Jnanadeepa Pune Journal of Religious Studies ISSN 2249-1503 www.punejournal.in DOI: 10.5281/zenodo. 4260256

Stable URL: http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo. 4260256 Tribes, Conversion and Sangh Virginius Xaxa

Abstract: The religious conversion issue has been the subject of major news headlines and controversies from time to time. Interestingly on every occasion that such controversies have erupted in India, the population at the centre of the debate has been the communities that have been generally called ‘tribes’. It was the issue of conversion of tribes in Madhya Pradesh that sparked off the first major controversy in Independent India in the early fifties. The issue of conversion there led to the setting up of an inquiry commission, known more popularly as the Niyogi Commission. The issue of conversion made major news headlines again in 1978, first with ‘The Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Indigenous Faith Bill’ and later with the ‘Freedom of Religion Bill’ that was introduced in the parliament by O.P. Tyagi. The bill aimed at regulating conversion at an all India level. Earlier the ‘Freedom of Religion Bills’ was passed in Orissa and Madhya Pradesh in 1967 and 1968 respectively. In Madhya Pradesh even before Independence, some princely states had already initiated enactments to ban conversion. These included the Raigarh State Conversion Act, 1936; the Surguja State Hindu Apostasy Act, 1945 and the Udaipur State Conversion Act, 1946.1 What is interesting is that all these bills were introduce 'or passed primarily with a view to banning conversion of the tribes to Christianity. Even in the 1998-99 controversy on conversion, tribes have been on the centre stage of the debate. Keywords: Niyogi Commission, Religious dialogue, Religious conversion, Tribals Cited as: Xaxa, Virginius. (2000). Tribes, Conversion and Sangh (Version 1.0). Jnanadeepa: Pune Journal of Religious Studies, January 2000 (3/1), 23-36. http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo. 4260256 2000-01-01

Updated on Nov 10, 2020 JPJRS 3/1 (2000) 23-35

Tribes, Conversion and the Sangh Parivar Virginius Xaxa Dept, of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, Delhi

The religious conversion issue has been with a view to banning conversion of the subject of major news headlines and the tribes to Christianity. Even in the controversies from time to time. Inter­ 1998-99 controversy on conversion, estingly on every occasion that such tribes have been on the centre stage of controversies have erupted in India, the the debate. population at the centre of the debate has been the communities that have been Concept of Tribe generally called ‘tribes’. It was the is­ In order to place the issue of con­ sue of conversion of tribes in Madhya version among the tribes in proper per­ Pradesh that sparked off the first major spective, it is necessary to locate their controversy in Independent India in the social setting. The use of the term ‘tribe’ early fifties. The issue of conversion to describe a certain category of people there led to the setting up of an inquiry in India began during colonial rule. It commission, known more popularly as was, however, not clear in what sense the Niyogi Commission. The issue of in which the term was used, at least in conversion made major news headlines the initial stage. There were instances again in 1978, first with ‘The Arunachal of ‘tribe’ and ‘caste’ being used either Pradesh Freedom of Indigenous Faith Bill’ and later with the ‘Freedom of interchangeably or even in cognate man­ Religion Bill’ that was introduced in the ner. Despite the synonymous and cog­ parliament by O.P. Tyagi. The bill aimed nate use of the term, the British did view at regulating conversion at an all India the segment of the population that later level. Earlier the ‘Freedom of Religion came to be more generally described as Bills’ was passed in Orissa and Madhya ‘tribe’ as different from the dominant Pradesh in 1967 and 1968 respectively. sections of the Indian society. That this In Madhya Pradesh even before Inde­ was so could be inferred from the na­ pendence, some princely states had al­ ture of administration they aimed at ready initiated enactments to ban con­ evolving for the tribal areas. Laws in version. These included the Raigarh force in respect of the general popula­ State Conversion Act, 1936; the Surguja tion were not usually applicable in case State Hindu Apostasy Act, 1945 and the of such groups and communities. More Udaipur State Conversion Act, 1946.1 often than not special laws, that is, laws What is interesting is that all these bills in consonance with the tradiiiorr'al were introduced'or passed primarily ‘tribal’ system of administration were

23 framed for their regulation and gover­ shown to be Hindus in beliefs and reli­ nance. gious practices, they were also viewed, as constituting a social organization that Hence, when the attempt was ini­ was markedly different irom those of tiated to provide detailed and classified tribes. They were considered to be part information about people in India fol­ of the caste social organization as lowing the introduction of the census, against those of tribes. The dimension the difference referred to above became of caste thus assumes central place in handy for the British administrators. The the religious tradition of Hinduism. groups/ communities seen as different from the dominant communities were While drawing up the list of tribes by and large categorized as tribes. Yet, with a view to giving them certain po­ when an attempt was made to concep­ litical and administrative concessions, tualize the basis of such categorization, the consistent application of the criteria the British were far from clear as to the towards defining tribes took a back seat. basis on which the two types of com­ The list of the scheduled tribes included munities could be differentiated. This in the Constitution had its genesis in is obvious, if one looks into the censuses. these administrative and political con­ In the 1891 census, for example, the term siderations. After Independence, greater used was not ‘tribe’ but ‘forest tribe’ and attention was paid towards identifica­ that too as a sub-heading within the tion of the criteria in terms of which broader category of ‘agricultural and tribes can be distinguished from the oth­ pastoral castes’. Since 1901, however, ers. These include one or more of such a somewhat clearer criterion began to characteristic features - as physical fea­ be used. Tribes were identified and de­ tures, distinctive language, simple tech­ scribed as those who practised animism, nology, distinct social and political or­ later the expression “tribal religion’ was ganization, geographical isolation or used in its place. The criterion so intro­ combination of one or more of them. duced was continued in the subsequent And yet, there has been no agreement censuses with the exception that there over the use of these characteristics. was qualification by other dimensions Ghurye, for example, has shown how as well. Through descriptions such as factors like religion, occupation and ra­ the ‘Hill’ and ‘Forest’ tribes or ‘primi­ cial features have proved inadequate tive’ and ‘backward’ tribes, the tribes when attempt was made to distinguish were being categorized as falling into the tribal people from the non-tribal different types. What w'as considered people.2 Thus, the question as to how common w'as that they all practised a the term tribe is to be used in the Indian form of religion that was different from context and what we mean by the tribal the one practised by the dominant sec­ people is not easy to answer. In general, tions of Indian society. That is, tribes geographical isolation in the sense of were identified as those who did not living in forests, hills or inaccessible adhere to religions such as the Hindu­ tracts, simple technology and modes of ism, Christianity, Islam etc. In the case living etc. in one or more of such com­ of Hinduism, however, if groups were binations have been taken as the crite­

24 Jnanculeepa 2000, Vol. 3, No. 1 ria for identifying tribes. And yet, there to place the issue in a wider perspective is a large number of groups and com­ of transformation of the tribal societies. munities, which are identified as tribes Though the distinction is main­ but do not conform to attributes such as tained between tribes and civilization, those referred to above. Many among the two are not treated as isolates but in them, in fact, share characteristics that interaction with each other. Hence, the approximate more to non-tribes than the dichotomy posed between tribes and tribes. Thus, tribes include within them non-tribes is viewed as a distortion. The a wide range of groups and communi­ changes occurring in the tribal society ties differing in language, technology, due to interaction with the wider soci­ geographical locations, ecological set­ ety has invariably been conceived in tings, level of development etc. In short, terms of tribes moving in the direction they stand at different stages of social of becoming a part of civilization by get­ formation. And yet, they have all been ting assimilated or absorbed into the so­ considered tribes mainly because, as ciety the civilization represents. Both Beteille puts it, they have been more or the historians and anthropologists have less outside civilization.3 They were made such observations not only in the outside civilization at the time when at­ context of the past but also the present. tempts began to be made on the conceptualization of tribes. It is indeed Kosambi has referred to tribal elements important to keep note of this aspect if being fused into the general society. one is to understand the issue of con­ Bose makes reference to tribes being ab­ version among the tribes. Conversions, sorbed into Hindu society4. Such a after all, draw tribes to the wider aspects claim has not gone unchallenged as a of civilization. large number of anthropological works of the post-Independence era still point Hinduism to phenomena such as tribes being ab­ sorbed or assimilated into the Hindu so­ Conversion may be viewed from ciety or tribes becoming castes. In this several angles. Hence, it may mean dif­ journey to absorption or assimilation, ferent things to different people. I am, tribes are said to stand at different lev­ however, using the term conversion in els or stages. Nowhere is this better re­ the sense in which it is used in every flected than in the classification that day parlance viz. change from one faith sociologists and social anthropologists and practices to another. Now in the have provided of the transformation of sense of change from one religion to tribes and tribal society. another, the transformation has been going on among tribes in India well be­ The change in the direction of ab­ fore the onset of the colonial rule. All sorption into Hindu society is said to the same, it is with the coming of colo­ occur through certain processes that are nial rule that the conversion of tribes is far from uniform and identical. That this generally talked about. In order to un­ is so is evident from the range of terms derstand the issue of the conversion of used to capture the processes at work in the tribal people righ'tly, it is necessary the social anthropological literature. The

Tribes, Conversion and the Sangh Parivar 25 most common terms used are etrated into the tribal areas, exploiting sanskritisation and Hinduisation. Of them on the one hand and on the other course the processes described by such compelling and coaxing them into ac­ terms overlap in actual empirical real­ cepting their own cultural traditions and ity and hence there is a tendency among values5. The question that arises is social scientists to use them interchange­ whether the Hindu civilization was tol­ ably or synonymously. Often, the dif­ erant up to the 19th century and became ference expressed by these terms is cov­ intolerant only later. Now on this issue ered under the use of such generic terms there are diverse views among the schol­ as acculturation, assimilation, absorp­ ars of Indian society. Studies of the his­ tion etc. It is in relation to the processes tory of Indian civilization show that the denoted by these terms that the change growth and expansion of Hindu society in tribal society has been mainly stud­ was a prolonged and complex process, ied. And because of these processes both forcible and peaceful, of absorp­ tribes have invariably been described or tion of the tribal people into the Hindu conceptualized in the literature as those society. In fact, history discloses vari­ absorbed into Hindu society. Accord­ ous methods of tribal absorption or as­ ingly, they are said to have accepted the similation that was adopted by differ­ ethos of caste structure and have been ent societies at different times or ep­ absorbed within it. They are treated as ochs.6 It was, however, not the aggres­ hardly differentiable from those of the sive but the peaceful process of absorp­ neighboring Hindu peasantry. tion that has generally been highlighted in the literature on tribes in India. The study of the transformation of The transformation of the tribes tribes into Hinduism/caste has led to a under this process has been conceived concern with other kind of related is­ to occur through certain methods that sues. These are issues like the kinds of have been diversely conceptualized forces that compel tribes to come under among the scholars. Kosambi consid­ the influence of the non-tribes and the ers the adoption of the technology of nature and types of interaction they en­ the Hindu society by tribes to be the ter with them. With regard to the man­ major method of getting integrated into ner in which such transformation has the Hindu society7. Bose talks of the taken place, there exists some contro­ Hindu method of tribal absorption. This, versy among scholars in India. The con­ according to him, takes place mainly un­ troversy has gained momentum after it der the system of the organization of has been claimed that the tribes are ag­ production based on caste. For Bose the gressively being absorbed into Hindu system is based on mutual reciprocity society. It is argued that there was fric- and hence its characteristic feature has tionless co-existence between tribes and been cooperation and not conflict. non-tribes until the 19lh century, but Hence, under the caste system of pro­ since then as a result of the spread of duction, productive activities of the vari­ railways and roads, land hungry peas­ ous castes were protected against com­ ants, traders and moneylenders pen­ petition from other castes. It is this that

26 Jnanadeepa 2000, Vol. 3, No. 1 the tribes found attractive in the system, far from easy and clear to mark when according to Bose, and were drawn to this transition could be said to have been the system, although it entailed low sta­ made. There was also no intermediary tus for them within the caste hierarchy.8 or outside agency involved in this pro­ The other significant method of tribal cess and hence transition was said to be absorption into Hindu society is what made without any aid from outside. The Sinha calls ‘state formation’. He states transition has been therefore broadly that the process of acculturation, described as natural. Given the fact that Hinduisation and social stratification the acculturation is slow, gradual and within the village could not be properly natural and that Hinduism, besides be­ understood unless they were examined ing a religion, also represents a particu­ in the broad context of the formation of lar social framework. In fact, it is diffi­ the principality. He further writes that cult to conceive of Hinduism outside the formation of the state provided the this framework. Hence, the accultura­ decisive socio-political framework of tion process at work among the tribes is the transformation of the tribal systems not considered to be confined to mere into the regional caste system9. Some life-style but to go beyond and form an have even considered sanskritisation as integral feature of the caste structure of the method through which tribes are in­ Hindu society. In view of such features tegrated into the Hindu society. To me, of acculturation processes, the term con­ this seems to be more of a process than version can hardly been used to depict method, which occurs only when tribes changes in the tribal societies. The terms are drawn into the larger society through that have been frequently used in the processes that are economic and politi­ context under reference have been ab­ cal. sorption or assimilation into the Hindu society. The transformation of tribes in Under these methods the transfor­ the context under reference has thus mation of tribes and their absorption into been in the direction of fusion with the the Hindu society was a long and pro­ larger society, which invariably entailed tracted process. The process of accul­ loss of the autonomy and identity of the turation to a new culture including reli­ tribal society. If at all there was an iden­ gion followed as a corollary of increas­ tity then it assumed the form of a caste ing economic and political contacts of identity within the wider framework of the tribes with the larger society. The the structure of the Hindu society. process was slow, gradual and sponta­ neous. The term used to describe this Christianity process is generally known as sanskritisation. It is a process whereby Next to Hinduism, it is to Chris­ a group lower down the hierarchy tries tianity that one can see the phenomenon to adopt the life-style of the group above of conversion of the tribes in any sub­ it. In the context of tribes, the term has stantive scale. The conversion of the been used to understand the process of tribes to Christianity is spread over the acculturation to the value and customs length and breadth of the country. Yet of the dominant society. Hence, it was the conversion of tribes to Christianity

Tribes, Conversion and the Sangh Parivar 27 is far from even. It varies both across ods adopted by it were and are invari­ regions and communities. Its presence ably one of force, coercion, intimida­ is more strongly felt among some com­ tion, allurement etc. While the use of munities and regions than others. Ex­ such means could not be ruled out both cept for Northeast India and to a lesser in the context of past and also present, extent the Chotanagpur plateau of cen­ what is important to bear in mind is that tral India, the presence of Christianity these were and are not the dominant among the tribes of India is by and large patterns of conversion of the tribes to not strong. Christianity in India. If these were to be The conversion of tribes to Chris­ the dominant patterns, Christianity tianity, unlike that of the non-tribal would not have been able to sustain it­ population, began during the colonial self among the tribes, as it has been able rule and continues on some scale even to do for so long. The Christian mis­ today. Hence, considerable concern and sions have also been attacked on the anxiety has been shown over the matter ground that they were/are engaged in in certain social and political circles. the mass conversion of the tribes. Mass This concern over conversion, in fact, conversion refers to conversion of a is the real concern but it is camouflaged group en bloc. In the context of tribe, it under the garb of the means employed, may mean either the whole tribe or a on which Christianity can easily be at­ village or segments of it. It is worth tacked. It is important to note that the noting that until recent years there was concern over the former holds no legiti­ little differentiation in a tribal village macy unless it is shown to be linked with other than those based on clans/ lineage. the latter. The Christian missionaries Yet conversion of a tribe or a village or have been accused of using methods that a clan/lineage as a whole was hardly a have invariably been considered to be reality. What was a reality was that sig­ bad and unjustified. These methods are nificant portions of a village or a group cited as those of inducement, coercion, of families made a decision to join the fraud etc. Now as was the case with new religion. This they did either by Hinduism, the conversion to Christian­ following a kin leader or a decision ar­ ity among the tribes too took place by rived at democratically by a group of certain methods. These were in striking families. The common thing in such contrast to the methods adopted under Hinduism that have already been dis­ conversion was the desire to keep and cussed above. The characteristics of the maintain the social bonds of a group or methods were however more or less families. Such conversions assumed the similar to those at work in the context form of mass conversions only over a of Hinduism. They were aggressive, period covering many years. It is very forceful and coercive on the one hand difficult to find a lineage/clan or village and peaceful, free and frictionless on the that has embraced the Christianity as a other. What, however, has been most im­ whole. One can therefore hardly talk pressed upon in the public mind in the of the mass conversion of the tribes context of Christianity is that the meth­ in India.

28 Jnanadeepa 2000, Vol. 3, No. 1 While the employment of means task viz. deliverance from the British considered unfair, unethical or illegal was resentment aired and articulated has not been altogether absent in his­ towards Christianity11. Birsa Munda tory and may ever be practised even to­ and his movement’s problem with the day, these do not constitute the domi­ Christian missionaries precisely lay in nant methods of conversion used by the this. The spread of Christianity among Christian missionaries. The more com­ the tribes of the Northeast India too may mon methods used by them have been be to a great extent explained in refer­ what may be called developmental and ence to the articulation of the similar social service oriented works. These issues inherent in the structure of their comprised mainly, to begin with, edu­ respective societies. That this may have cation, health and medicine, legal aid, been the case is inferred from the fact credit etc. In more recent years they that it was the commoners that found have moved to other fields as well. Christianity the most attractive in this These range from agricultural develop­ region too. At least this was the case in ment and harnessing of water resources Mizoram and even the Khasi Hills. In to increasing articulation of the issues both these regions, the Chiefs were op­ of the tribal people’s aspiration such as posed to conversion and were against autonomy as well as those that have it. It was the commoners who embraced been drastically affecting their life such Christianity12. However once Christian­ as displacement and rehabilitation. The ity had made its foothold, there arose extension of legal aid, in the face of dis­ other factors that drew tribes increas­ tressing land alienation, was in fact one ingly to Christianity in the later phases. of the main methods through which con­ In short, the methods under which con­ version was sustained in Chotanapur version to Christianity took/takes place during the colonial period. These meth­ among the tribes in India may be better ods acted as a powerful means of deliv­ summed up in Bose’s observation viz. erance or emancipation of tribes from the Christian missionaries were perhaps the oppression and exploitation of the the first people from whom the forest rajas, zamindars and moneylenders. tribes of Chotanagpur could claim their These methods also emancipated them rightful status as human beings13. from the clutches of ignorance, illit­ eracy, superstition, and diseases and It may be further noted that any opened up the way for reaping and en­ conversion invariably entails some in­ joying the benefits of development and terests. They may be material or ideal. modernization. In fact, it was this But even when there is pursuance of emancipatory role of Christianity, espe­ such interests, it may not be without loss cially from the exploitation and oppres­ of some other interests. These again may sion of outsiders, that was the moving be either material or ideal. Conversion force behind the spread of Christianity was often followed by great loss of in Chotanagpur10. Only when Christian­ many rights that the convert had earlier ity/ the Christian missionaries were per­ enjoyed in the community. The converts ceived as not going far enough in this were often denied food, shelter, inherit­

Tribes, Conversion and the Sangh Parivar 29 ance, succession as well as participation ally related with only those aspects of in rites and rituals of the family and the the social life that were considered reli­ community. They were at times excom­ gious in nature or had religious over­ municated from the community. There tones. Hence, while there was change was thus both gain and loss in conver­ in respect to one or more of the social sion to another religion. It invariably aspects, there were other aspects, both entailed weighing of the pros and cons structural and cultural, that were com­ before decisions were made. The fact mon among the converts and the non­ that conversion also entails some loss converts. The converts, for example, is too often ignored. Even in the con­ continued with their languages, food text of Hinduism, Bose refers to tribes habits, rules, customs, traditions etc. that being drawn to Hinduism in exchange were an integral part of the social orga­ for protection and social security. Con­ nization of tribal society. The surrender version hence requires to be treated of the old was thus never total. A tribal, more as an exchange than pursuance of even when he was/is converted to Chris­ a simple one-sided self or group inter­ tianity and was/ is expected to live a est14 . particular way of life, he was/is expected to do so without surrendering his mem­ While these constitute the meth­ bership of the wider community, ods under which conversion generally whether it is described as tribe or other­ takes place, conversion to Christianity wise. The transformation thus did not is invariably, unlike in Hinduism, ef­ lead to a total break from their erstwhile fected by a priest or a missionary. This and traditional community. Neither did is in marked contrast to the phenomenon it lead to an absorption or assimilation of conversion to Hinduism. In the case into an alien society. This is however of the Hinduism, the transition is more not the case with Hinduism. of a process than the event. It is slow, gradual and staggered over many years. Religion involves both faith and It almost takes the form of a natural pro­ practices and binds all those who ad­ cess. As against this, in conversion to here to it into one moral community. Christianity, although some process is Conversion, as observed earlier, invari­ invariably involved, it is marked more ably led to the formation of new social by an event and hence transition from groups. This had/has certain implica­ one to other can invariably be located tions for groups and communities within and identified. The other interesting and outside, and, therefore, also for re­ thing about the conversion of tribes to lationships among them. Conversion Christianity is that the transformation entailed observance of not only new of the tribals has never been all-encom­ rules and practices but also abandon­ passing. Rather than entailing transfor­ ment of some of the old ones of the com­ mation in all dimensions of social life, munity. Even though converts retained as has been the case with Hinduism, the much of the attributes in common with transformation is expected only in a se­ those of non-converts and maintained lected or limited aspect of the total so­ some continuity with their traditional cial life. The change or shift was gener­ social structure, the changes that were 30 Jnanadeepa 2000, Vol. 3, No. 1 enforced following conversion brought With the erosion of the common plat­ about a rupture in the relation between form, the cleavage and antagonism that converts and non-converts. This no was hitherto dormant have now come doubt partly stemmed from the religious in the surface, and the differences are teachings of the new religion but much now not only ideologically being articu­ of it was rooted in the style of life that lated but also politically exploited. the converts imposed upon themselves. In this they were greatly aided by the Conversion and the Sangh Parivar missionaries. To begin with, the con­ At the level of politics and ideol­ verts abandoned many customs and ogy the differences have given rise to a practices. At the same time they ob­ new orientation to the conception of served many others. And while they did tribes in India. The conception hitherto observe these others, they did so in to­ dormant and latent came to the surface tal isolation from the rest of the com­ during the recent attack on the Chris­ munity. The missionaries discouraged tians in India. In the course of media and even prohibited the converts from coverage on attacks on the Christians, socializing and mixing with the non­ it was time and again forcefully and ag­ converts. Through such exclusive liv­ gressively articulated by the activists of ing the converts completely isolated the Sangh Parivar that the tribals cease themselves from the rest and formed an to be tribals once they become Chris­ exclusive group. They developed a feel­ tians. It was also articulated that they ing of superiority vis-a-vis the non-con­ must register themselves as Christians verts and even looked down upon the and not as tribes when they apply for non-converts. Due to the edge that the jobs and other benefits from the gov­ converts enjoyed over the non-converts, ernment. The implication is that when in respect of education, occupation and they become Christians they cease to be modern values and exposure, this sense tribes, and are, therefore, ineligible to of superiority further widened the gap apply for state benefits as tribes. Now between the converts and the non-con­ such a conception of tribes not only goes verts. The result is that there is a big against the general anthropological divide between the converts and the knowledge of tribes, however diverse non-converts today. Indeed there is they may be, but also against the basic hardly any social space left between the conception and spirit underlying the In­ two to enable them to come together to revive or evolve common ties. In fact, dian Constitution. the only platform that the two shared Individuals have been identified as together was confined to the domains tribes because they belong to groups or of politics, but even here there has come communities which have been enumer­ about a rupture now. Both the groups ated as scheduled tribes in the Indian had in past rallied strongly behind the constitution. These groups or commu­ Congress. All the same, even here dif­ nities in turn are scheduled as tribes not ferences were already visible, but it had because they practise a particular religion not crystallized into distinct identity. but because they constitute a particular

Tribes, Conversion and the Sangh Parivar 31 community distinct from the dominant classified as animists and hence be­ regional community. They generally longed to a religious tradition other than speak their own languages and have a those of major religions of India. The distinct social organization and way of advocates of Hindutva, however, con­ life that is quite different from that of veniently overlook the fact that tribes the regional community. They may also have distinct religions of their own. happen to practise their own religions. They have in fact begun to categorize Tribes are thus differentiated from the them as the Hindus. non-tribes not only on the basis of reli­ The tendency of Sangh Parivar to gion but also other elements that we conceive and identify tribes as Hindus have referred to above. Even when they is based on the observation made many have been drawn into the larger social years ago on the subject by G.S.Ghurye, structure and have become considerably a noted sociologist and the Niyogi Com­ differentiated among themselves in mittee Report that endorsed the obser­ terms of income, occupation, religion, vation made by Ghurye. Since then it world-view etc, they do not cease to be has become a constant refrain among the members of the community they belong right wing Hindu social and political to. An individual enjoys the status of a activists. This is done on the ground of tribe by virtue of being a member of a somewhat similar religious observances particular community and not because and practices between groups identified of the status of being an animist or as tribes and the backward sections or Hindu or Christian. The denial of the castes of the Hindu society. Ghurye in constitutional provision to certain mem­ his book, ‘The Aborigines“So-called” bers of the community just because they and Their Future’ made arguments in have come to practise another religion justification of describing the tribes as goes against the very spirit of the In­ Hindus; the expression he used was the dian Constitution. ‘backward Hindus.’ The book, since By bringing religion to the fore­ then, has come into print under several front of the conception of what consti­ editions with a new title called ‘The tutes tribes, the Sangh Parivar shows Scheduled Tribes’. He made this argu­ marked continuity with the colonial tra­ ment on the ground that there was much dition. And yet there is a departure in similarity between the Hindu religion certain respect from that tradition. In the and the animistic tribal religions that the colonial literature tribes were no doubt two could not possibly be distinguished conceived in terms of religion but they from one another. He made this point were also seen in conjunction with other based not on fieldwork data collection dimensions. What is new as far as the but on observations and comments of advocates of Hindutva are concerned is the Census Commissioners between the that they have begun to conceive tribes .period 1891-1931 where they had ex­ solely in terms of religion. Yet even here pressed their dissatisfaction over the fact the advocates of the Hindutva are dif­ that tribes were described as animists15. ferent from the colonial tradition. Un­ It is of course an open truth that Ghurye der the colonial tradition tribes were made his observation on very inadequate

32 Jnanadeepa 2000, Vol. 3, No. 1 data and very selective use of the com­ even rejection. And so would be the case ments and observations of the Census with the conceptual apparatus such as Commissioners. Hinduisation, acculturation, assimila­ tion, absorption that have been devel­ The categorization of the tribes as oped and used to understand the dynam­ Hindus leads to difficulties both concep­ ics of Indian society. Hinduism is intri­ tual and empirical. To begin with, cately linked with the structure of caste whether tribes are to be treated as Hin­ and it is not so much against religion as dus is a debatable question. There are against caste, that the social organiza­ both similarities and differences in the tion of tribes has generally been pos­ religious practices of the Hindus and ited in social science literature. This tribes. The protagonists of Hindutva makes it impossible for a tribal to be a have, however, conveniently over­ Hindu and member of a tribe at the same looked the differences. Even on simi­ time. He can be a Hindu only at the risk larities, it is not tenable to treat tribes as of losing the tribal status. The two can­ Hindus. The similarities have been not go together. He can, of course, ac­ drawn based on two sources. One is the quire a new status but that is of caste influence of Hinduism on tribes and the rather than of tribe. At the same time other is similarity due to the fact that while tribes continue to undergo both are to a greater or lesser extent changes of many kinds, these are no natural religions. There is no doubt that longer in the direction of caste. The there has been much give and take be­ changes in the direction of caste and tween the two religions. However, the therefore to Hinduism had a set-back, influence of Hinduism on tribes, though if not a halt, during the colonial period necessary, is not an adequate ground for despite the fact that it opened up the describing tribes as Hindus. The other floodgate for contact with people from reference made is the dimension of natu­ ral religion. As a natural religion, tribal outside. This was so mainly because religion shares many attributes in com­ Hinduism was no longer able to give the mon with the religious practices of tribes protection to the tribes that Bose has in the Americas or Africa as also with referred to above. Rather it led to domi­ Hinduism in India. Yet it is doubtful if nation and subjugation of tribes on the the religious practices of tribes in the one hand and their oppression and ex­ Americas or Africa can be described as ploitation on the other. Instead of con­ Hinduism and those tribes as Hindus. tinuing to become cooperative as was To categorize tribes as Hindus in the considered to be the case, Hinduism event smacks of cultural and religious became competitive and exploitative. In imperialism. Just because there are some addition to this there were other factors similarities, tribes cannot be denied their that arrested this development. Of these distinct identity and autonomy. Sec­ the administrative and political conces­ ondly, if tribes are to be treated as Hin­ sions extended by the colonial state and dus then the whole historical process the spread of modern education intro­ depicted by the historians to understand duced by the Christian missionaries, of­ Indian civilization is open to contest and ten with the help of the colonial state,

Tribes, Conversion and the Sangh Parivar 33 were the most decisive. While this was sus enumeration. Through measures the case with Hinduism, the phenom­ such as these, the tribes have been co­ enon was quite the other way round with erced and socialized to declare them­ Christianity. The Christian missionaries selves as Hindus. This has been done addressed themselves to a great extent by removing primarily the separate enu­ to the problems created by the move­ meration of the category of animists and ment of the Hindu population. It was minor religions, as was the practice in hardly surprising that the tribes were in­ the census before Independence16. Pres­ creasingly getting attracted to Christian­ sures and manipulations in this direc­ ity. By posing the issues of exploitation, tion that began during colonial period oppression and domination that had be­ have been maintained in the period af­ come common in the relationship be­ ter Independence. By ensuring the re­ tween tribes and non-tribes and by ad­ turn of religion only in terms of the ma­ dressing such issues as health, disease, jor religions, tribes were coerced to re­ education and language etc., Christian­ turn themselves as Hindus if they were ity heightened the mark of identity of not practitioners of a religion such as the tribes as against those of the larger Christianity, Islam or any other major society, especially the Hindu popula­ religion. tion. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Christian missionaries have been ac­ As observed earlier, tribes were cused of depriving the aborigines of conceived as tribes primarily against their Hindu heritage or obstructing the civilizations, which in the context of In­ natural florescence of the tribes towards dia were marked by Hinduism or Islam. Hinduism. This being the case, it is rather absurd that one could talk of reconversion in Despite this claim of natural flo­ the context of tribes as the advocates of rescence for Hinduism among.the tribes, the social and political activists of Hindutva do. They can in fact talk of Hindutva have been building pressures, only conversion from tribal religion to working out strategies and manipula­ Christianity or from Christianity to Hin­ tions both at state and local levels to duism. If one were to talk of reconver­ ensure that tribes return themselves as sion then it would only mean conver­ Hindus and not as animists or the fol­ sion from Christianity/Hinduism to a lowers of the tribal religion in the cen­ tribal religion.

Notes 1. A. Wingate, The Church and Conversion, Delhi: ISPCK, 1997, p. 35. 2. G.S. Ghurye, The Scheduled Tribes, Bombay: Popular, 1963, pp. 1-22. 3. A. Beteille, The Concept of Tribe with Special Reference to India’, The European Journal of Sociology, 27 (1986), pp. 297-317. 4. N.K. Bose, ‘ The Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption,’ Science and Culture’, 7 (1941), pp. 188-194. 5. C, Vo iv Furer-Haimendorf, Tribes of India. The Struggle for Survival, Delhi: Oxford, 1982, pp. 33-38.

34 Jnanadeepa 2000, Vol. 3, No. 1 6. A. R. Desai, ‘Tribes in Transition’, Seminar, 14 (1960), p. 24. 7. Kosambi, The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in Historical Outline, Delhi : Vikas, 1975. 8. Bose, pp. 188-194. 9. S.C. Sinha,1 State Formation and Rajput Myth in Tribal Central India,’ Man in India, 24 (1), (1962), pp. 35-80. 10. Bose, The Structure of Hindu Society, Delhi: Orient, 1975, p. 54; K.N. Sahay, ‘The Theoretical Model for the Study of Christianization Process among the Tribes of Chotanagpur’ in B. Chaudhuri (ed.), Tribal Transformation in India, vol. 5. Delhi: Inter-India, 1992, p. 75. 11. Bose, The Structure of Hindu Society, p.56. 12. S. K. Chaube, Hill Politics in North-East India, Calcutta: Orient, 1973, pp. 52-53. 13. Bose, p. 52. 14. B.P. Misra, The Spread of Christianity in North-East India. An Exchange of Theory of Conversion’ in S. Miri (ed.), Religion and Society of North-East India, Delhi: Vikas, 1980. Also Chaube, pp. 52-53. 15. Ghurye, pp. 1-22. 16. N. Sundar, The Indian Census, Identity and Inequality,’ in R. Guha & J. Parry (ed.), Institutions and Inequalities. Essays in Honour of Andre Beteille, Delhi: Oxford, 1999, pp. 100-127.

Tribes, Conversion and the Sangh Parivar 35 JPJRS 3/1 (2000) 37-50

Conversion: Psychological Perspectives Jose Parappully, SDB Director, Bosco Professional Service, Delhi

Conversion, as a religious phenomenon, relational theory of human development is a subject that has fascinated psycholo­ formulated by Heinz Kohut (1913- gists for nearly a century. In fact, con­ 1981)3 and further developed and re­ version was “the earliest major focus of fined by his colleagues and students.4 the psychology of religion.”1 However, this early understanding of religious Classical Understanding of Reli­ conversion is very different from the gious Conversion popular connotation the concept has in Even though Sigmund Freud the current controversy in India. The sought to dismiss religion as “an illu­ psychologists viewed conversion as a sion,”5 many well known psychologists transformational process with profound have explored the phenomenon of reli­ changes in self-concept and self-expe­ gious conversion. G. Stanley Hall de­ rience. In the current controversy in In­ livered a series of public lectures in 1881 dia conversion is understood more as a at Harvard University on the topic of change of religion; there may or may religious conversion. Much of the ma­ not be a personal transformation.2 terial he covered was incorporated into The psychological dimensions of his two-volume study of adolescence.6 religious conversion are complex and James H. Leuba, a student of Hall’s, can be understood from a variety of per­ published the first journal article on con­ spectives. The scope of this article is version in 1896.7 The following year limited to the following: it first presents Edwin Starbuck, another student of an overview of classical psychological Hall’s, wrote an article on conversion.8 understanding of religious conversion Starbuck wrote a book on the topic in and then attempts a psychological ex­ 1899.9 William James devoted two of ploration of the phenomenon of reli­ his Gifford Lectures to the specific topic of conversion.10 Conversion has contin­ gious conversion and the controversies ued to hold the interest of psycholo­ surrounding it in contemporary India. gists.11 It seeks to present an explanation of the motivational dynamics operating in the These psychologists regarded con­ convert, the missionary, and the antago­ version as a radical transformation of self. nists of religious conversion. This ex­ Conversion was seen as bringing about planation is based on the insights pro­ “a radical reorganization of identity, vided by Self Psychology, a dynamic meaning, and life”12, and a correspond­

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