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Demographics and Development in Xinjiang After 1949 Stanley Toops No. 1, May 2004 Demographics and Development in Xinjiang after 1949 Stanley Toops East-West Center WORKING PAPERS Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes for the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, corporations and a number of Asia- Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East-West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction in the Asia Pacific region and promoting American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. Contact Information: Editor, EWCW Working Papers East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. 20036 Tel: (202) 293-3995 Fax: (202) 293-1402 [email protected] Dr. Stanley Toops is an Associate Professor in the Department of Geography at the Miami University of Ohio East-West Center Washington Working Papers This publication is a product of the East-West Center Washington’s Project on Internal Conflicts. For details see pages 31-38. No. 1, May 2004 Demographics and Development in Xinjiang after 1949 Stanley Toops East-West Center Washington Working Papers are non-reviewed and unedited prepublications reporting on research in progress. These working papers are also available in PDF format on the East-West Center Washington’s website publications page. Additional paper copies can be obtained by contacting the the East-West Center Washington office. The price for EWCW Working Papers is $3.00 each plus postage. For surface mail, add $3.00 for the first title plus $0.75 for each additional title or copy sent in the same shipment. For airmail within the United States and its territories, add $4.00 for the first title plus $0.75 for each additional title or copy sent in the same shipment. For airmail elsewhere, add $7.00 for the first title plus $4.00 for each additional title or copy sent in the same shipment. Checks should be made payable to the East-West Center. East-West Center Washington Demographics and Development in Xinjiang after 1949 Two of the most obvious dimensions of the region’s real Gross Domestic Product change in Xinjiang since 1949 have been the (GDP) per capita has increased considerably. demographic and economic. Different agents In 1952 GDP per capita was 166 yuan. In 1978 have considered these changes sources of ei- at the beginning of the reform period GDP per ther stability or tension within the region. The capita (in 1952 yuan) was 292 yuan. By 1990 in composition and size of the population has real GDP per capita was 810 yuan and by changed dramatically. In the early 1800s the 2000 real GDP per capita reached 1699 yuan population under the Qing (Manchu) Dynasty (Wiemer, 2003). The material welfare of most was roughly 60% Turkic and 30% Han. In residents in Xinjiang has improved dramati- 1953, a People’s Republic of China census cally. registered 4.87 million of which 75% were Uy- Yet these changes point to a number of ghur and 6% Han. In 1964 the census docu- questions: First, how does development relate mented 7.44 million of which 54% were Uy- to demography in Xinjiang? Can we establish ghur and 33% Han. After the beginning of the a causal relationship between increases in economic reforms, Xinjiang registered 13.08 population and wealth over time? The bulk of million of which 46% were Uyghur and 40% the population growth has stemmed from Han Han. In terms of the 2000 census, Xinjiang’s immigration. Have Han immigrants been the 18.46 million people are 45.21% Uyghur and principal engine of economic growth? Or has 40.57% Han. The current population situation growth, by contrast, brought about immigra- is similar to that of the Qing when many Han tion? Second, how has the economic growth lived in the area (Toops 2003; XPCO 2002). been distributed? It appears that some regions Economic development has been similarly have amassed new wealth more quickly than startling. As the population has quadrupled, others, and that Hans have garnered the ma- Stanley Toops jority of economic gains, particularly in the the locality and its people. Knowledge of place Reform Era. Is this appearance supported by is a key tool for development. Local inhabi- statistics? What have been the sources of re- tants have that knowledge; thus the geogra- gional and demographic disparities? Finally, pher should study local knowledge to under- what are the prospects for future growth of stand better the place and its experiences. both types? Are there limits on the carrying Research on issues in the developing capacity of the land, such that further popula- world need to focus on the dialectic between tion growth may be ecologically unsustain- exogenous forces, (the world at large) and en- able? dogenous forces (the locality). A geographical These questions are important because approach to this research requires a knowl- among the complaints of Uyghurs in Xinjiang, edge of place, of the locality and its landscape. the influx of Hans, the poverty of Uyghur This requirement is a base of the present farmers, and the outsized economic gains of study. The type of knowledge involved here is Hans have been among the most important one of thick description—an interpretation, and consistent. While the Party leadership rather than a thin description—a recording hopes economic growth will assuage separa- (Geertz 1973). Neglect of place knowledge tist inclinations in the population, that growth may be especially common in research con- may have no such effect if it continues to be cerned with traditional development concep- lopsided. Party leaders in both Beijing and tualization. Urumqi have consistently advocated (and en- What is this place called Xinjiang? The gineered) Han immigration to increase the Han and Tang Dynasties knew this place as stability of the region. Yet further immigra- xiyu western region. Only after the Qing con- tion may only exacerbate competition for quered this land in the mid-1700s was the scarce land and resources, and therefore in- place known as Xinjiang. In Chinese xin flame Uyghur passions further. means new, while jiang means territory, fron- I discuss Xinjiang’s place in China’s tier or dominion. The character for jiang has in geography and consider development theory it the glyphs for the bow, the earth and fields. as applied to Xinjiang. I then use statistics So in Chinese this name means that it is a new from the Xinjinag Statistical Bureau and the land to be protected. To Central Asians like 2000 census to examine the regional demo- the Uyghur or Kazak, there were many other graphic and development landscapes of Xin- names for this place (or places) – Kashgaria, jiang. Finally I consider the relation of internal Karakocho, Karakhanid. This land was of the conflicts in the region with Xinjiang’s devel- desert (Takla Makan), or of the mountain opment and demography. (Tengri Tagh). Another designation was that of Turkistan. Or, as this place was east of the Relevance of research Tengri Tagh, it became an Eastern Turkistan. The geographical value of this study exists in Knowledge of this place rests on both Turkic several dimensions. An emphasis is on the and Sinic roots of meaning. ethnic characteristics of the locality undergo- Another geographical focus of the study is ing development. The ethnic characteristics of on the region. China’s development programs locality are a part of place. Place, a central are addressed to the needs of its various re- topic of geographic inquiry, provides the ma- gions. Developmental change occurs in Xin- trix for this study. Places and their experiences jiang based on the dynamism of the region. need to be the stage upon which the geogra- Xinjiang is composed as well of different lo- pher’s understanding of development is calities that vary in character and responses to based. A focus in this study is thus on the government policies. Vital to geographical people of the place (the localities of Xinjiang), inquiry is a contemplation of regional change. and for development as interpreted through How and why do regions change? By deliber- 2 Demographics and Development in Xinjiang ating upon development and ethnicity, this ganization or population-resource questions. study centers on a process-oriented regional Both of these conceptual frameworks need to geography that integrates the various locali- include as well the cultural dimension. The ties. cultural settings and milieus shape the flow of Gilbert (1988) characterizes regional stud- development. This study’s geographical ies as deriving from production, cultural analysis contributes to an understanding of identification, and societal interaction. Pro- the role of ethnicity in development by show- duction in industry and agriculture as well as ing the impact of local ethnic characteristics on the tertiary sector inscribes an activity region the development process in Xinjiang. of Xinjiang and smaller sets of regions within Xinjiang. Regions of cultural identification in Development theory Xinjiang are constituted through relations Historical change within human between and within ethnic groups. The region communities has occurred as the people of a is the medium for social interaction; the rela- territory involve themselves in and interact tionships that link together institutions and with the world at large.
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