclamation by the mayor and aldermen of London in 1385 prohibiting 'the performance of the play that customarily took place at Skynnereswelle or any other such play . .. until news of the king's venture against Scotland' .36 There is a reference to the plays at Skinners Well in Higden's Polichronicon for 138437 and two are in Stow's Survey : one for 1390 that indicates that the event lasted over three days and included a 'play of the Passion of our Lord and the Creation of the World 3' and one in the next

16 year that lasted for four days of episodes from the Old and New Testament ." Such chronicle references published almost two hundred years after the events recorded - years when the tradition had indeed flowered into large scale episodic plays all over Europe - do not seem to me to carry the same weight as references whose intention was to record a payment for something that really happened or to record the settlement of a dispute in which the play reference is incidental . These chronicle references are particularly odd because there is no similar drama recorded in London after 1411 .40 There are other allusions, however, to playmaking during Chaucer's lifetime that do argue for the existence of a tradition of Biblical drama . In a sermon ascribed to Bromyard, the preacher inveighs against those who prefer new shows ('nouis spectaculis'), `as in the plays which they call the "Miracles"' produced by `foolish clerics', to pious exercises." In a political poem of about the same time, `Squires dress proudly ; "Hii ben degised as turmentours that comen from clerkes plei"' .42 Wycliffe himself claimed that `To "pleie a pagyn of be deuyl" is to sing songs of lechery, battles and lies, to shout like a madman, to despise God and to swear blasphemously in Christmas celebrations' ." InPierce the Ploughmans Crede, `a Minorite friar claims that members of his order never mix at "marketts & myracles"'.44These allusions would mean nothing if a tradition did not exist. But the single most important evidence for the tradition comes from the Wycliffite `Treatise of Miracle Pleying' that dates from about the turn of the fifteenth century." It is clear, first of all, that the treatise is not concerned with a dramatic genre called Miracle Plays. Rather, the concern of the writer is literally the feigning of the miracles of Christ in `bourde and pleye .' Clifford Davidson, the most recent editor of the treatise, has extrapolated from the criticism presented in it six arguments that were apparently used in support of the Biblical plays :

I Plays are presented for the service and worship of God . 2 Through these scenes, men see the consequences of sin and are converted . 3 Men and women are brought to pious tears by the sight of Christ's Passion in dramatic representation ; such a reaction is not in the spirit of mockery . 4 Some men can only be converted by means of entertainment - i. e. 'by gamen and pley'. 5 Recreation is necessary for all men, and this kind of recreation is better than any other . 6 It is permitted to paint the wondrous deeds of Christ and his saints ; therefore, why should these not be presented in plays which are more vivid than mere painting? 46

Biblical plays, then, were defended against such ideological attacks as were all the other aids to spiritual instruction . In the course of the rather rambling prose of the Treatise, some specific references to the content and context of the `feigning' of miracles are made . In his refutation of the idea that men can be converted by the plays, the author writes scornfully of those who would say 'Pley we a pley of Anticrist and of the Day of Dome that sum may be convertid therbyi47 and he is equally scornful of the money spent at the plays claiming that many people `to han wherof to spenden on thes miracles and to holde felowschipe of glotonye and lecherie in siche dayes of miraclis pleyinge, they bisien hem beforn to more gredily bygilen ther neghbors in byinge and in sellinge' .48 The Treatise, though more concerned with the nuances of Lollard positions on damnation and salvation, does, nevertheless, speak to a tradition in which the New Testament plays play an important part . It provides evidence of regular playmaking of a kind that will come to prominence in the next century . But where does this leave Chaucer and his lively characters in a small town near Oxford? Are we to assume that Absolon took part in the 'magnus ludus' at the priory in Bicester in 1377 or that the village is really that of West Wittenham and Absolon part of the troupe that went up to Exeter College? I think not, for this would confuse fiction with reality in an unacceptable way . Oxford was not, as Professor Rowland 17 asserted, a'centre for mystery plays' 49 at this period or any other drama, for that matter, until the late sixteenth century. But since Chaucer has given us the tale, we must assume that there was as much drama there as anywhere else . It suited him to place his tale in a world that could easily combine the youth and learning of Nicholas and the age and artisanship of the gentle but dim carpenter John . And it is here, in the characters that make up this special and brilliant tale, that we must acknowledge the existence of a familiar tradition against which Chaucer is setting his story. Despite the fact that there is little other evidence from this period, plays such as those that can be documented fifty years later must have been regularly played in Chaucer's time. If they were not, why would a poet as subtle as Chaucer depend upon casual allusions to the stage characters of Pilate and Herod for the characterization of two of his most memorable creations? And without the plays, the Miller's Tale would lose much of its depth and allusiveness . The 'hende Nicholas' is a wonderful parodic Gabriel as he sings `Angelus ad virginem' and Alison a blasphemous inversion of the Virgin. John the carpenter in his role as 'senex amans' is both Joseph and Noah as he prepares for the flood . To characterize Absolon as the raging but impotent Herod adds a wonderful dimension to his character . All this we can assert as true but only if we acknowledge that by making this assertion we are identifying the Miller's Tale as an important record of early English drama. There is no hard evidence for the texts and stage conventions that he seems to be using for another quarter of a century at least . What Chaucer gives us in this tale and the custom of the Wife of Bath and Jankyn to go to see the'pleyes of miracles' is assurance that the tradition that came to be the dominant literary form in the next century and survived in all its complexity beyond the birth of Shakespeare was fully developed by the end of the fourteenth century . But if the tradition did exist, why is there no `hard evidence' for it? The answer lies in the history not of drama or poetry but civic history and record keeping. It is in 1396, the year that Richard ii created the city of York as a county in its own right, setting it apart from Yorkshire, that the extensive evidence for the York cycle begins . This is the year when the accounts of the newly created chamberlains begin that contain detailed financial information about all manner of entertainment.50The civic memorandum book in York that provides the information from the guild and civic ordinances came into existence in 1377 enrolling some information from previous years including the first reference to the Corpus Christi Play from 1376. 51 The pattern is similar all over the kingdom . The change of status of a community often heralds a new system of record keeping and the new documents record activities that have probably existed unrecorded for many years before. For example, when the town of Abingdon is finally released from the domination of the great Benedictine Abbey in 1548, a new set of civic accounts 52 suddenly provides rich information about the visits of travelling players to the area . The two major periods of change in record keeping are the last decade of the fourteenth century when the first evidence of the Biblical drama becomes commonplace and the second is the period of the Edwardian reformation in the mid-sixteenth century . Chaucer's records of early English drama remind us that it was not the tradition that did not exist but the records of that tradition . Scholars of early drama should remember this familiar witness when they seek to assess the meaning of the laconic entries in account books and guild ordinances . Chaucer scholars, on the other hand, must realize how unusual these references are and acknowledge that we have no detailed knowledge of the texts of this drama for perhaps another century .

18 NOTES

1 F.N. Robinson (ed), The Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, 2nd edition (Boston, 1957), 683 and 685. 2 A.C. Cawley (ed), Canterbury Tales (London, 1975), 83 and 91 . 3 A. C. Baugh (ed), Chaucer's Major Poetry (New York, 1963), 290. 4 John H. Fisher (ed), The Complete Poetry and Prose of Geoffrey Chaucer (New York, 1977), 57 and 61 . 5 James Winny (ed), The Wife of Bath's Prologue and Tale (Cambridge, 1965), 95 . 6 Beryl B. Rowland' `The Play of the Miller's Tale : A Game within a Game,' The Chaucer Review, 5(1970), 140-6 and `Chaucer's Blasphemous Churl : A New Interpretation of the Miller's Tale' in Rowland (ed), Chaucer and Medieval Studies, (Kent State UP, 1974), 43-55 . 7 F.J. Furnivall (ed), Robert of Brunne's `Handlyng Synne', EETS OS 119 (London, 1901), 155. 8 F.M. Salter, Medieval Drama in Chester (Toronto, 1955) . 9 Lawrence M. Clopper, `The History and Development of the Chester Cycle,' MP, 75 (1978), 219-46. 10 R.M. Lumiansky and David Mills, The Chester Mystery Cycle: Essays and Documents (Chapel Hill, 1983) . 11 Lawrence M . Clopper (ed), Records of Early English Drama: Chester (Toronto, 1979), liii-iv. 12 Norman Davis (ed), Non-Cycle Plays and Fragments, EETS ss 1 (London, 1970). 13 Alan H . Nelson, The Medieval Religious Stage: Corpus Christi Pageants and Plays (London, 1974), 38-81 . 14 Alexandra F. Johnston and Margaret Rogerson (eds), Records of Early English Drama: York, 2 vols (Toronto, 1979) . 15 Audrey Douglas and Peter Greenfield (eds), Records of Early English Drama: Cumberland, Westmorland and Gloucestershire (Toronto, 1986), 63-4. 16 Alan H . Nelson(ed), Records of Early English Drama : Cambridge, (Toronto, 1988), 5 . 17 Ian Lancashire, Dramatic Texts and Records of Britain : A Chronological Topography to 1558 (Toronto, 1984), #1243 . 18 Lancashire, #381 . 19 David Galloway and John Wasson (eds), Collections xi(Malone Society : London, 1980- 1),38. 20 Lancashire, #423 . 21 Lancashire, #1376 . 22 REED: York, 2. 23 REED: York, 3. 24 Ibid. 25 Diana Wyatt, `The Dramatic Records of Beverley,' Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of York, 1983, xxxvi . 26 REED: York, 4. 27 REED: York, 5. 28 REED: York, 6-7. 29 Alexandra F . Johnston, `York pageant house : new evidence,' Records of Early English Drama Newsletter, 1982:2, 24-5 . 30 REED: York, 8. 31 REED: York, 10-12. 32 REED: York, 16-26. 33 Wyatt, xxvi. 34 R.W. Ingram (ed), Records of Early English Drama : Coventry, (Toronto, 1981), 3 . 35 Stanley J . Kahrl (ed), Collections viii, (Malone Society : London, 1974 for 1969), 27 . 19 36 Lancashire, #545 . 37 Lancashire, #544. 38 Lancashire, #546.38. 39 Lancashire, #548. 40 During a discussion of this paper at the conference, Caroline Barron of Royal Holloway and Bedford College, London, suggested that I was being over skeptical about the chronicle evidence . She also suggested that there may be reasons to explain the lack of evidence after 1411 . We will both be pursuing these points. 41 Lancashire, #216. 42 Lancashire, #217. 43 Lancashire, #229. 44 Lancashire, #234. 45 Clifford Davidson (ed), A Middle English Treatise on the Playing of Miracles (Washington, 1981). 46 Davidson, 1-2. 47 Davidson, 43. 48 Davidson, 51 . 49 Rowland, 'Chaucer's Blasphemous Churl,' 49. 50 REED: York, x and xxiii . 51 REED: York, xxix. 52 Alexandra F. Johnston, `Records of Early English Drama : Berkshire', in progress .

RUBY WALLRICH

Index, REEDN, volume 9, #1(1984) - volume 13, #2(1988)

ALEXANDER, ROBERT . `Corrections of Bath dramatic records 1568-1620 in printed lists.' Vol 10, #1(1985), 2-7. `Some dramatic records from Percy household accounts on microfilm .' Vol 12, #2(1987), 10-17 . ASTINGTON, JOHN H . `The King and Queenes Entertainement at Richmond .' Vol 12, #1(1987), 12-18 . BLASTING, RALPH . `Recent publications - Notes from Germany.' Vol 12, #1(1987), 19- 21 . BREIGHT, CURTIS C. 'Entertainments of Elizabeth at Theobalds in the early 1590s .' Vol 12, #2(1987), 1-9. COLTHORPE, MARION . 'An Entertainment for Queen Elizabeth I at Wimbledon in 1599.' Vol 10, #1(1985), 1- 2 . 'A Pedlar's Tale to Queen Elizabeth I .' Vol 10, #2(1985), 1-5 . `A "proroged" Elizabethan tournament .' Vol 11, #2(1986), 3-6 . `The Theobalds entertainment for Queen Elizabeth in 1591, with a transcript of the Gardener's Speech .' Vol 12, #1(1987), 2-9 . COOKE, WILLIAM G . `The Tournament of Tottenham : an alliterative poem and an Exeter performance.' Vol 11, #2(1986), 1-3 . `Lexicographic gleanings from the Cambridge records .' Vol 13, #1 (1988), 2-8. DEWELLES, THEODORE R . `Bibliographic resources and research at Records of Early English Drama.' Vol 9, #1(1984), 16-20 .

20 DUTKA, JOANNA. `The Fall of Man : the Norwich Grocers' play .' Vol 9, #1(1984), 1-11 . FLETCHER, ALAN . `The civic drama of Old Kilkenny .' Vol 13, #1(1988), 12-30. GEORGE, DAVID . `The Walmesley of Dunkenhalgh accounts .' Vol 10, #2(1985), 6-15 . GEORGE, J . ANNE . `"Decent" doggerel.' Vol 12, #2(1987), 23-5 . HEANEY, MICHAEL . `Must every fiddler play a fiddle?' Vol 11, #1(1986), 10-11 . JOHNSTON, ALEXANDRA F . `The churchwarden accounts of Great Marlow, Buckinghamshire.' Vol 12, #1(1987), 9-12 . 'Chaucer's records of early English drama .' Vol 13, #2(1988), 13-20 . LANCASHIRE, IAN . Ànnotated bibliography of printed records of early British drama and minstrelsy for 1982- 83 .' Vol 9, #2(1984), 1-56 . LIMON, JERZY . `Neglected evidence for James Shirley's The Triumph of Peace (1634) .' Vol 13, #2(1988), 2-9 . MCCARTY, WILLARD . Èvidence of things promised : a progress report on the REED computer editing and typesetting system .' Vol 9, #1(1984), 13-15 . MILLS, DAVID. `James Miller : The will of a Chester scribe .' Vol 9, #1(1984), 11-13 . '"Bishop Brian" and the dramatic entertainments of Cheshire .' Vol 11, #1(1986), 1-7 . PARRY, CAROLINE BALDERSTON . `"The Maypole is up, now give me the cup. . .".' Vol 11, #1(1986), 7-9 . PILKINTON, MARK C . `Pageants in Bristol.' Vol 13, #1(1988), 8-11 . Èntertainment and the free school of St Bartholomew, Bristol .' Vol 13, #2(1988), 9-13 . SOMERSET, J .A .B . Àn easy way to keep track of headings .' Vol 10, #1(1985), 7-8 . WHITE, EILEEN . 'Hewet, the wait of York.' Vol 12, #2(1987), 17-23 . YOUNG, ABIGAIL ANN . `Play and Players: the Latin term for performance'. (Part i). Vol 9, #2(1984), 56-62. `Plays and Players : the Latin term for performance' (Part ii) . Vol 10, #1(1985), 9-16 .

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