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© 2009 Sarasij Majumder ALL RIGHTS RESERVED “PEASANTS” AGAINST THE NANO? NEOLIBERAL INDUSTRIALIZATION AND LAND QUESTION IN MARXIST-RULED WEST BENGAL, INDIA. by SARASIJ MAJUMDER A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School - New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Anthropology Written under the direction of Bonnie J. McCay And approved by _________________________ _________________________ _________________________ _________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2009 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION “PEASANTS” AGAINST THE NANO? NEOLIBERAL INDUSTRIALIZATION AND LAND QUESTION IN MARXIST RULED WEST BENGAL, INDIA. BY SARASIJ MAJUMDER DISSERTATION ADVISOR: Dr. BONNIE J. McCAY Why do regimes that have been traditionally and ideologically opposed to liberal policies adopt neoliberal policies of industrialization? Why do these regimes not abandon courting the big private investors to set up industries, in spite of popular protests in the villages against acquisition of land for these industries? This dissertation tries to answer the above questions with respect to recent developments in the Indian province of West Bengal, which has been ruled by a democratically elected Marxist government for the last thirty years. These questions have been addressed in the context of China and other Asian economies, which are ruled by authoritarian regimes. The significance of looking at the West Bengal case is that it has a democratically elected regime with a considerable populist credential, especially in terms of undertaking redistributive land reforms in the villages. Thus external pressures of a global ii and national economy and elitist urge to industrialize are important but inadequate explanations for a parliamentary Marxist regime’s adoption of neoliberal industrialization policies. Hence, this dissertation explores citizenship and moral claims on the state based on the self-understanding of the villagers formed within a social field structured as much by democracy, development and land reforms as by transnational influences and forces. I argue that the government’s drive for industrialization and the protests against land acquisition have to be understood within the context of this complex field of social relations and distinctions in the villages that crucially depend upon both land and non- farm employment. By looking at this social field, the dissertation complicates the images of protests and “peasants” which, viewed from afar, appear to be anti- neoliberal, anti-developmental, anti-industrial or anti-globalization. Therefore, this dissertation is also a critical reflection on the “distance” that pervades the urban activists’ and state’s perceptions and representation of the “rural” and the “peasant”. iii Acknowledgements: Writing and research are lonely exercises. Yet, a dissertation is a culmination of a long and arduous journey of growing up as a person who is indebted to his family members, friends, cohorts, and mentors for their encouragement, support and guidance. I would like to express my gratefulness and gratitude to my friend Mukta. This research would not have been possible if Mukta had not introduced me to the villagers and if he had not shared his insights about village life and politics with me. I would also like to thank Simanta and Sanat-da for their enthusiasm in helping me and standing by me during difficult moments. Long adda-s, debates and conversations with friends such as Sudeep Basu, Sandeep Mukhopadhyay, Manas Kundu, Indranil Dutta, Tulsi Dharmarajan, Soumitra Roy, Amit Prasad, Srirupa Prasad, Mona Bhan, Mushtaq Ahangar Madhvi Zutshi, Nellickal Jacob, Bradley Wilson, Benjamin Neimark and Sibaji Pratim Basu at various stages of my intellectual development have significantly contributed to writing this dissertation. My debates with Sandeep during our college days in Calcutta were the initial impetus behind my critical understanding of Marxism, Left politics and political reality in West Bengal and elsewhere. Chats over cups of tea and coffee with Sudeep in D’School coffee- house and Gweyer Hall canteen made me read social theory closely to match his intellectual level and interests. Mona has always been a very good friend and critic whose comments were extremely valuable for writing this dissertation and iv doing ethnographic research. I am deeply thankful to Bradley for suggesting the title of this dissertation. This dissertation would have not been possible without the active cooperation and encouragement from my colleagues, such as Chelsea Booth, Satsuki Takahashi, Noel Mole, Dillon Mahoney, Emily MacDonald, and Asaf Harel, Karthikeya Saboo, John Wing and Sharon Baskind. Chelsea, Emily, Sharon, Karthikeya and Asaf deserve special thanks for giving me helpful suggestions during my talk at the department. I would also like to thank Professor Daniel Goldstein for his interest in my work. Without the encouragement and intellectual engagement that I received from my advisor Dr. Bonnie McCay, and committee members Louisa Schein, Ethel Brooks and Laura Ahearn, I could not have developed a critical angle on issues that I explore in this dissertation. Bonnie has helped me overcome numerous logistical and intellectual challenges, and has been so supportive at every stage of this project. I would not have been able to achieve what I have without her guidance and patience. I would specially like to thank Louisa Schein for forcing me to read theoretical texts closely and for all the encouragement she has provided me over the years. Ethel’s initial comments on the early drafts of the main chapters in this dissertation helped me conceptualize the dissertation in its entirety. Laura’s comments on the dissertation chapters helped me think deeply about my arguments. v This dissertation is a product of an indomitable interest in society, history, people and politics, which my parents, Samita and Manasij Majumder, instilled in me at a very early age in my life. Debates and discussions on important political issues were a regular feature of dinner-table conversations that I had with my parents. My interest in Marxism and Left politics was aroused by my father’s best friend Vikraman Nair, whom I would call Nair Kaku. As a passionate journalist Nair Kaku would always encourage me to ask questions and challenge prejudices. I owe my passion for social sciences to Nair Kaku. With the zeal to know more about intricacies of society and politics came the realization that scholarship is a lonely exercise and sometimes very frustrating especially for a young scholar. Without Debarati’s love and relentless emotional and intellectual support and constant reminder of the practicalities of life, I could not have come to the stage of writing a dissertation let alone finishing it and starting a teaching career. Thank you Jhumi for your love and support and for having confidence in me. vi Table of Contents: Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………..ii Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………iv List of Maps………………………………………...……………………………………x List of Illustrations ………………………………………….………………………..xi List of Tables……..……………………………………………………………….....xii Chapter 1: Introduction Introduction……………………………………………………………………. 1 Broader Context………………………………....................................................3 First Paradox……………………………………….. ………………………….11 Second Paradox…………………………………………...................................12 Questions……………………………………………….....................................19 Improvement Discourse and Development…................................................22 Identities and the Improvement Discourse…….............................................28 Social Field…………………………………………………..……………….…34 A Short Note on Conceptualization of the State………..…………………..38 Time-Line of Events…………………………………………………………....40 Chapter Outline……………………………………………………………..….42 Chapter 2: Research Methods and Experiences A Brief History of My Research in West Bengal…………………………….47 Research Methods……………………………………………………………...51 vii Chapter 3: “Peasants” and the Present History of West Bengal Introduction…………………………………………………….…………..…..57 “The Peasant” and its Bengali Synonyms……... …………………….……..59 Left Politics, Development and the Agrarian Question in West Bengal………………………………. …………………………………………62 The Left Politicians and “the Peasant”…………………………………........67 Left Politics and Cultural Change in Rural West Bengal……………..…...90 Impact of Green Revolution………………………………………...……...…97 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….100 Chapter 4: Meanings of Land Introduction…………………………………………………………………..103 Green Revolution and Changing Agrarian Ecology of Singur……..……………………………………………………………………108 Social Field and the Complex Pattern of Land-Relations………………...113 Implicit Understanding between the State and the Small Landholders………………………………………...…………………………126 Limitations of Land-based Governmentality and Contradictions in the Subjectivities of the Villagers……………………………….........................138 Conclusion: What does Land Mean?..............................................................149 Chapter 5: Meanings of Protest Introduction.................................... ………………………………...……...…152 Front Stage and Back Stage of Protests……………………………….…… 159 viii The Urban Vs. The Rural…………………………………………………… 164 The Women’s and Children’s Participation……………………………….169 Presentation of Self in front of the Urban and NGO Activists………….. 175 Villagers who did not Protest………………………………………………..181 Dilemmas

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